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1
Barnovi, Andro. "Russian stance in the Caucasus and the national security strategy of Georgia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FBarnovi.pdf.
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Gan, Kah Chun Bernard Organisation & Management Australian School of Business UNSW. "The Singapore National Employers Federation (SNEF) and Singapores Industrial Relations." Awarded By:University of New South Wales. Organisation & Management, 2010. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/44717.
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This thesis examines the formation, development, role and behaviour of the Singapore National Employers' Federation (SNEF). Its focus is primarily the field of labour management. It addresses key issues in the role of the SNEF from its formation in 1980 to 2004, in the institutional context of Singapore's politics, economic development and industrial relations. This longitudinal study makes a substantial original contribution to understanding Singapore's leading national employers' association, and is a pioneering study of a national employers' association in East Asia. The thesis is a qualitative case-study, using fieldwork interviews, primary documents and the secondary literature as data sources. Through the critical event method, the work focuses analysis on key junctures for the SNEF's development and change during the period examined. In addition, the author employs the Sheldon and Thornthwaite (1999) model of employers' association strategy in framing the analysis of the thesis' central questions, and in examining SNEF's strategic decisions in response to changes in its external environment. By analysing how the SNEF's external roles and internal relations changed during each period, the research draws attention to the dynamic nature of this employers' association in the rapidly changing conditions marking Singapore's development. Given the central role of the People's Action Party (PAP) in Singaporean society, a central theme of this thesis is how the SNEF balances political pressures from Singapore's government-dominated corporatist system, with the needs of its diversified membership. The narrative core of the thesis identifies five distinct periods of Singaporean industrial relations - through the lens of the SNEF - reflecting larger economic developments through which the government guided the economy and society. The thesis finds that, while the SNEF is an independent and apolitical organisation, it is nevertheless deeply embedded in the Singaporean variant of corporatism. Accordingly, the SNEF's role and behaviour are inherently guided by the PAP's ideology of pragmatism and, in Singapore, sectoral interests deferred to and institutionally served national interests.
3
Torgersen, Dale G. "KTO I KUDA? Russia, language, and national identity." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FTorgersen.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Keyser, Boris. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Russian Language, Language Policy, Russification, Russia, Russian Federation, Soviet Union, Former Soviet Union, Identity, Nationalist, Nationalism, russkie, rossiianne, Baltic States, Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Pushkin, Lermontov, Tolstoy, Romanov Dynasty, Bolsheviks, Communist Party, Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Putin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 31-33). Also available in print.
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Papava, David Z. "Russis's national interests towards the caucasus : implications for Georgian sovereignty /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FPapava.pdf.
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Lamoreaux, Jeremy W. "Baltic-Russian security in practice and theory before and after enlargement /." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2009. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=58978.
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Beckett, Elizabeth Jean. "THE POLICY AND CONSTITUTIONAL IMPLICATIONS OF NATIONAL FEDERATION OF INDEPENDENT BUSINESS V. SEBELIUS." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/578.
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In June 2012, the Supreme Court of the United States decided the fate of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act in a case called National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius. While initially the decision seemed favorable to supporters of the bill, Chief Justice Roberts’ majority opinion could likely render the bill ineffective in implementation and it creates more Constitutionally confusing precedent than it resolves. Among the questions that now rise to the surface are: will Congress be able to raise the tax to a level where it will become effective? What is now mandatory for states to adopt into their Medicaid programs? Where is the line for the federal government with regards to coercion? What are the definitions of direct and indirect taxes? And, how binding is the Origination Clause of the Constitution?
7
Smyth, Lisa. "Abortion politics and national identity : the X-case, Irishness and the nation-state." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4027/.
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This thesis examines the shifts in political culture effected by the 'X case' (1992), when the State issued an injunction to prevent a fourteen year old pregnant and suicidal rape victim from travelling abroad for an abortion. In so doing, this thesis focuses on the connection between discourses of Irish nationhood, gender and sexuality in the fields of reproductive politics and women's citizenship. Abortion law and politics has had constitutional status in Ireland since 1983, when the right to life of 'the unborn' was officially recognised as ostensibly equal to that of women. This has situated debate on abortion access in an explicitly national framework, since political sovereignty is invested in 'the people'. Shifting articulations of nationhood and abortion are examined in three specific sites of political culture: the national press; political activist discourses; and official legislative debates. The terms of debate in the press and the Oireachtas (legislature) in particular are compared over time, from the 1983 campaign to recognize a foetal right to life, to 1992, when the legitimacy and meaning of constitutional abortion law was thrown into crisis by the X case. Two specific reversals in the terms of post-X case abortion politics are examined. Firstly the anti-abortion construction of the nation in familial terms produced popular pressure in 1992 to allow for a right to abortion in the interests of familial integrity. Secondly, the primary antagonism opposing Irish 'pro-life' traditionalism to English 'pro-abortion' modernism was reversed both by the anti-abortion lobby's key role in 'interning' X within the State, and by the popular perception that feminist advocacy of abortion access would reassert the integrity of the violated family. Significant continuities in the construction of abortion law and politics in national terms are also analyzed.
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Conkle, Christian Fauser Annegret. "Building our cultural defenses the noninterventionist rhetoric of the National Federation of Music Clubs /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2544.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 5, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Music." Discipline: Music; Department/School: Music.
9
Šleivytė, J. "Russia's European agenda and the Baltic states." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3611.
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Russia has always been a primary factor in the development of the Baltic States. It is
impossible to analyse Baltic security without looking into the processes inside Russia and the prevailing trends vis-a-vis the Baltic States. However, the changes in the Baltic security landscape in the 21st century lack a comprehensive analysis. This
thesis seeks to bridge the gap.
Two key aims are being pursued in this thesis. The first is to present an analysis of Russia's European agenda under President Vladimir Putin and to examine the place of
the Baltic States in this agenda. The second aim is to define Russia-related threats and
challengers to the Baltic States, as well as prospects in Russo-Baltic relations.
To attain these aims, inter-active approach to international relations, comprising three
levels of analysis - the international system, the nation state (domestic level) and the individual (personality) level - has been applied. The neo-realist paradigm of
international relations theory, comparative analysis and the Knudsen model, which
addresses the peculiarities of relations between great powers and small states, are the methodological framework of the thesis.
When analysing the development of Russo-Baltic relations in 1990-2006, this thesis
focuses on the evolution of the Baltic States from factors to actors and their chance of shaping Russo-Baltic relations from within the enlarged EU and NATO. It also
examines possibilities for more active engagement of Russia in the Baltic region.
The thesis concludes with an analysis of perspectives for the Baltic States in
countering Russia-related threats and building cooperativer elations with Russia. The author maintains that 'high politics' in Russo-Baltic relations has ended, yet, the
tensions do remain in 'low politics'. Russia seeks to retain her political and economic
influence in the Baltics by exploiting various tools, primarily economic levers and
Baltic dependence upon Russian energy.
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Esposito, Devin. "The lasting effects and analysis of the supreme court's decision in the national federation of independent business v. sebelius." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/843.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the Affordable Care Act through an analysis of the United States Supreme Court's holding in The National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius. In order to better understand the Supreme Court's reasoning in that case, this paper will first examine the history and the function of the Supreme Court, which will demonstrate the Court's power to either augment or diminish the power of the states in relation to the federal government. This paper will then discuss the background of the Affordable Care Act, the procedural history of the case, and the majority's analysis supporting its decision. The concurring and dissenting opinions of the other justices will be discussed to present the various viewpoints regarding the proper role of the federal government and the implications this case may have on federal/state conflict. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Department of Health and Human Services. The 5-4 decision was extremely close and the opinions given by each Justice highlighted the various flaws and benefits of the Act it was looking to uphold. Further research of Supreme Court cases in our country's history reveal the trend of augmenting and diminishing state's rights. This thesis will examine the constitutionality of the aforementioned decision, the effects it will have on each of the states within the United States, and the impact the citizens will experience.B.S.
Bachelors
Health and Public Affairs
Legal Studies
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Mycock, Andrew James. "Post-Imperial Citizenship and National Identity: A Comparative Study Of Citizenship and History Education in Britain and the Russian Federation." Thesis, University of Salford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.490045.
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This thesis is concerned with the evaluation of the ability of post-imperial states to construct revised over-arching and inclusive civic (multi)national identities that reject articularistic representations of identity founded in empire. The thesis focuses on the potential for revised citizenship and history education in Britain and the Russian Federation, provided within the period of compulsory state education, to aid the instruction of revised state civic identities and accommodates competing civic and ethnic identities. The purpose of the research is to establish to what extent citizenship education projects initiated within the respective case studies compliment history teaching programmes, "thus encouraging pluralistic understandings of group identification within post-imperial multiethnic and multinational states.
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Prina, F. "The role of international mechanisms in promoting the cultural rights of national minorities in a changing Russian Federation (2000-2011)." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2012. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1357425/.
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The thesis analyses how, if at all, accession to international standards makes a difference to national minorities in Russia in the advancement of their cultural rights, focusing on the period 2000-2011. It further analyses the factors that influence particular forms of implementation of international standards. The study uses data from semi-structured interviews, as well as from legislation, legal judgements and Council of Europe documents. It focuses on three minorities as case studies: the Karelians, Mordovians and Tatars. The research is divided into three parts: 1) Practice and Law, investigating how the specific characteristics of the Russian domestic legal environment and of the relevant international standards generate a particular type of dynamics between the two; 2) Homogenisation, examining whether international standards can suspend or reverse Russia’s culturally homogenising tendencies since the 2000s; 3) Exclusion, investigating to what extent, if at all, international standards may modify the dynamics of majority-minority relations by facilitating the introduction of a form of participation that is effective, in the area of decision- and policy-making on minorities’ cultural rights. The thesis concludes that the role of international standards in the area of minorities’ cultural rights is restricted in scope in Russia. Two sets of reasons are identified. First, specific features of Russian politics and society: (i) Russia’s selective implementation of international law; (ii) the alternation of localism and centralism; (iii) Russia’s homogenising centralisation and ‘managed diversity’; (iv) the absence of guarantees for the upholding of minorities’ participatory rights, resulting in fictitious forms of participation. The second set of reasons relate to the complexities and weaknesses of international standards on minority rights themselves.
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Egan, Anthony. "The National Catholic Federation of Students : a study of political ideas and activities within a Christian student movement, 1960-1987." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21836.
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Bibliography: pages 191-212.This is a study of the National Catholic Federation of Students (NCFS), an organisation that sought to bring together Catholic students on South African university campuses, examining specifically NCFS' political ideas and activities from 1960 to 1987. The underlying supposition of this thesis is that church history ought to be an integral part of the discipline of history, and that there is a need to write church history from "below" from the perspectives of the "people's church", the church that comprises the religious experience of the majority of its members rather than its hierarchy.
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Zadnik, Elizabeth, and n/a. "In disunity, weakness." University of Canberra. Management, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061112.112712.
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The National Farmers Federation (NFF) is a peak producer organisation. Its
executive has purported to represent all Australian farmers with a unified
voice. This thesis argues that primary producers are too heterogeneous a
group ever to have developed much solidarity in articulation of or action
for the furtherance of common interests and that this fact is reflected in the
NFF.
Heterogeneity results from farm size, product specialisation, level of
technology adopted, geographical location and special needs. Successive
farm organisations and the National Party (and predecessors) have
attempted to encompass these differences since the 1890s. Producer
differences either have led to secession or to unification when political and
economic circumstances have warranted it.
This diversity has prevented farm groups becoming united. The lack of
unity at first prevented all farmers joining in one organisation, and when
they did, they kept on splitting up. The charisma of Ian McLachlan allowed
farmers to get together, but the diversity meant that the getting together
benefited some not only without the others, but sometimes at the expense of
others.
This thesis explores the heterogeneity of the agricultural sector within the
political and economic context of Australian agriculture and discusses its
consequences, in the constant re-forming of farm organisations and the
institutional framework of the NFF in the context of politicisation of
agricultural interest groups.
This thesis concludes that producer differences in terms of size and product
specialisation determine how effectively they are represented. Corporate
farmers have fared much better than family and family-plus farmers, who
would probably be better represented by a small business organisation, with
which they have more in common, rather than a farming organisation.
15
Huntsberger, Michael William. "The emergence of community radio in the United States : a historical examination of the National Federation of Community Broadcasters, 1970 to 1990 /." view abstract or download file of text, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1404341461&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 331-346). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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St-Jean, Martin. "Assessing Nursing and Midwifery Students' Attitudes Toward Abortion and Contraception: Results of a National Survey In the Occupied Palestinian Territories." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32983.
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Understanding the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is important for a greater understanding of the current state of sexual and reproductive rights of Palestinian women. Constant military occupation has been a determining factor hindering the development of comprehensive and coherent health policies and programmes. As a result of the Oslo Accords and the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement in 1994, the Palestinian National Authority was granted limited authority over portions of the West Bank and Gaza. In 2007-2008 a multi-national, multi-disciplinary study team undertook a national study to assess the reproductive health content of nursing education and identify gaps in curricular coverage and implementation. One component of this project included exploring final year nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward a range of sexual and reproductive health issues. This thesis analyzes these data and explores the demographic factors, including gender, region, and residence, associated with nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward abortion and contraception-related laws and policies. Our findings suggest that there is a considerable need to incorporate values clarification exercises as well as structured sessions dedicated to laws and policies governing sexual and reproductive health into the formal curricula of programs in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Our results also shed further light on the dynamics shaping abortion and contraception attitudes among health professions students in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
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Lokmanis, Arnis. "From independence to alliance : NATO impact on Latvian Security environment in the Post Cold War era /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FLokmanis.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004.Thesis Advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-58). Also available online.
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Hulden, Vilja. "Employers, Unite! Organized Employer Reactions to the Labor Union Challenge in the Progressive Era." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/203492.
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"Employers, Unite!" argues that the anti-union campaign of Progressive-Era organized employers molded in crucial ways the shape of labor relations in the United States, and that to understand the development of ideas about work, business, and labor unions, we need to understand how these employers gained and wielded political and societal power.The study concentrates on the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), which spearheaded what it termed the "open-shop'' campaign. Focusing attention on the unions' demand for the closed or union shop, the NAM shifted the debate over labor relations from workplace conditions to the legitimacy of unions as representatives of workers, identifying not employers but union leaders as the source of injustices.At the heart of the study is an analysis of over 100 active members of the NAM, organized through a relational database constructed with the help of recently digitized materials like local histories and biographical compendia. Besides basic information like company size or demographics, the database maps information about NAM members' social and political contacts. Substantial archival materials further ground the study's analysis of the NAM's structure and influence.Research on the membership has allowed me to uncover information that focusing on the leadership would not have revealed. For example, I have found that a high percentage of active NAM members were party activists and officials, mostly in the Republican party; their positions in the party hierarchy gave them influence over political nominations and Congressional committee appointments. Active NAM members also regularly had personal contacts to politicians ranging from governors to Senators; these contacts further bolstered the Association's power, enabling it to torpedo much of labor's legislative project.The study also compares the NAM to other business organizations, especially the National Civic Federation (NCF). The NCF promoted cooperation with moderate unions, a position which the NAM frequently and vehemently criticized. Rhetorical differences, however, masked an underlying agreement among businessmen regarding the undesirability of unions. The rhetorical disjuncture between the organizations served to constrain debate on labor relations: the NAM's stridency made the NCF appear genuinely progressive and thereby undercut other, more far-reaching critiques of existing workplace relations.
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Li, Hak Yin. "China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.
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Orr, Kirsten School of Architecture UNSW. "A force for Federation: international exhibitions and the formation of Australian ethos (1851-1901)." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Architecture, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/23987.
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In 1879 the British Colony of New South Wales hosted the first international exhibition in the Southern Hemisphere. This was immediately followed by the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880 in the colony of Victoria and the success of these exhibitions inspired the Melbourne Centennial Exhibition, which was held in 1888 to celebrate the centenary of white settlement in Australia. My thesis is that these international exhibitions had a profound impact on the development of our cities, the evolution of an Australian ethos and the gaining of nationhood. The immense popularity and comprehensive nature of the exhibitions made them the only major events in late nineteenth-century Australia that brought the people together in an almost universally shared experience. The exhibitions conveyed official ideologies from the organising elites to ordinary people and encouraged the dissemination of new cultural sentiments, political aspirations, and moral and educational ideals. Many exhibition commissioners, official observers and ideologues were also predominantly involved in the Federation movement and the wider cultural sphere. The international exhibitions assisted the development of an Australian urban ethos, which to a large extent replaced the older pastoral / frontier image. Many of the more enduring ideas emanating from the exhibitions were physically expressed in the consequent development of our cities ??? particularly Sydney and Melbourne, both of which had achieved metropolitan status and global significance by the end of the nineteenth century. The new urban ethos, dramatically triggered by Sydney 1879, combined with and strengthened the national aspirations and sentiments of the Federation movement. Thus the exhibitions created an immediate connection between colonial pride in urban development and European and American ideals of nation building. They also created an increasing cultural sophistication and a growing involvement in social movements and political associations at the national level. The international exhibitions, more than any other single event, convinced the colonials that they were all Australians together and that their destiny was to be united as one nation. At that time, Australians began to think about national objectives. The exhibitions not only promulgated national sentiment and a new ethos, but also provided opportunities for independent colonial initiatives, inter-colonial cooperation and a more equal position in the imperial alliance. Thus they became a powerful impetus, hitherto unrecognised, for the complex of social, political and economic developments that made Federation possible.
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McGrath, Frank Roland. "The intentions of the framers of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution in the context of the debates at the Australasian Federation Conference of 1890, and the Australasian Federal Conventions of 1891 and 1897-8 The understanding of the framers of the Constitution as to the meaning and purpose of the provisions of the Constitution which they debated at these assemblies /." Connect to full text, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/850.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2001.Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 24, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of History, Faculty of Arts. Degree awarded 2001; thesis submitted 2000. Includes bibliography and of tables of cases. Also available in print form.
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McDermont, Morag. "Managing the tensions in 'voluntary' housing : a study of the role of the National Housing Federation in the governance of social housing in England since 1935." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418446.
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Halpin, Darren Richard. "Authenticity and the representative paradox : the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups /." View thesis View thesis, 1999. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030527.163228/index.html.
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Karakas, Ziya Mert. "Secular Challenge to Power : An intercultural-analytical insight into two prominent member organizations of the European Humanist Federation: La Ligue de L'enseignement and the National Secular Society." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-330927.
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O'Malley, Timothy Rory. "Mateship and Money-Making: Shearing in Twentieth Century Australia." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5351.
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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.
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Berkemeier, Caleb Anthony. "The Affirmation of Blindness: A Nietzschean Critique of Interpretations of Suffering from Disability." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1627135400515518.
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Madison, Sotera. "NatureScope workshop handbook for facilitators." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/788.
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Khrulova-Nygren, Camilla, and Louise Andersson. "Business in Russia : A study investigating to what extent culture impacts business for Swedish managers." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35537.
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This study is an empirical research that is set to examine to what extent culture affects the performance of Swedish managers when doing business with their Russian customers. The authors aim is to find out how important cultural awareness is when doing business between Sweden and Russia as well as what factors Swedish managers should consider before doing business with a Russian customer. The purpose of this study has been set in relation to empirical evidence based on a qualitative research approach with semi structured in-depth interviews as a method. Seven in-depth interviews has been conducted in order to fulfil the research questions and the purpose of this study, all interviewees has got at least three years of business related experience towards the Russian market. One of the main objectives of this study is to create a road map that will unveil hidden rules and provide a practical approach in order to avoid apprehensions and hesitations concerning the Russian culture, before arriving and while already in Russia. This study reveals that factors such as language, non-stereotyping, and a rigorous research about the Russian culture are needed for a Swedish businessman before doing business in Russia. When a Swedish businessman has arrived in Russia, considerations and efforts should be put on factors such as the importance of a formal dress code, practice status, as well as a strict leadership style.
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April, Thozama. "Theorising women: the intellectual contributions of Charlotte Maxeke to the struggle for liberation in South Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3847_1360849448.
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The study outlines five areas of intervention in the development of women&rsquo
s studies and politics on the continent. Firstly, it examines the problematic construction and the inclusion of women in the narratives of the liberation struggle in South Africa. Secondly, the study identifies the sphere of intellectual debates as one of the crucial sites in the production of historical knowledge about the legacies of liberation struggles on the continent. Thirdly, it traces the intellectual trajectory of Charlotte Maxeke as an embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. In this regard, the study traces Charlotte Maxeke as she deliberated and engaged on matters pertaining to the welfare of the Africans alongside the prominent intellectuals of the twentieth century. Fourthly, the study inaugurates a theoretical departure from the documentary trends that define contemporary studies on women and liberation movements on the continent. Fifthly, the study examines the incorporation of Maxeke&rsquo
s legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Women&rsquo
s Section of the African National Congress. In the areas identified, the study engages with the significance of the intellectual inputs of Charlotte Maxeke in South African history.
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Layoun, Jennifer. "Vers les accords de Taëf (1989) et la fin de la guerre civile au Liban : discours des dirigeants religieux-politiques libanais." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3151.
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L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat consiste à étudier les évolutions dans les discours des leaders politiques et religieux au Liban exprimés publiquement mais aussi en cercle restreint durant la quinzaine d’années du conflit qui débute en 1975 et ne termine qu’en 1989 avec les accords de Taëf. Le travail porte sur une présentation et une analyse des projets politiques proposés pour le Liban par plusieurs personnalités provenant de différents partis politiques dans le pays durant la période étudiée. L’originalité de l’approche est de regrouper deux partis politiques qui s’opposent fortement, mais qui adoptent une idéologie établie sur des fondements communs. A partir de supports écrits, radiophoniques et télévisuels ainsi qu’avec l’aide d’entretiens que nous avions réalisés au cours de nos recherches au Liban et en France, nous étudions les projets politiques élaborés au Liban entre 1975-1989. Nos analyses dévoilent une évolution dans l’approche de la part d’acteurs confessionnels et politiques libanais d’influence quant à leur vision de l’avenir de la configuration politique de leur pays tout en se situant, d’une manière ou d’une autre, par rapport au Pacte national de 1943 ainsi que du rôle qu’ils envisagent pour eux-mêmesThe objective of this PhD dissertation is to study the evolution in the different discourse of political and religious leaders in Lebanon expressed in public as well as within closed circles during the fifteen years of conflict which began in 1975 and finished in 1989 with the Taif Agreement. This dissertation centers on a presentation and an analysis of the political projects proposed for Lebanon by several leading personalities coming from different political parties in the country during the period studied here. The originality of the approach is to group together two political parties which strongly oppose one another but which adopt an ideology based on shared criteria. Based on written documents as well as radio and televised programs and press conferences in addition to interviews which we have conducted in Lebanon and in France, we studied the political projects which were developed in Lebanon during 1975-1989. Our analyses reveal an evolution in the approach on the part of Lebanese religious and political persons of influence vis-à-vis their vision for the future regarding the political configuration of their country, all the while with respect to their strategic positioning in relation to the National Pact of 1943 as well as the role which they envision for themselves
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Terrier, Marie. "La contribution théorique et militante d'Annie Besant (1847-1933) au renouveau socialiste en Grande-Bretagne. Genèse et prolongements." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA107.
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Dans les années 1880, en Grande-Bretagne, les idées socialistes connaissent un regain d’intérêt et des organisations socialistes sont créées. La contribution théorique et militante d’Annie Besant (1847-1933) à l’effervescence intellectuelle du « renouveau socialiste » a été importante. Annie Besant a pourtant été marginalisée par les historiens du mouvement socialiste. Après dix ans de militantisme dans la National Secular Society (NSS), l’organisation radicale, mais antisocialiste de Charles Bradlaugh, Annie Besant en vient, dans de nombreux articles et opuscules, à définir un socialisme évolutionniste. Elle exige l’intervention de l’État dans l’économie ainsi que la mise en place de droits sociaux. En 1885, elle adhère à la jeune Société fabienne et participe à l’élaboration de la doctrine fabienne fondée sur l’implication des socialistes dans les institutions politique et sur un collectivisme graduel. En aidant les allumettières de chez Byrant and May lorsqu’elles se mettent en grève puis forment un syndicat, Annie Besant contribue au « nouvel unionisme ». En 1888, lorsqu’elle est élue au conseil des écoles de Londres, elle défend ouvertement un programme socialiste. En 1889, Annie Besant se convertit à la théosophie, doctrine spiritualiste inspirée par les religions et les philosophies orientales. Dans un premier temps, elle renonce au militantisme politique et social. Cependant, après son installation en Inde, elle milite pour l’autodétermination de cette nation dès les années 1910. Elle s’intéresse de nouveau aux idéaux socialistes et cherche à nouer des alliances au sein du parti travailliste. Prendre en compte l’évolution du parcours d’Annie Besant, ainsi que les prolongements de son engagement socialiste, permet de mieux appréhender la nature et le développement du socialisme britannique de la fin du XIXe et du début du XXe siècleIn the 1880s, socialist ideas attracted renewed interest in Britain and socialist organisations were set up. Annie Besant (1847-1933)’s theoretical and militant contribution to the intellectual ferment of the “Socialist Revival” was important. Annie Besant was nevertheless marginalised by historians of the socialist movement. After ten years of militancy in Charles Bradlaugh’s radical but anti-socialist National Secular Society (NSS), Annie Besant came to argue in numerous articles and pamphlets, for an evolutionary socialism, demanding state intervention in the economy and the establishment of social rights. In 1885, she joined the newly formed Fabian Society and took part in the elaboration of the Fabian doctrine based on involvement in traditional politics and gradual collectivism. In helping the Bryant and May’s women matchmakers when they struck and formed a union, Annie Besant contributed to “new unionism”. In 1888, when she was elected to the London School Board, she openly defended a socialist programme. In 1889, Annie Besant converted to theosophy, a spiritualist doctrine inspired by eastern philosophies and religions. First, she gave up political and social agitation. However, after moving to India she agitated for Home Rule in India from the 1910s. Her interest in socialist ideals was renewed and she sought to make alliances within the Labour party. Taking into account the evolution her career, but also the sequel to her socialist commitment, is crucial to understand the nature and the development of British socialism at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century
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Weerts, Laurence. "Mutations et utilisations du concept de "frontière" dans l'intégration européenne: une analyse des recompositions des modes de gouvernement et de légitimation dans l'ordre politique européen." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211212.
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Romášek, Štěpán. "Behaviorální aspekty ekonomických vztahů, organizací a marketingu v rámci Ruské federace." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-223265.
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Tato diplomová práce pojednává o politických, ekonomických a především sociálně-kulturních aspektech, které mají vliv na mezinárodní obchod, organizace a marketing týkající se Ruské federace, jež jsou dány do kontextu zejména s Českou republikou (eventuálně jinými relevantními státy). Cílem mé práce je nalézt překážky v obchodu s Ruskou federací a způsob jakým je možné je překonat. Důraz primárního výzkumu mé práce bude kladen na interkulturní složku, konkrétně na rozdíly v organizačním chování a chování spotřebitele. Zaměřím se na specifický profil potenciálních účastníků v oblastech marketingu a obchodu. Zohledním také znalosti z nashromážděných dat o politicko-ekonomickém prostředí zemí. Použitím vybrané metodologie rozšířím teoretické podklady a sekundární výzkum o nové poznatky a v širším kontextu vyvodím závěry a návrhy pro optimalizaci bariér, kterým firmy jsou rozšiřující pole působnosti do Ruska vystaveny a jimž mohou čelit.
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Viollet, Bastien. "Le processus de conception de la politique sportive d'une fédération sportive nationale. Le cas de la Fédération Française de Rugby." Thesis, Poitiers, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017POIT4006/document.
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L'objectif principal de la thèse est de comprendre comment se construit la politique sportive d'une fédération sportive nationale. Le cas de la Fédération Française de Rugby (FFR) est étudié sous la forme d'une Recherche-Intervention, cette organisation ayant souhaité engager des réflexions autour de sa politique sportive, un objet qu'il a fallu appréhender et conceptualiser dans le cadre d'une fédération nationale. Cet objet est envisagé comme un processus de co-construction, entre des acteurs fédéraux (siège) et territoriaux (structures décentralisées et déconcentrées). Pour étudier ce processus et notamment les logiques d'acteurs, nous avons mobilisé la théorie de la traduction (Akrich et al., 2006), associée au concept de rapport de prescription (Oiry, 2012). La théorie de la traduction évoque la notion d'actants, pour désigner ces acteurs et prendre en considération des éléments de l'organisation dits « non-humains » (actants non-humains), qui ont aussi une influence et un impact sur ce processus. Notre problématique centrale est ainsi formulée comme suit : quelles sont les dynamiques actantielles à l'oeuvre dans la co-construction d'une politique sportive fédérale ? L'idée générale, au travers de notre cadre d'analyse, est d'exprimer comment ces acteurs, par le biais de leurs visions et de leurs perceptions (leurs traductions) et leurs collaborations/confrontations (leurs rapports de prescription), vont coconstruire la politique sportive fédérale en question. Cette thèse ambitionne d'appréhender à la fois l'intégration de cette politique dans l'organisation fédérale, et la formation d'un réseau d'acteurs qui, parallèlement, se configure et se stabiliseThe main purpose of this thesis is to understand how a national association sport policy is elaborated. The case of the French Rugby Union (FFR) is studied as part of an intervention-research, as this organisation initiated some reflections around its sport policy, an object that we had both to apprehend and conceptualise. This object is considered as a co-construction process, between national and regional actors. In order to study this, we mobilise the Actor-Network Theory (Akrich et al., 2006), associated with the concept of prescriptive relation (Oiry, 2012). The Actor-Network Theory (also known as the sociology of translation) highlights the presence of both human and non-human actors which can have an impact on this process. In this way, our research question is: what are the actors' dynamics during the co-construction process of the federal sport policy? The general idea, throughout our framework, is to express how the (human) actors, thanks to their representations (their translation) and their collaboration / confrontation (their prescriptive relation) are going to co-construct the federal sport policy. The aim of this thesis is to apprehend both the integration of this sport policy into the federal organisation (the FFR) and the creation of an actor-network, which, simultaneously, is configuring and stabilising itself
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Rossiaud, Sylvain. "L'évolution de la structure de gouvernance pétrolière russe : une interprétation en termes néo-institutionnels." Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00734958.
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Cette thèse traite de l'évolution du cadre organisationnel et institutionnel de l'industrie pétrolière russe durant la période 1992-2012. Son objectif est de caractériser et d'interpréter l'accroissement du rôle des compagnies pétrolières à capitaux majoritairement publics, Rosneft et Gazpromneft, dans les opérations de l'amont pétrolier qui est observé depuis le milieu des années 2000. Dans ce cadre théorique de la Nouvelle économie institutionnelle, notre thèse soutient que le rôle accru des compagnies pétrolières publiques russes marque le passage d'une structure de gouvernance pétrolière libérale à une structure de gouvernance pétrolière hybride. Cela doit être interprété comme la réponse faisable, de la part des autorités fédérales, à l'incohérence existant entre la structure de gouvernance pétrolière libérale définie au début du processus de transition et l'environnement institutionnel prévalant en Russie.
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Valentová, Emilie. "Změna kurzu ruské zahraniční politiky v 1. dekádě 21. století." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-72225.
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The aim of the diploma thesis is to identify Russia's Foreign Policy change in the first decade of the 21st century. It focuses on the three most important strategic documents of the Russian Federation, the presidential decrees signed by Vladimir Putin and Dmitri Medvedev (The Foreign Policy Concepts of the Russian Federation from 2000 and 2008, The National Security Concept of the Russian Federation from 2000, The National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation from 2009 and The Military Doctrines from 2000 and 2010). Through Discourse analysis it concludes that Russia has moved to strenghtening norms of international law and multilateral cooperation between the years 2000 and 2010, it no longer uses confrontational expressions and prefers a multi-vector foreign policy accenting the Asian vector. Russia also proves to be more self-confident and ambitious. We expect a more active role in the world affairs from Russia in the second decade of the 21st century.
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Quifica, Valter Bongo Guange. "Impacto do contributo da cruz vermelha internacional no desempenho da missão humanitária, com realce em Angola e na Namíbia." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/14120.
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A iniciativa assumida neste trabalho visa procurar, recolher, analisar e apresentar, de maneira clara e objectiva, dados sobre o trabalho da Cruz Vermelha Internacional e do Crescente Vermelho ao longo dos tempos em torno do mundo, com particular destaque em Angola e na Namíba, países situados na Região da África Austral, no Continente Africano.
A análise constitui uma reflexão sobre o impacto das actividades humanitárias da Cruz vermelha e documenta algumas políticas e práticas que afectam os fluxos de serviços de ajudas de alívio na zona mais a sul do continente Berço da; A iniciativa assumida neste trabalho visa procurar, recolher, analisar e apresentar, de maneira clara e objectiva, dados sobre o trabalho da Cruz Vermelha Internacional e do Crescente Vermelho ao longo dos tempos em torno do mundo, com particular destaque em Angola e na Namíba, países situados na Região da África Austral, no Continente Africano.
A análise constitui uma reflexão sobre o impacto das actividades humanitárias da Cruz vermelha e documenta algumas políticas e práticas que afectam os fluxos de serviços de ajudas de alívio na zona mais a sul do continente Berço da humanidade.O presente trabalho integra seis (6) capítulos diferentes, onde o primeiro versa sobre origem, os componentes e o processo de integração do movimento, assim como os objectivos, missão, trabalhos, importância do voluntariado e algumas políticas e regulações da Cruz Vermelha Internacional. O segundo capítulo trata de enfatizar a importância e desafios da Cruz Vermelha Internacional na aplicação do Direito Internacional Humanitário, assim como de alguns direitos fundamentais dos cidadãos, no processo de realização do trabalho humanitário da Cruz Vermelha. De igual modo, é nesta parte do texto onde o autor aborda, com certo destaque, a questão das Convenções de Genebra e dos seus Protocolos adicionais.
Os desafios e os obstáculos verificados na implementação da estratégica da missão humanitária da Cruz Vermelha Internacional encontram-se reflectidos no Capítulo 3. Mais concretamente, este capítulo destaca o conceito da missão humanitária, os actuais desafios do movimento face as fortes mudanças climáticas e outros desastres e, mobilidades populacionais, bem como uma tabela estatística que reflecte alguns impactos provenientes de desastres naturais.
No quarto e quinto capítulos encontram-se reflectidas algumas experiências humanitárias, desafios e prioridades estratégicas das Sociedades Nacionais da Cruz Vermelha Internacional em Angola e na Namíbia, no processo de protecção de vidas de famílias, através da implementação de programas e projectos direccionados à identificação de riscos, redução de vulnerabilidade, prevenção sobre o HIV e SIDA, saúde social e outros tendentes a melhoria do estado de vivência das populações mais desfavorecidas.
Finalmente, o último ou sexto capítulo contém as conclusões que integram algumas lições aprendidas, bem como principais sugestões e ou recomendações, visando, futuramente, melhorar o desenvolvimento do trabalho da organização, facto que grandemente proporcionará positivo impacto na vida de comunidades vulneráveis de vários países do mundo, particularmente em Angola e na Namíbia; ABSTRACT:The initiative assumed on this work tend to search, collect, analyze and present, in a clear and objective manner, data about the work of International Red Cross and Red Crescent all over the times around the world, with particular emphasis in Angola and Namibia, countries located in the Southern African Region, in the African Continent. The analysis constitutes a reflection on the impact of the humanitarian activities of the Red Cross and document some politics and practices that affect the flowing of services and relief aids on the zones more in the Southern African continent, the Cradle of Humanity.
The present work integrates six (6) different chapters, where the first deals with the origin, the components and the process of the movement integration, as well as the objectives, mission, works, importance of volunteering and some politics and regulations of the International Red Cross.The Second Chapter manages to emphasize the importance and challenges of the International Red Cross on the application of the International Humanitarian Law, as well as of some fundamental rights of citizens, in the process of implementation of Red Cross Humanitarian work. Similarly, it is on this part of the text where the Author approaches, with some outstanding, the issue of the Geneva Conventions and its Additional Protocols.The challenges and obstacles observed on the implementation of the strategy of the humanitarian mission of International Red Cross are reflected in Chapter 3. More precisely, this chapter points out the concept of the humanitarian mission, the actual challenges of the movement due to the strong climate changes and other disasters and the populations mobility’s, as well as a statistical table that reflects some impacts proceeding from natural disasters.
On the fourth and fifth Chapters are reflected some humanitarian experiences, challenges and strategic priorities of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent National Societies in Angola and in Namibia, in the process of protecting the lives of families, through the implementation of projects and programs aimed to identify risks, reduce vulnerability, prevent HIV and AIDS, and social health and others tending to improve the living status of the most unfavorable populations.
Finally, the sixth or last Chapter contains the conclusions which integrates some lessons learned, as well as the main suggestions and or recommendations, tending to improve the development of the organization’s work in the future, fact that greatly will provide positive impact on the lives of the most vulnerable communities in various countries of the world, particularly in Angola and in Namíbia.
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Alvarado, Adrian. "La Russie en Arctique occidental : strategies d'Etat et interactions des acteurs." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2109.
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Au cours de la première décennie du XXIe siècle l'Arctique a fait l’objet d’une attention croissante de la part des chercheurs, des politiciens et des multinationales. En effet, les problématiques liées au changement climatique, et le regain d’interêt politique et économique des Etats côtiers et non côtiers, a peu à peu fait apparaître cette région comme un endroit stratégique sur l'échiquier des grandes puissances. Depuis 2001, la Fédération de Russie a entrepris plusieurs actions afin de garantir ses intérêts nationaux dans ce qu'elle considère comme l’Arctique russe, un espace qui comprend environ 22600 kilomètres de littoral avec l'océan Arctique. Or, le changement climatique, les développements socio-économiques et les impératifs stratégiques ont conditionné cette politique pour l’Arctique. Les oblasts de Mourmansk et d’Arkhangelsk jouent, de nos jours, un rôle majeur dans la mise en œuvre de la stratégie russe pour la région arctique. Ce travail évaluera donc les défis majeurs de stratégie et de sécurité nationale russes en Arctique occidental au regard des récents changements du modèle politique et économique russe, du rôle émergent d'acteurs privés et étrangers ainsi que des spécificités des régions arctiques et sous-arctiques. Dans une première partie de notre travail nous essayerons de souligner l’importance stratégique et économique de l’Arctique Occidental pour la Fédération de Russie. Une approche historique nous permettra de mieux comprendre le rôle actuel des oblasts de Mourmansk et d’Arkhangelsk tandis que l’analyse de l’évolution démographique, industrielle et commerciale de ces régions nous fera apprécier son potentiel socio-économique. Enfin, une analyse de l’adaptation des industries énergétiques et du complexe militaro-industriel aux marchés internationaux sera entreprise ainsi qu’une évaluation des risques liés au changement climatique et à la pollution industrielle. Dans une deuxième partie, nous analyserons les principales problématiques rencontrés par les acteurs étatiques et privés en Arctique occidental. Afin d’identifier les principaux enjeux, nous avons transposé des théories des relations internationales à la géopolitique (Waltz, Keohane, Putnam). Tout particulièrement, nous utiliserons pour cette analyse les modèles conceptuels de Graham Allison et son approche sur les intérêts nationauxDuring the first decade of the XXIth century, the Arctic has received growing attention from scholars, policymakers and multinational corporations. Climate change as well as renewed political and economical interests from coastal and non-coastal States had repositioned this region as a prospective theater in the Great powers chessboard. Since 2001, the Russian Federation has taken several international and domestic actions to guarantee its national interest in what it considers as the Russian Arctic, a space that comprises about 22 600 kilometers of national coastline with the Arctic Ocean. But climate change, historical socio-economic developments and strategic imperatives have conditioned this engagement.The Murmansk and Arkhangelsk oblasts plays nowadays a leading role in the implementation of a cross-domain Russian strategy for the Arctic region. This dissertation will then assess the central challenges of Russian National Security and Strategy in the Occidental Arctic taking in consideration recent changes in the Russian Federation political and economical model, the emerging role of private and foreign actors and the specificity of Arctic and sub-Arctic regions.The first part of this dissertation will try to underline the past/current strategic and economical relevance of the Occidental Arctic for the Russian Federation. A historical approach will allow us to better understand the current role of Murmansk and Arkhangelsk oblasts while we will appreciate its socio-economic potential thanks to the analysis of demographic, industrial and commercial developments of these regions. Finally, a study on defense and energy industries adaptation to international markets will be conducted as well as a regional risk-assessment concerning climate change and industrial pollution.In a second part, our main objective is to demonstrate the strategic and economical importance of the Murmansk and Arkhangelsk oblasts for the Russian Arctic policy. This will lead us to analyse core issues in the Occidental Arctic for state and industry actors. The methodology applied to identify the main trends in these issues is a combination of the French school of geopolitics with relevant theories of international relations (Waltz, Keohane, Putnam). Graham Allison’s conceptual models and his approach on national interests will be applied in the analysis
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Almeida, Guadalupe Maria Jungers Abib de. "O papel dos municípios na regulação jurídica da expansão urbana na zona costeira: limites e possibilidades." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6230.
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Previous issue date: 2013-09-27The Brazilian Constitution of 1988 and the Statute of the City have improved the development and urban expansion policies establishment, but only the issue of the Federal Law No. 12.608, of April 10, 2012, introduced standards directly related to the process of urban expansion and the role of municipalities in the respective legal regulation. The current legal landscape has important consequences in the Brazilian municipalities located in the coastal zone. In the last decades these regions, especially the northern coast of São Paulo State, have subjected to land use conflicts and economic pressures that led to a chaotic urbanization. Indeed, the region still facing geographical, environmental and legal barriers when considering the processes of urban expansion planning, as it comprises areas especially protected by federal and state legislation (the Brazilian National System of Conservation Units, State Park Serra do Mar and the Atlantic Forest Law), as well as it undergoes the Coastal Ecological Economic Zoning, established by the Union and by Member State. The present work was conduced by employing an integrated approach which considers the legal standards related to coastal zone, derived from the legislative powers exerted by the different instances and their reflexes in the municipalities competences for the regulation of legal policy towards urban expansion, also linked with data and correlated aspects of the North Coast of São Paulo State. By adopting the referred method, we approached the following aspects: a) From the analysis of the possible conflicts arising from the application of regulatory rules issued by the Union and the Member State, overlapping or opposing the municipal master plan, we proposed some measures to ensure legal federal cooperation and minimize these potential incompatibilities; b) by analyzing the standards and guidelines of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 and of the City Statute, in particular the legal rules introduced by Federal Law No. 12.608/2012, we exposed the minimum content required by municipal urban expansion policies, as well as outlined the role of the master plan and traced the outlines of the legislative competence for the municipalities
A Constituição Federal de 1988 e o Estatuto da Cidade avançaram na disciplina da política de desenvolvimento e expansão urbana, mas apenas com a edição da recente Lei Federal nº 12.608, de 10 de abril de 2012, foram introduzidas normas diretamente associadas ao processo de expansão urbana e ao papel dos Municípios na respectiva regulação jurídica. Este atual panorama jurídico tem reflexos importantes nos Municípios abrangidos pela zona costeira brasileira. Nas últimas décadas estes territórios, especialmente o Litoral Norte do Estado de São Paulo, têm sido submetidos a conflitos de uso e a pressões econômicas que geraram uma urbanização desordenada. A análise da realidade aponta que esta região encontra entraves de natureza geográfica, ambiental e jurídica para a delimitação de áreas de expansão urbana, pois nela se localizam espaços territoriais especialmente protegidos pela legislação federal e estadual (Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação, Parque Estadual da Serra do Mar e Lei da Mata Atlântica) e, ainda, submete-se ao Zoneamento Ecológico Econômico Costeiro estabelecido pela União e pelo Estado-Membro. A análise empreendida propõe a abordagem integrada das normas jurídicas de ordenamento territorial incidentes na zona costeira, advindas das competências legislativas exercidas pelos três entes federativos e seus reflexos na competência dos Municípios para a regulação jurídica da política de expansão urbana, sempre relacionando os aspectos e dados da realidade do Litoral Norte paulista. Adotado o método analítico e propositivo, enfrentamos as seguintes questões: a) A partir da análise dos possíveis conflitos normativos decorrentes da aplicação das normas editadas pela União e Estado-Membro, sobrepostas ou contrapostas ao plano diretor municipal, propusemos alguns caminhos que assegurem a cooperação federativa e minimizem estes potenciais desajustes; b) E partindo da análise da Constituição Federal de 1988 e das normas e diretrizes do Estatuto da Cidade, em especial as regras legais introduzidas pela Lei Federal nº 12.608/2012, expusemos os conteúdos mínimos necessários para a disciplina da política municipal de expansão urbana, delineamos o papel do plano diretor e traçamos os contornos da Competência legislativa dos Municípios
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LO, TZU-CHIEN, and 羅子建. "A Study of Sponsorship Management upon Non Profit Sports Organizations from Corporate Perspective - the Case of National University Sports Federation." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/48787605927709605156.
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碩士輔仁大學
體育學系碩士班
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Abstract This research project was aimed to examine and analyze the correlations between corporate sponsorships and non-for-profit sports organizations in Taiwan through the local and international athletic events organized by Chinese Taipei University Federation (CTUSF). Four corporate sponsors were selected and the key persons were interviewed for this project. This project intended to discuss each corporation’s decision-making process and management philosophy over its sports sponsorships in the following aspects: the responsible department/personnel and the pattern of cross-department communications, motivating factors of being a sponsor, the management level of decision-making, corporate strategies to deploy resources, evaluation on sponsorship effects, what and how promotion activities were arranged. The ultimate purpose of this project was to present viable research results that would be useful to the non-for-profit sports organization and government agencies in understanding corporate decision-making process on sports sponsorship and effectively securing corporate sponsors in the future. The findings of this research concluded as below: a. The main connections between non-profit organizations and CTUSF in sponsorship of sport events were built by familiar people or institutions that were mutually trust. However through host of cooperated sports activities, mutual objects and needs, non-profit organizations and CTUSF forged an “allied relationship” affiliated to sports sponsorship. b. The motivations of affiliation for non-profit organizations were generalized into six categories from responsibilities/expectation of society, public welfare, and trademark, enterprise celebrity, gaining profit and having favorable impression. c. In enterprise structure, Marketing Department is mainly in charge with affairs of sports sponsorship. Generally speaking, depending on demanding of specific promotion, different products, and sports specialties, there is an ad hoc or project working group which is composed by staffs cross-departments to deal with executive and marketing requirements. Usually the cases of sports sponsorship are reported in internal meeting and being policy-making by executives. d. The contributors for enterprise to sponsor sports events are finding target groups, being interested in characters or images of sports, promoting enterprise image, or satisfying other purposes. e. The effects of sports sponsorship are considered to be evaluated by the numbers of participants, the participations in media workers, the broadcasting time of promoting ad hoc, responses from other companies and consumers, news, sales volume. f. The capitals for enterprises to invest in sports sponsorship are financial support, human resource, products and media influence. g. For CTUSF, strategies to activate sports sponsorship are holding press conference, making spokesperson, drawing lots for prizes, offering free trial products, and composing media special reports.
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Krisch, Karin Stephanie. "The doctrine of the responsibility to protect and self-determination in the context of Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13983.
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Wachtmann, Jenna Lee. "Democracy aid in post-communist Russia: case studies of the Ford Foundation, the C.S. Mott Foundation, and the National Endowment for Democracy." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/7927.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)The collapse of communism and the fall of the Soviet Union offered an unprecedented opportunity for the international community to support transitions to democracy in a region that had long known only totalitarian rule. Among the key players engaged in supporting efforts were U.S. grantmaking institutions, including both non-state and quasi-state aid providers. This thesis explores the motivations and evolving strategies of three different types of grantmaking institutions in a single country, Russia, with a particular focus on democracy aid provision from 1988-2002. The three types of grantmaking organizations examined through case studies include: the Ford Foundation, a private foundation with a history of international grantmaking spanning several decades; the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, a private foundation known primarily for its domestic focus with a much shorter history of international grantmaking; and, finally, the National Endowment for Democracy, a U.S. government-created and heavily taxpayer-funded organization established as a private nonprofit organization to make grants specifically for democracy promotion. Motivating factors for initiating or expanding grantmaking in Russia in the late 1980s included a previous history of grantmaking in the region, a previously established institutional commitment to democracy promotion, international peace and security concerns, and interest from a top institutional leader. Over the course of the fourteen year period studied, five grantmaking features are identified as influencing the development of grantmaking strategies: professional grantmaking staff; organizational habit; global political, social, and economic environments; market and other funding source influences; and physical presence. Though subject to constraints, the non-state and quasi-state grantmaking institutions included in this study were able to avoid weaknesses identified with private philanthropy in other research and demonstrated a willingness to experiment and take risks, an ability to operate at the non-governmental level, and a commitment to long-term grantmaking, informed by expertise.
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Brosnan, Eileen. "The movies shoulda been Snow White but they drifted : the International Federation of Catholic Alumnae responds to the movie menace /." 2003.
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Karwacka, Julita. "Polityka bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy w latach 2004-2014." Doctoral thesis, 2017. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/2872.
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Temat pracy jest bardzo istotny, zarówno ze względów teoretycznych, jak i praktyki politycznej. Przemiany systemowe, które obserwujemy na obszarze państw poradzieckich, wpływają bezpośrednio na zakres i charakter polityki Ukrainy. Ukraina, która znajduje się między Rosją a Unią Europejską stwarza szanse, jak i zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa w regionie Europy Wschodniej. Ukraina odgrywa istotną rolę nie tylko w Europie Wschodniej, ale także ma znaczący wpływ na stabilność kontynentu europejskiego. W okresie 1991-2004 jej położenie geopolityczne, jak i uwarunkowania geoekonomiczne uniemożliwiało prowadzenie suwerennej polityki bezpieczeństwa państwa. Zależność gospodarcza od Rosji determinowała także jej politykę bezpieczeństwa, w której starała się zachować dystans w stosunkach ze strukturami NATO, jak i Układzie o Bezpieczeństwie Zbiorowym, w którym dominującą rolę pełni Rosja.Przedmiotem badań jest polityka bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy w latach 2004-2014. Obejmuje on swoim zakresem uwarunkowania historyczne, narodowościowe, geopolityczne, geoekonomiczne oraz ustrojowo-prawne i polityczne oraz analizę ich wpływu na ukraińską politykę bezpieczeństwa. Dla ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa istotne jest pytanie, w jakim zakresie historia oraz czynnik kulturowo-narodowościowy wpływają na relacje z Rosją, ale i stosunki polityczne z innymi państwami. Ważnym zadaniem jest także wykazanie, na ile geopolityka i geoekonomia determinują europejską i euroatlantycką drogę rozwoju. Nie bez znaczenia dla bezpieczeństwa narodowego Ukrainy, jak też bezpieczeństwa w Europie Wschodniej są rozwiązania ustrojowe w państwie ukraińskim. Przemiany ustrojowo-prawne i polityczne bezpośrednio oddziałują na zakres i charakter polityki wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej Ukrainy. W badaniach zwróciłam uwagę na sferę normatywno- instytucjonalną oraz funkcjonalną oraz na ich konsekwencje dla ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa.Celem pracy było przedstawienie polityki bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy, uwzględniając jej uzależnienie od Rosji, która była i jest przeciwna europejskiej i euroatlantyckiej drogi rozwoju państwa ukraińskiego oraz determinacji części elit politycznych i społeczeństwa ukraińskiego na drodze do UE i NATO. Celem pracy było ukazanie wewnętrznych przemian ustrojowo-prawnych i politycznych, których poziom znacznie odbiega od standardów zachodnich, jak i wpływ środowiska międzynarodowego na zakres i charakter modernizacji państwa.Na podstawie egzegezy źródeł i ich krytycznej analizy przyjęłam następujące złożenie, stanowiące główną hipotezę roboczą: Realizacja polityki bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy dokonywała się w warunkach znacznej asymetrii pomiędzy deklaracjami władz ukraińskich, dotyczącymi kształtowania bezpieczeństwa, stabilności i rozwoju w relacjach z Rosją i Unią Europejską, a możliwościami państwa ukraińskiego. Ponadto istotne różnice w strategii bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy i Rosją, która realizuje na obszarze poradzieckim politykę imperialną, miały decydujący wpływ na stan tych relacji w zakresie bezpieczeństwa.Przedstawione w niniejszej pracy badania wydają się ważne i uzasadnione. Polityka bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy jest wciąż problemem otwartym. Aneksja Krymu przez Rosje w 2014 roku zmieniła całkowicie podejście do kwestii kształtowania bezpieczeństwa państwa. Bardzo dynamicznie zmienia się proces kształtowania polityki bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy, jak również widoczne są oznaki zmiany w kształtowani tożsamości narodowej i tożsamości państwowej Ukraińców. Nie bez znaczenia na poziom bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy ma także środowisko międzynarodowe. Stąd sformułowane tutaj wnioski i prognozy z natury rzeczy mają charakter niedefinitywny. Praca ta jednak podejmuje próbę nowego spojrzenia w toczącym się dyskursie naukowym na temat polityki bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy.The topic of work is very important, both for theoretical reasons and for political practice. Systemic changes that we observe in the area of the post-Soviet states directly affect the scope and nature of Ukraine's policy. Ukraine, which is located between Russia and the European Union, creates opportunities and threats to security in Eastern Europe. Ukraine plays an important role not only in Eastern Europe but also has a significant impact on the stability of the European continent. In the period 1991-2004, its geopolitical position and geoeconomic conditions prevented the pursuit of sovereign state security policy. The economic dependence on Russia also determined its security policy, in which it sought to maintain a distance in relations with NATO structures and the Collective Security Treaty, in which Russia played a dominant role.The subject of research is the security policy of Ukraine in 2004-2014. It covers historical, national, geopolitical, geoeconomic, systemic and legal, and political conditions and analyzes their impact on Ukrainian security policy. For Ukrainian security policy it is important the question the extent to which history and cultural and ethnic factors affect relations with Russia but also political relations with other states. It is also important to demonstrate how geopolitical and geoeconomics determine the European and Euro-Atlantic development path. Not irrelevant for the national security of Ukraine as well as the security in Eastern Europe are the systemic solutions in the Ukrainian state. Political and legal changes directly affect the scope and nature of Ukraine's internal and external policies. In the research I drew attention to the normative-institutional and functional spheres and their consequences for the Ukrainian security policy.The aim of the work was to present Ukraine's security policy, taking into account its dependence on Russia, which was and is opposed to the European and Euro-Atlantic way of development of the Ukrainian state and the determination of some political elites and Ukrainian society on the way to the EU and NATO. The aim of the work was to show the internal systemic, legal and political transformations, which differ significantly from the Western standards and the influence of the international community on the scope and nature of state modernization. On the basis of the exegesis of source and their critical analysis, I accepted the following statement as the main working hypothesis: The implementation of Ukraine's security policy was subject to significant asymmetries between the declarations of the Ukrainian authorities concerning security, stability and development in relations with Russia and the European Union and the possibilities of the Ukrainian state. Moreover, significant differences in the security strategy of Ukraine and Russia, which implements the imperial policy in the post-Soviet area, have had a decisive impact on the state of these security relations.The research presented here appears to be valid and justified. Ukraine's security policy is still an open problem. The annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014 changed completely the approach to state security. The process of shaping Ukraine's security policy is changing dynamically, as well as signs of change in the shaping of the national identity and state identity of the Ukrainians. Not without significance on level of security of Ukraine is an international environment. Hence the formulated conclusions and predictions from its nature are not definite. This work, however, attempts a new look at the ongoing scientific discourse on Ukraine's security policy.
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Srstková, Nela. "Vliv judikatury Evropského soudu pro lidská práva na právní systém Ruské federace." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-321005.
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One of the key issues discussed over the last few years in connection with the ECHR is a large number of individual applications lodged to the court although the court does not have sufficient capacity to resolve them. The majority of the cases falls into category of so- called repetitive cases. This thesis aims to identify the tools, ECHR disposes of, and to what extent those tools may affect national legislation and case law of national courts. Reforms of problematic institutes at the national level implemented as a result of the ECHR decisions are able to exclude the future influx of repetitive cases to this transnational judicial authority. The process of the influence of ECHR case law on national legal systems is analyzed on the example of Russian Federation, which currently holds the first place regarding the number of individual applications that have been filed with the ECHR.
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Baránek, Daniel. "Emancipační židovské komunity na Moravě a ve Slezsku." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-393787.
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The dissertation deals with the theme of the Jewish communities that were able to originate in Moravia and Silesia as a result of the civil emancipation of Jews in the middle of the 19th century. The individual chapters focus on the different aspects of the emancipatory Jewish commu- nities from their external institutional manifestations to their internal social structures, which reflec- ted the plurality of transforming religious, national and political identities within Jewish society. Attention is first devoted to the legal and demographic prerequisites for the establishment and development of Jewish settlement in the places where the Jews were not allowed to live before the emancipation. The emancipatory Jewish communities did not emerge as mere clusters of mem- bers of the Jewish minority, but rather as organized religious communities. Therefore, the work devotes great space to the genesis of small pre-emancipatory prayer fellowships, to their tranfor- mation to religious associations and religious communities, then focuses on attempts to transform the religious communities into democratic or national ones and on their degradation and destruction by the Nazi occupiers. The thesis examines the various factors influencing the "organization of Jewry" (attitude of the state authorities to the...
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Conteh, Prince Sorie. "Fundamental concepts of Limba traditional religion and its effects on Limba Christianity and vice versa in Sierra Leone in the past three decades." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1418.
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This study is the product, chiefly, of fieldwork, undertaken in Sierra Leone, which sought to interview and experience contemporary Limba religio-cultural practices. Using a systematic approach, the goal was to provide a broader understanding of Limba religion, as well as to discover the effect of Limba religiosity, and the tenacity with which the Limba hold to their culture and religion, on the National Pentecostal Limba Church (NPLC) over the past three decades.
The study begins with an introduction, which outlines its objectives and structure, the research methods, and its general outline. This is followed by a basic introduction to the socio-history of the Limba people, their origin, environment, language, politics, economy and other socio-cultural characteristics, in order to provide an understanding of the background on which their religion is formed.
The heart of the study is a detailed examination of Limba religious beliefs and their intersection with Christianity. It includes a definition of Limba religion and its components. This seeks to identify the current state of Limba religion amidst the changes it has experienced and continues to experience as a result of internal and external influences, and to provide a template for this study, an analysis of the Limba belief in a supreme creator God whom they call Kanu Masala, his epithets, attributes and activities, Limba worship and worship methods, the Limba understanding of the spirit world, humankind, sin and salvation, and the roles of sacred specialists.
The study concludes with an examination of the causes of the tenacious loyalty with which some Limba Christians hold to their traditional religious beliefs and practices, their reluctance to part with them, and the effects of their dual religiosity on the NPLC, as well as the church's response, and the resulting reciprocal effects over the past three decades in Sierra Leone. This study fills a gap in the extant literature about the ethno-theological landscape of Sierra Leone, and provides a detailed study on the intersection of African Traditional Religion and Christianity.Systematic Theology & Theological Ethics
D.Th. (Systematic Theology)
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Macháček, Michal. "Gustáv Husák. Politická biografie se zvláštním zřetelem k česko-slovenským vztahům ve 20. století." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-371358.
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Bibliographic record: Michal MACHÁČEK: Gustáv Husák. A Political Biography with Special Emphasis on Czech-Slovak Relations in 20th Century, PhD. thesis, The Faculty of Arts at Charles University 2017, 476pp. [784 standard pages]. Abstract The dissertation thesis discusses public activities, thoughts and the political life of JUDr. Gustáv Husák, CSc. (1913-1991), who was involved in the Czech-Slovak public space for sixty years with a significant footprint even today. The text is based on a thorough research and is chronologically structured, intertwined with thematic areas, however an analytical approach prevails. The first chapter focuses on Husák's youth, the factors that led him to the communist movement, and his early activism. This is followed by a portrayal of the Husák's activities during the Second World War, his role in the resistance, participation in a propaganda trip to the Nazi conquered Ukraine, and his vision of Slovakia as a republic of the Soviet Union. His later involvement in the Slovak National Uprising provided the legitimacy of his later political career in the post-war era, when he successfully led the struggle for the communist monopoly of political power in Czechoslovakia and attempts to present the Communist Party of Slovakia as a national party. Next two chapters show the origins...
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Conteh, Prince Sorie. "The place of African traditional religion in interreligious encounters in Sierra Leone since the advent of Islam and Christianity." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2316.
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This study which is the product of library research and fieldwork seeks, on account of the persistent marginalisation of African Traditional Religion (ATR) in Sierra Leone by Islam and Christianity, to investigate the place of ATR in inter-religious encounters in the country since the advent of Islam and Christianity.
As in most of sub-Saharan Africa, ATR is the indigenous religion of Sierra Leone. When the early forebears and later progenitors of Islam and Christianity arrived, they met Sierra Leone indigenes with a remarkable knowledge of God and a structured religious system. Successive Muslim clerics, traders, and missionaries were respectful of and sensitive to the culture and religion of the indigenes who accommodated them and offered them hospitality. This approach resulted in a syncretistic brand of Islam.
In contrast, most Christian missionaries adopted an exclusive and insensitive approach to African culture and religiosity. Christianity, especially Protestantism, demanded a complete abandonment of African culture and religion, and a total dedication to Christianity. This attitude has continued by some indigenous clerics and religious leaders to the extent that Sierra Leone Indigenous Religion (SLIR) and it practitioners continue to be marginalised in Sierra Leone's inter-religious dialogue and cooperation.
Although the indigenes of Sierra Leone were and continue to be hospitable to Islam and Christianity, and in spite of the fact that SLIR shares affinity with Islam and Christianity in many theological and practical issues, and even though there are many Muslims and Christians who still hold on to traditional spirituality and culture, Muslim and Christian leaders of these immigrant religions are reluctant to include Traditionalists in interfaith issues in the country. The formation and constitution of the Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone (IRCSL) which has local and international recognition did not include ATR. These considerations, then beg the questions:
* Why have Muslim and Christian leaders long marginalised ATR, its practices and practitioners from interfaith dialogue and cooperation in Sierra Leone?
* What is lacking in ATR that continues to prevent practitioners of Christianity and Islam from officially involving Traditionalists in the socio-religious development of the country?
Muslim and Christians have given several factors that are responsible for this exclusion:
* The prejudices that they inherited from their forebears
* ATR lacks the hallmarks of a true religion
* ATR is primitive and economically weak
* The fear that the accommodation of ATR will result in syncretism and nominalism
* Muslims see no need to dialogue with ATR practitioners, most of whom they considered to be already Muslims
Considering the commonalities ATR shares with Islam and Christianity, and the number of Muslims and Christians who still hold on to traditional spirituality, these factors are not justifiable.
Although Islam and Christianity are finding it hard to recognise and include ATR in interfaith dialogue and cooperation in Sierra Leone, ATR continues to play a vital role in Sierra Leone's national politics, in the search and maintenance of employment, and in the judicial sector. ATR played a crucial part during and after the civil war. The national government in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) report acknowledged the importance and contribution of traditional culture and spirituality during and after the war.
Outside of Sierra Leone, the progress in the place and level of the recognition of ATR continues. At varying degrees, the Sociétié Africaine de Culture (SAC) in France, the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC), the Vatican, and the World Council of Churches, have taken positive steps to recognise and find a place for ATR in their structures.
Much about the necessity for dialogue and cooperation with ATR can be learnt in the works and efforts of these secular and religious bodies. If nothing else, there are two main reasons why Islam and Christianity in Sierra Leone must be in dialogue with ATR:
* Dialogue of life or in community. People living side-by-side meet and interact personally and communally on a regular basis. They share common resources and communal benefits. These factors compel people to be in dialogue
* Dual religiosity. As many Muslims and Christians in Sierra Leone are still holding on to ATR practices, it is crucial for Muslims and Christians to dialogue with ATR practitioners.
If Muslims and Christians are serious about meeting and starting a process of dialogue with Traditionalists, certain practical issues have to be considered:
* Islam and Christianity have to validate and accept ATR as a true religion and a viable partner in the socio-religious landscape of Sierra Leone
* Muslims and Christians must educate themselves about ATR, and the scriptures and teachings of their respective religious traditions in order to relate well with Traditionalists
These are starting points that can produce successful results. Although at present Muslims and Christians in Sierra Leone are finding it difficult to initiate dialogue and cooperation with Traditionalists, all hope is not lost. It is now the task of the established IRCSL to ensure the inclusion of ATR. Islam and Christianity must remember that when they came as strangers, ATR, played host to them and has played and continues to play a vital role in providing hospitality, and allowing them to blossom on African soil.Religious Studies and Arabic
D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)
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Daniluk, Aleksandra. "Unia Europejska w polityce zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś." Doctoral thesis, 2017. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/2639.
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W toku prowadzonej w rozprawie analizy próbowano wypełnić następujące zadania badawcze: (1) scharakteryzować determinanty i kierunki polityki zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś; (2) zbadać miejsce Unii Europejskiej wśród kierunków i priorytetów białoruskiej polityki zagranicznej; (3) zbadać przyczyny zmienności w relacjach Białorusi z Unią Europejską, (4) ocenić istnienie zbieżności interesów obu podmiotów; (5) ocenić perspektywy współpracy obu podmiotów. Główna hipoteza rozprawy brzmi: Unia Europejska nie odgrywa w praktycznym działaniu znaczącej roli w polityce zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś, choć stanowi jeden z ważniejszych wektorów w założeniach i koncepcjach jej polityki. W sferze funkcjonalnej polityka zagraniczna Republiki Białoruś przekłada się na intensywny rozwój wschodniego kierunku działań zewnętrznych państwa białoruskiego. Istotny w tym kontekście jest fakt, że dotychczasowa polityka Unii Europejskiej w relacjach z Republiką Białoruś, oparta na krytycznym dialogu nie przyniosła zakładanych rezultatów a jedynie zniechęciła państwo białoruskie do pogłębiania współpracy. Polityka wielowektorowości Republiki Białoruś ogranicza się do próby kształtowania suwerenności przy znaczącej asymetrii pomiędzy potencjałem państwa białoruskiego w wymiarze politycznym, gospodarczym i wojskowym, a jego możliwościami. Ponadto przynależność Białorusi do wschodnich struktur integracyjnych ma decydujący wpływ na jej relacje z Unią Europejską. W pracy sformułowano również cztery hipotezy dodatkowe, stanowiące uszczegółowienie hipotezy głównej: Hipoteza 1. Niewielkie znaczenie Unii Europejskiej w polityce zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś jest uwarunkowane interesami narodowymi państwa białoruskiego, ukształtowanymi przez historię, czynnik ustrojowy, geopolityczny i ekonomiczny; Hipoteza 2. Odmienne postrzeganie podstaw współpracy przez Białoruś i Unię Europejską w znaczącym stopniu determinuje cykliczność ich wzajemnych relacji; Hipoteza 3. Białoruś poprzez uczestnictwo w programie Partnerstwa Wschodniego stwarza możliwość realizacji europejskiej drogi rozwoju w wymiarze ekonomicznym, co może mieć istotny wpływ na kształtowanie stabilności, bezpieczeństwa i rozwoju w regionie Europy Wschodniej; Hipoteza 4. Przyszły stan stosunków Unii Europejskiej i Republiki Białoruś będzie zależny nie tylko od wyboru strategii rozwoju państwa białoruskiego oraz kierunku jego przemian ustrojowych, ale także od oddziaływania środowiska międzynarodowego, w którym znaczącą rolę odgrywają Federacja Rosyjska i NATO. Weryfikacji powyższych hipotez dokonano na przestrzeni pięciu rozdziałów. W rozdziale pierwszym, analizie poddano: uwarunkowania historyczne, ustrojowe, geopolityczne oraz ekonomiczne. Istotnym elementem był również kontekst Rosji w działaniach zewnętrznych Białorusi. W drugim rozdziale przedstawiono prawno-polityczny i ekonomiczny wymiar stosunków Republiki Białoruś z Unią Europejską. Przeanalizowano programy unijnych działań zewnętrznych, adresowane do państw Europy Wschodniej (w tym Białorusi) oraz przedstawiono ewolucję stosunków białorusko-unijnych od początku lat 90. do bieżących wydarzeń w XXI wieku. Całość rozważań dopełnił ekonomiczny wymiar dwustronnych relacji obu podmiotów. Rozdział trzeci poświęcony został roli i miejscu Białorusi w programie Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Przeanalizowano w nim aktywność państwa białoruskiego w multilateralnym i bilateralnym wymiarze programu oraz podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie w jakim zakresie obecność Białorusi w Partnerstwie Wschodnim wpływa na możliwość realizacji przez nią europejskiej drogi rozwoju. W rozdziale czwartym zaprezentowano praktyczny wymiar stosunków białorusko-unijnych, wyrażający się w realizacji konkretnych projektów, finansowanych z unijnego budżetu w ramach programów przewidzianych w Europejskiej Polityce Sąsiedztwa i Partnerstwie Wschodnim. W rozdziale piątym zaprezentowano trzy scenariusze przyszłych relacji Białorusi z Unią Europejską: stagnacyjny, regresywny i progresywny.During the analysis, the following research tasks were attempted: (1) to characterize the determinants and directions of the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus; (2) examine the European Union's position among the directions and priorities of Belarusian foreign policy; (3) identify the causes of variation in Belarusian relations with the European Union, (4) assess the existence of convergence of the interests of both entities; (5) assess the future prospects for cooperation between this two entities.The main hypothesis of the dissertation is: The European Union does not play a significant role in the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, although it is one of the most important vectors in its policy assumptions. In the functional sphere, the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus translates into the intensive development of the eastern direction of external actions of the Belarusian state. It is important, that the current policy of the European Union on the Republic of Belarus based on critical dialogue, did not bring the expected results, but only discouraged the Belarusian state from deepening cooperation. Multi-vector policy of the Republic of Belarus is limited to attempt to establish sovereignty during significant asymmetry between the political, economic and military potential of the Belarusian state and its capabilities. Moreover, Belarusian membership in the integration structures of Eastern Europe has a decisive influence on its relations with the European Union.In the dissertation have been formulated four additional hypotheses, to clarify the main hypothesis: Hypothesis 1. The minor importance of the European Union in the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus is conditioned by the national interests of the Belarusian state, influenced by history, political, geopolitical and economic factors; Hypothesis 2. The different perception of the basis for cooperation of Belarus and the European Union significantly determines the cyclicality of their relations; Hypothesis 3. By participating in the Eastern Partnership program, Belarus is able to realize the European economic development path, which can have a significant influence on building stability, security and development in Eastern Europe; Hypothesis 4. The future state of relations between the European Union and the Republic of Belarus will depend not only on the state development strategy, chosen by the Belarusian authorities and on direction of political transformation of the state, but also on the international environment, where the Russian Federation and NATO play a significant role.The dissertation is divided to five chapters. The first chapter focused on historical determinants, legal and constitutional conditions, geopolitical determinants and the economic conditions. An important element was also the context of Russia in external actions of Belarus. The second chapter focused on the legal, political and economic dimension of the relations between Belarus and the EU. The analysis included: EU external action programs addressed to Eastern European countries, the evolution of political Belarusian-EU relations from the early 1990s to current events in the 21st century and the main aspects of bilateral economic cooperation between this two actors. The analysis in the third chapter included: the presence and activity of the Belarusian state in the multilateral and bilateral dimension of the program and an attempt to answer the question how the participation of Belarus in the Eastern Partnership programme, enables realizing by this country the European development path. The analysis in the fourth chapter included realization of concrete projects financed by the EU budget under the programmes of the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. The fifth chapter focused on perspectives of future relations between Belarus and European Union. The analysis included three scenarios: stagnant, regressive and progressive.