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Journal articles on the topic 'The New Jerusalem'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Ricks, Thomas. "Jerusalem: City of Dreams, City of Sorrows." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 20, no. 1 (2011): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v20i1.291.

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Note: The text of Thomas Ricks’ article that was published in the print version was not the text approved by the author. Frontiers apologizes for this error. The article linked here contains the unedited text as approved by its author. The paper focuses on the cultural and social foundations of the Holy City of Jerusalem both past and present, and strategies for helping U.S. study abroad students understand these foundations. The City underwent a number of social and cultural transformations from the Islamic and Arab 7thcentury to the present. In evolving from a pilgrimage site to a major walled administrative, religious, and commercial center, Jerusalem began to dominate Palestine’s western coasts, highlands, and the eastern Jordan River valley during the 16thto 19thOttoman centuries. From World War One to the 1948 War, tensions began to build within Palestine and Jerusalem resulting from the British occupation and a dramatic rise in Zionist European Jewish immigrants. The Jewish arrivals were building an independent state within the British colony of Palestine and began to dominate the daily lives of the Palestinians of both the New and Old Jerusalem. With the 1948 establishment of the Jewish State of Israel, the most visible cleavages between Palestinians and Israelis in Jerusalem’s life became apparent with the city literally divided in half with most of the New City occupied by Israeli forces, and the parts of the New and all the Old City by Jordanian soldiers. Various learning strategies are offered to help students grasp some of the intellectual context and cultural riches of today’s “three Jerusalems.”

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2

Paul Christensen. "The New Jerusalem." Antioch Review 75, no. 3 (2017): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.7723/antiochreview.75.3.0332.

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3

Kain, Kevin M. "Conceptualizing New Jerusalem." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 54, no. 1-3 (2020): 134–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05401008.

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Abstract This essay re-conceptualizes Muscovite notions of New Jerusalem, by considering the practice of historical replication, including hierotopy, as a religious-political ideology. It explains why and how Tsar Fedor Alekseevich adopted and advanced the replication of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher at the Resurrection “New Jerusalem” Monastery, founded by Patriarch Nikon and his father Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich, despite the ecumenical patriarchs’ condemnation of Nikon and his monastery in 1666 and eschatological fears promoted by Old Believers. Fedor resurrected the New Jerusalem idea in order to solidify his inheritance of the Muscovite throne and the Constantinian legacy in connection with the First Russo-Turkish War of 1676–1681. The tsar embraced the “Byzantine-New Jerusalem scenario,” according to which Muscovite rulers who scored military victories through the power of the True Cross in St. Constantine’s image were obliged to preform churchwardenship (ktitorstvo) in imitation of the Byzantine emperor, including the embellishment of the prototypical Jerusalem church and its replications in Russia. The investigation of Tsar Fedor Alekseevich’s Byzantine-New Jerusalem scenario reveals the non-linear, non-logical type of thinking that advanced political goals, including the establishment of the legitimacy of the tsar and his dynasty. This article highlights and qualifies the strategy of historical repetition, in which the icon reproduces the prototype in real, not metaphoric, terms.

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Kilpatrick, G. D., H. Wansbrough, Eberhard Nestle, Erwin Nestle, and Kurt Aland. "The New Jerusalem Bible." Novum Testamentum 28, no. 4 (1986): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1560590.

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5

Smith O'Neil, Maryvelma. "‘One Giant House’: Civil Society Mobilisation and the Protection of Palestinian Cultural Heritage and Identity in Al-quds Al-Sharif." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 17, no. 1 (2018): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2018.0181.

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Civil society organisations in East Jerusalem play a crucial role in protecting Palestinian cultural heritage in the Old City of Jerusalem by providing grassroots support and enhancing the steadfastness of East Jerusalem's Palestinian residents. In critically engaging with the Palestine National Authority's (PNA's) definition of the role of culture, this article seeks to provide the first comprehensive assessment of this civil society mobilisation. After breaking new ground by demonstrating how Jerusalemite university students perceive Palestinian identity, it concludes by asserting that the forging of an active collaboration between the PNA, Jerusalemite students and minority communities could bolster the frontline defense of vulnerable cultural heritage against further Zionist remodeling of Jerusalem's ‘one giant house’. ( Ghoshen 2013 )

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6

Chyutin, Michael. "The New Jerusalem: Ideal City." Dead Sea Discoveries 1, no. 1 (1994): 71–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851794x00031.

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Chyutin, Michael. "The New Jerusalem: Ideal City." Dead Sea Discoveries 1, no. 2 (1994): 71–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851794x00194.

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8

Lovin, Robin W. "Longing for the New Jerusalem." Political Theology 14, no. 3 (2013): 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1462317x13z.00000000034.

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9

Barakat, Rana. "The Jerusalem Fellah: Popular Politics in Mandate-Era Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.7.

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The British Mandate in Palestine was a time of significant change for the social character and demographic feel of Jerusalem. As it grew into a colonial capital and expanding cosmopolitan city, the city became home to a large number of non-elite Arab Palestinians, specifically the fellahin from the villages of the western corridor, who became central to Jerusalem's social, political, and economic life. A great deal has been written about Jerusalem's traditional families and their role in the development of the city as a national Palestinian capital, but not much is known about the contributions of Jerusalem's Arab residents beyond those families. In seeking to rectify that lacuna, this article focuses on the important historical moment of the Buraq Revolt, demonstrating how the city's evolution as a hub of mass resistance was driven by unprecedented demographic and social changes, resulting in the emergence of what may be called a “new Jerusalem.”

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10

Colebrook, Claire. "The New Jerusalem and the New International." Parallax 7, no. 3 (2001): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13534640110064002.

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11

Moss, Candida R., and Liane M. Feldman. "The New Jerusalem: Wealth, Ancient Building Projects and Revelation 21–22." New Testament Studies 66, no. 3 (2020): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688520000053.

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Scholarly interpretations of the descent and description of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21–22 have tended to evaluate the city against biblical and extra-canonical descriptions of the Jerusalem Temple, apocalyptic accounts of heaven and ancient utopian literature in general. While some have noted the ways in which the New Jerusalem parallels the description of Babylon elsewhere in the Apocalypse, no one has yet considered the ways in which the New Jerusalem mimics, mirrors and adapts the excesses of elite Roman architecture and decor. The argument of this article is that when viewed against the backdrop of literary and archaeological evidence for upper-class living space, the luxury of the New Jerusalem is domesticated and functions to democratise access to wealth in the coming epoch. The ways in which Revelation's New Jerusalem rehearses the conventions of morally problematic displays of luxury can partially explain later patristic discomfort with literalist readings of this passage.

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12

Schall, James V. "The Newness of the New Jerusalem." Chesterton Review 28, no. 4 (2002): 503–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton200228499.

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13

Klein, Menachem. "Old and new walls in Jerusalem." Political Geography 24, no. 1 (2005): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2004.06.002.

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14

Helle, Lillian J. "Belyj's Bergen—or The New Jerusalem." Scando-Slavica 36, no. 1 (1990): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00806769008600967.

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15

Hamilton, Alastair. "Menno Simons and the New Jerusalem." Church History and Religious Culture 87, no. 4 (2007): 563–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124107x258545.

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16

Kauffmann, F., and W. Silberstein. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (S. JERUSALEM)." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 27, no. 1 (2009): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1950.tb05195.x.

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17

Hammond, Paul. "Book Review: The New Jerusalem Bible." Theology 89, no. 730 (1986): 309–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x8608900416.

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18

Kain, Kevin M. "“New Jerusalem” in Seventeenth-Century Russia." Cahiers du monde russe 58, no. 3 (2017): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.10099.

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19

Topham, Michael. "The Dimensions of the New Jerusalem." Expository Times 100, no. 11 (1989): 417–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468910001106.

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20

Шаповалов, Михаил Сергеевич. "NEW SIBERIAN JERUSALEM: ORIGINS, TRANSFER, TOPONYMICS IN THE XVII-BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY." ΠΡΑΞΗMΑ. Journal of Visual Semiotics, no. 2(24) (July 27, 2020): 182–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2312-7899-2020-2-182-198.

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В статье, основанной на материалах религиозных и светских текстов сибирских авторов XIX – начала XX в., документах региональных архивов, рассматривается феномен сибирского Иерусалима. Особое место уделено вопросам анализа иерусалимской и палестинской топонимики в Сибири. Автор преследует цель проанализировать процесс формирования феномена сибирского Иерусалима: какова его семантика, как соотносятся понятия «сибирский Иерусалим» и «Новый Иерусалим» и соотносятся ли вообще. В методологическом плане статья опирается на разработки в области иеротопии (А. М. Лидов) и культурно-семиотического трансфера (С. С. Аванесов). Автор приходит к выводам, что Иерусалим на протяжении XVII–XXI вв. оставался одним из пространствообразующих сакральных символов Сибири. В разное время в общественно-религиозном и научном дискурсе к сибирским Иерусалимам относили Тобольск, Енисейск, Томск, Каинск, Новокузнецк. Сибирские паломнические и религиозные тексты XIX – начала XX в. указывают на факт разделения в сознании сибиряков понятий Старого и Нового Иерусалима. Сибирский Иерусалим можно рассматривать в качестве образа Нового Иерусалима, продолжением процесса иконизации Московской Руси. До 1917 г. сибирским Новым Иерусалимом жители Зауралья признавали Тобольск. Статус Тобольска подкреплялся культурно-семиотическим трансфером иерусалимского топоса в Сибирь в формах идеи (Тобольск как центр Вселенной), образа (комплекс Тобольского кремля) и литургии (обряд «шествия на осляти»). Строительство сибирского Иерусалима сопровождалось активным переносом символов Иерусалима в Сибирь, что нашло отражение в топонимике региона. Реконструкция происхождения наименований раскрывает несколько источников создания палестинской топонимики в Сибири: церковное строительство, золотодобыча и еврейское присутствие. The paper examines the phenomenon of the "Siberian Jerusalem" based on both materials of religious and secular texts of Siberian authors of the XIX – early XX centuries and documents of the regional archives. Special attention is paid to the analysis of Jerusalem and Palestinian toponymy in Siberia. The author aims to analyze the genesis of the phenomenon of Siberian Jerusalem: its semantics, the relation between the concepts of Siberian and New Jerusalem if such a relation exists. In terms of methodology, the article relies on developments in the field of hierotopy (A. M. Lidov) and cultural-semiotic transfer (S. S. Avanesov). The author comes to the conclusion that Jerusalem during the XVII–XXI centuries remained one of the space-forming sacred symbols of Siberia. At various times, in the social-religious and academic discourse, Tobolsk, Yeniseisk, Tomsk, Kainsk, Novokuznetsk were attributed to Siberian Jerusalem. Siberian pilgrimage and religious texts of the XIX – early XX centuries point to the fact of separation of the concepts of the Old and New Jerusalem in the consciousness of the Siberians. Siberian Jerusalem can be regarded as the image of the New Jerusalem, a continuation of the iconization of Moscow Russia. Until 1917, residents of the territory beyond the Urals recognized Tobolsk as Siberian New Jerusalem. The status of Tobolsk was reinforced by the cultural-semiotic transfer of the Jerusalem topos to Siberia in the form of an idea (Tobolsk as the center of the Universe), an image (the Tobolsk Kremlin complex) and liturgy ("the procession on the donkey"). The construction of Siberian Jerusalem was accompanied by an active transfer of the symbols of Jerusalem to Siberia, which was reflected in the toponymy of the region. Reconstruction of the origin of names reveals several sources of the creation of Palestinian toponymy in Siberia such as church construction, gold mining and the Jewish presence.

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21

Wilkinson, John. "Jerusalem: the political dimension." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (2006): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803002.

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From 1950 West Jerusalem was the capital of the new state of Israel. After the Six Days War, in 1967, the whole of Jerusalem was incorporated into Israel, an action that has been repeatedly condemned by the United Nations. In 1980 Israel declared all Jerusalem to be its capital. The issue of the permanent status of Jerusalem remains a major unresolved cause of contention.

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22

Avrin, Leila. "Hebraica Now! The Book Arts, 1991-1993." Judaica Librarianship 8, no. 1 (1994): 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1261.

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There have been several positive developments in the areas of Hebrew typography, fine and private printing, and artists' books from 1991 to 1993. The paper discusses recent typefaces by the Jerusalem designer Zvi Narkiss; the typographic experiments of Ariel Wardi, former head of the Printing Department of Hadassah College of Technology in Jerusalem, as well as a new Hebrew display letter, "Hillel," designed by Scott-Martin Kosofsky for the Harvard Hillel Sabbath Songbook. The works of two private presses are examined: that of the Santa Monica private printer Jacob Samuel in a book illustrated by Micha Ulmann, and that of Jerusalem's designer-bookbinder, Yehuda Miklaf. Two significant artists' books have appeared recently: Maftir Yonah, a limited hand-printed edition with calligraphy by David Moss and etchings by Mordechai Beck, printed at the Jerusalem Print Workshop, and The Six Days of Creation, a work in monoprint, with calligraphy and drawing by Malla Carl. Another milestone is the 1992 Hebrew translation by Israel's veteran printing expert, Gideon Stern, of the printer's manual, Bruckmann's Handbuch der Drucktechnik as Sefer ha-defus. It includes the history and essentials of Hebrew typography and serves as an invaluable reference work for the new generation of Hebrew printers.

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23

Dörpinghaus, Jens. "Galiläa oder Jerusalem?" European Journal of Theology 30, no. 1 (2021): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ejt2021.1.005.dorp.

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Zusammenfassung Markus 14,27-28; 16,7 und Lukas 24,49 bzw. Apostelgeschichte 1,4 sprechen jeweils unterschiedliche Erwartungen für die Erscheinungsorte des Auferstandenen aus und insbesondere für das Verbleiben der Jünger. Markus spricht von Galiläa als Erscheinungsort, nach Lukas 24,49 sollen die Jünger jedoch in Jerusalem bleiben. Dieses Spannungsfeld wird häufig durch Methoden der Form- und Traditionskritik untersucht. Hier soll dieser Ansatz nicht nur diskutiert, sondern es sollen auch die theologischen Implikationen untersucht werden. Anhand eines neuen literarisch-chronologischen Ordnungsversuchs in den Evangelien kann herausgearbeitet werden, dass sich beide Aussagen auf die Nachfolge der Jünger Jesu in bestimmten Abschnitten der Zeit vor und nach der Auferstehung Jesu und seiner Himmelfahrt beziehen. Damit findet sich eine neue Perspektive auf die nachösterliche Nachfolge im Neuen Testament. Summary Mark 14:27-28 and 16:7 on the one hand and Luke 24:49 with Acts 1:4 on the other hand mention different locations where the disciples will meet Jesus after the resurrection or where they should stay. Mark mentions Galilee, Luke Jerusalem. Most scholars try to solve this conflict with the methods of form criticism or tradition criticism. This article discusses the shortcomings of this approach and discusses the resulting theological implications for both Jerusalem and Galilee. It introduces a new literary approach for ordering the post-resurrection appearances in the Gospels and Acts. The results provide new perspectives on discipleship in the period after Easter in the New Testament. Résumé Marc 14:27-28 et 16:7 d’un côté et Luc 24:49 avec Actes 1:4 de l’autre mentionnent différents lieux où les disciples rencontreront Jésus après la résurrection ou devront attendre. Marc cite la Galilée, Luc Jérusalem. La plupart des exégètes s’efforcent de résoudre ce conflit en recourant aux méthodes de la critique des formes ou de la tradition. Cet article traite des faiblesses de cette approche et aborde les implications théologiques qui en résultent pour à la fois Jérusalem et la Galilée. Il introduit une nouvelle approche littéraire pour ordonner les apparitions post-résurrection dans l’Évangile et les Actes. Les résultats ouvrent de nouvelles perspectives sur le discipulat en cette période importante du Nouveau Testament.

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24

McHugh, Patrick. "William Faulkner and the American New Jerusalem." Arizona Quarterly: A Journal of American Literature, Culture, and Theory 48, no. 1 (1992): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arq.1992.0014.

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25

Griffiths, Christian. "New Jerusalem: Musicology and the Marxist Aesthetics." Transcultural Studies 8, no. 1 (2012): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-00801008.

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26

Peck, Russell A. "Working Girl, Cinderella, and the New Jerusalem." Christianity & Literature 42, no. 3 (1993): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833319304200310.

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27

Harvey, Trevor. "The New Jerusalem in the ‘information age’ …" British Journal of Healthcare Management 7, no. 4 (2001): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjhc.2001.7.4.19099.

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28

Feig, Nurit. "New Discoveries in the Rephaim Valley, Jerusalem." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 128, no. 1 (1996): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/peq.1996.128.1.3.

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29

Kirby, David. "The New Jerusalem, and: So Many Wows." Prairie Schooner 89, no. 2 (2015): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/psg.2015.0064.

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30

Covaci, Valentina. "Praying for the Liberation of the Holy Sepulchre: Franciscan Liturgy in Fifteenth Century Jerusalem." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7806.

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The fall of Jerusalem to Saladin in 1187 and the loss of the Frankish Levant in 1291 triggered new calls or crusade and the literature dedicated to "the recovery of the Holy Land" (pro recuperatione Terre Sancte). The exhortation to war and the urgency of Jerusalem's deliverance were also expressed through liturgy. This article examines two liturgical texts, a "Votive mass for the recovery of the Holy Land" (Missa devota ad recurandam Terram Sanctam) and an "Introit to the Holy Sepulchre of the Lord" (Ad Sanctum Sepulcrum Donin introitus), transmitted in manuscripts from the Franciscan library in Jerusalem, the Biblioteca Generale della Custodia di Terra Santa. This article explores the two liturgical texts in the historical context of fifteenth-century Jerusalem, when the Franciscan friars where the only Latin clergy allowed to serve at the Holy Places. Historical accounts produced in this milieu evince the friars' efforts to memorialize the deeds of the crusader kings, celebrated as liberators of the Holy Land. The liturgical texts analysed here complement this militant memorialization. Keywords: Jerusalem, Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Franciscan liturgy, recovery of the Holy Land.  On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

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31

Phillips, Tim. "Saving paradise: Could Detroit be the New Jerusalem?" Review & Expositor 114, no. 3 (2017): 462–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637317721240.

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The church has inherited a conflicted understanding of “city” both from its biblical roots and from its experience in modern America. John’s vision in Revelation could be a window for both resisting a retreat from the city and imagining “city” in new spiritual terms. Much depends on what we think we are looking for. Using reports about the present state of affairs in Detroit as a living commentary on John’s vision of a New Jerusalem, what are the “former things” that have “passed away?” What needs to pass away for imagining a new city—a New Jerusalem? What glimpses are there of that new reality? Adapted from a sermon in 2010, this article attempts to name the questions and to kindle some imagination about a new spirituality for the city.

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Teodorovic, Jasmina. "„FUTURISTIČKA” FANTAZMAGORIJA: „LUČE NOVOG JERUSALIMA 2999”." Lipar, no. 72 (2020): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lipar72.047t.

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The majority of studies on the last story in Pekić’s gothic novel The New Jerusalem (Serbian: „Luče Novog Jerusalima”, officially translated in English by Zorica Đergović Joksimović ”The Lights of The New Jerusalem 2999”) elaborate on in it in terms of: poetic/narrative auto-referentiality, gothic chronicle, hybrid genre, meta- textuality, historiographic metafictional narrativity, eschatological vision, negative utopia, chiliastic tone, post-apocalyptic vision etc. However, what is to be noted as well is that Pekić’s rhetoric keeps insisting on the same archetypal anthropological matrix, insomuch as it insists on the human species. Pekić’s and our gothic chronicle represents the apocalyptic anthropos. Hence, the paper deals with the same revers- ible process of archeological excavation of „the apocalyptic future” both, within the context of Derrida’s „apocalypse of the apocalypse”, and Milić’s theses on Apocalypse as a never-ending invention of Secret. Given the aforementioned, as well as the paper’s theses, if the conclusion of a sort might be derived it would thus be roughly reduced to phantasmagoric space of Pekić’s rhetorical mask of as equally phantasmagoric apocalyptic and atemporal discourse.

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33

Flier, Michael S. "Muscovite Ritual in the Context of Jerusalem Old and New." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no. 2-3 (2015): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04902002.

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The reign of Grand Prince Ivan III (1462–1505) represented a period of wide-ranging consolidation of Rusian lands under the aegis of Moscow at the very time that elites were concerned about the Orthodox Christian prediction of an imminent Apocalypse in 1492. The semiotics of Muscovite rulership incorporated references to Jerusalem and the End Times long after the predicted date had passed. The present study analyzes the elements and relationships employed in iconography, architecture, and ritual to reevaluate the capital in light of Jerusalem old and new.

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34

Miller, Malcolm. "Eli Zion: Music of the ‘New Jewish School’." Tempo 59, no. 234 (2005): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298205330324.

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35

McCreery, David, and Virginia Garrard-Burnett. "Protestantism in Guatemala: Living in the New Jerusalem." American Historical Review 105, no. 2 (2000): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1571553.

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36

Оляніна, Світлана. "Iconostasis as a Vision of the New Jerusalem." Artistic Culture. Topical Issues, no. 15(2) (December 6, 2019): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31500/1992-5514.15(2).2019.186126.

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37

Miller, Rod. "What Hath New York to do with Jerusalem?" International Journal of Arts Theory and History 14, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2326-9952/cgp/v14i04/1-7.

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38

Peleg-Barkat, Orit. "Herod’s Western Palace in Jerusalem: Some New Insights." Electrum 26 (December 2019): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.19.003.11206.

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39

Middleton, Darren J. N. "Chanting Down the New Jerusalem - By Francio Guadeloupe." Religious Studies Review 37, no. 1 (2011): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2010.01497_2.x.

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40

Ohana, David. "Zarathustra in Jerusalem: Nietzsche and the “New Hebrews”." Israel Affairs 1, no. 3 (1995): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13517129508719337.

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41

Doval, Alexis. "The New Testament Text of Cyril of Jerusalem." Journal of Early Christian Studies 7, no. 1 (1999): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1999.0010.

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Panourgiá, Neni, Stathis Gourgouris, and Yiorgos Chouliaras. "The Stratigraphy of Dislocation - Jerusalem, Cairo, New York." Journal of Social Archaeology 3, no. 2 (2003): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605303003002001.

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Oryshkevich, Irina. "Roma Sotterranea and the Biogenesis of New Jerusalem." Res: Anthropology and aesthetics 55-56 (March 2009): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/resvn1ms25608842.

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Mackowski, Richard M. "Some «New» Place in Names in Herodian Jerusalem." Biblische Zeitschrift 29, no. 2 (1985): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890468-02902005.

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Werse, Nicholas R. "Realigning the Cosmos: The intertextual image of judgment and restoration in Zephaniah." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 45, no. 1 (2020): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219864613.

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Two extensive intertextual voices in the final-form of Zephaniah consist of Gen 1-11 (in Zeph 1.2-3; 2.11-15; 3.9-10) and Isaiah (in Zeph 2.15; 3.9-10, 14-17). Although often explored independently, these intertextual voices overlap in Zeph 2.11-15 and 3.9-10, constructing a dialogue. This study argues that this intertextual dialogue reorients the surrounding pronouncements of judgment and salvation along cosmic lines. This dialogue reframes the message of Zephaniah within a chiastic structure in which judgment against Jerusalem inaugurates the undoing of creation (A. Zeph 1.2-3). The voices of Isaiah and Gen 1-11 direct this undoing toward the nations, which culminates in the undoing of an archetypal Mesopotamian cultic center (B. Zeph 2.11b-15). Following this, the nations are reoriented around Jerusalem as the new international cultic center (B’. Zeph 3.9-10). This reorientation culminates in Jerusalem’s praise on account of its cosmic restoration (A’. Zeph 3.14-17).

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Bosman, J. G. "Geregtigheid in die boek Miga: 'n Tradisie-Historiese ondersoek na die begrip [foreign font omitted]." Verbum et Ecclesia 16, no. 2 (1995): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v16i2.449.

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Justice in Micha: A Traditio-historical Analysis of the Concept [foreign font omitted].The prophet A-licah announced the destruction of Samaria, shortly before 722 BC, and Jerusalem, shortly before 70] BC, because of social injustice. About a hundred years later the unfulfilled prophecy on Jerusalem was newly "discovered" when the Babylonians captured Jerusalem in 586/7 BC New reasons are given for the destruction of Jerusalem. It is not primarily because of social injustice bur also bacause of theological reasons that the city was destroyed. These two aspects now play the dominant role in defining justice. N!icha 6:8 functions as a summary of the first parts of the book of ltJicah but also points forward to the remaining part of the book. In this new context, justice has both a social and a theological dimension.

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MATTAR, PHILIP. "MARTIN GILBERT, Jerusalem in the Twentieth Century (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1996). Pp. 428. $16.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (2001): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380130106x.

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Much has been written about Jerusalem since the Madrid peace conference in 1991, most of it by partisans on both sides. Sir Martin Gilbert's work is one of the most entertaining, but least objective. Gilbert is a fellow of Merton College, Oxford University, and a biographer of Sir Winston Churchill and historian of World War II. He begins where his earlier volume, Jerusalem: Rebirth of a City, ended—around the turn of the 20th century. He starts his story with the last few years of Ottoman rule; dwells on British rule (1917–48) and the 1948 war; skims over the years between 1948 and 1967, especially the Jordanian rule of East Jerusalem; then gives a long account of the years after 1967. He ends his book with an endorsement of a plan to return part of East Jerusalem to the Palestinians. Gilbert is a master of the art of compressing an enormous amount of materials about the city's social, architectural, cultural, religious, and political history during the past century into a compelling and readable narrative. His book thus provides a panoramic account of the city, and, because he relies on newspapers, it has an eyewitness quality to it.

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Leppäkari, Maria. "Protestant pilgrimage to Jerusalem: preparations for the kingdom of God in apocalyptic rhetoric strategy." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 18 (January 1, 2003): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67287.

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The vast majority of sacred shrines and holy sites host pilgrims united by strong degrees of cultural homogeneity. But Jerusalem differs on this point- it draws pilgrims from a vast multitude of nations and cultural traditions since the city is considered holy by three major religious traditions: Judaism, Christianity and Islam. The representatives of these traditions go partly to different places at different times where they are engaged in different forms of worship. Often these visits are marked by clashes at the holy places. The notion of Jerusalem in religious belief is constructed by the transmission of various representations concerned with the image of the city. For Western Christianity today, Jerusalem is not only important because of the things which Jesus of Nazareth, according to the tradition, did there. For many Christians Jerusalem is vitally important because of the apocalyptic promise Jesus left his followers with: I'll be back! Therefore, the position of Jerusalem in the religious end-time play is crucial, since apocalyptic representations of the New Jerusalem motivate contemporary believers to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and to partake actively in political disputes about the Israeli—Palestinian conflict.

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El Kurd, Dana. "Palestinian Protests." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 4 (2018): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.114002.

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This paper argues that both the institutions and the social cohesion of Palestinians in Jerusalem were dealt a heavy blow following the creation of the Palestinian Authority in 1994. The Palestinian Authority increasingly demobilized Palestinians within Jerusalem and eroded traditional institutions. Nevertheless, the Israeli occupation’s intention to repress Jerusalemites by shutting down their organizations has inadvertently opened up new opportunities for collective action. Since then, Jerusalemites have begun reviving traditional institutions and working to address Israeli policies. This article incorporates new quantitative and qualitative data on the most recent waves of protest to make the argument that social cohesion is crucial to understanding protest capacity in East Jerusalem today.

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Shait, Heddy. "Horizontal or Vertical: Rereading the Space Scheme in Only Yesterday by S. Y. Agnon." AJS Review 39, no. 2 (2015): 393–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009415000100.

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Since its publication in 1945, scholarly works on S. Y. Agnon's Only Yesterday(Temol shilshom) have focused on various thematic and poetic aspects of the novel, such as the structure of the plot, the protagonist Isaac Kumer, and the moral and poetic meanings of the novel's ending. Inter alia, scholars have been interested in the geographical spaces presented in the plot, and the protagonist's indecision of whether to settle in Jaffa or Jerusalem, two cities that offer contrasting ways of living. This article offers a new reading of the novel's space scheme in tandem with an analysis of the short story, “The Mines of Falun,” by E. T. A. Hoffman, with which Agnon was familiar, and thus sheds a different light on Kumer's unexpected death at the novel's end. A comparative study of Agnon's and Hoffman's works reveals a similar space scheme that does not emphasize the contrast between two different cities—Jerusalem and Jaffa—but focuses on a single highly significant urban setting—Jerusalem. In Only Yesterday the main conflict is actually between a heavenly Jerusalem and an earthly Jerusalem (Jerusalem of above and below), and not between Jerusalem and Jaffa. Concentrating interest on Jerusalem itself turns the discussion of the novel to the nature of Jewish life in the Land of Israel, an issue that was of great concern to Agnon.

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