Relevant bibliographies by topics / The Popular Socialists and the Bolsheviks

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Academic literature on the topic 'The Popular Socialists and the Bolsheviks'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 2 June 2025
Last updated: 31 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "The Popular Socialists and the Bolsheviks"

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Khvalin, T. A. "ALEXANDER GUCHKOV’S RESIGNATION IN SATIRE AND CARTOONS IN MAY 1917." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-153-163.

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The article analyzes the cartoons and satirical works published in May 1917 that mentioned Alexander Guchkov and his resignation from the post of war minister. The scrutiny of materials from specialized satirical publications has enabled the author to conclude that the highly popular satire magazines Pugach, Novy Satirikon, Trepach, Baraban, and Strekoza refrained from mocking Guchkov, his resignation and his political position, although many newspapers – and particularly the pro-Socialist ones – passed highly acerbic comments on the former war minister. Even if they mentioned him, they viewed
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Protasova, O. "Etatism in ideological constructions of the popular socialists." Bulletin of Science and Practice 456, no. 11 (12) (2016): 346–56. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.167007.

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The article analyzes the program views of representatives of the right wing of the Russian neonarodnichestvo — Socialist Party of People — by the state Institute of problems, the state of the Russian state in the first quarter of the twentieth century, as well as determine the appropriate directions and possible prospects of its development. It is shown that the national socialists were not completely characteristic of anti–state judgment and mood in any form; on the contrary, a socialist state in the future, they tied a just social system, the growth of general and civic culture of the Russia
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Perry, Joe. "Nazifying Christmas: Political Culture and Popular Celebration in the Third Reich." Central European History 38, no. 4 (2005): 572–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563562.

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Radicalregimes revolutionize their holidays. Like the French Jacobins and the Russian Bolsheviks, who designed festival cultures intended to create revolutionary subjects, National Socialists manipulated popular celebration to build a “racially pure” fascist society. Christmas, long considered the “most German” of German holidays, was a compelling if challenging vehicle for the constitution of National Socialist identity. The remade “people's Christmas” (Volksweihnachten) celebrated the arrival of a savior, embodied in the twinned forms of the Führer and the Son of God, who promised national r
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Protasova, O., and I. Pirozhkova. "‘Labor People’ as an Object of Ideological Influence of Neo-popular Parties of the Beginning of the XX Century." Bulletin of Science and Practice 5, no. 12 (2019): 473–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/49/59.

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The relevance of the study is due to the insufficient coverage in modern historical literature of a number of those aspects of the activities of the parties of democratic socialism, which relate to the nature of the interaction of these parties with the subject of their political interest and social concern — the working masses of the city and, in particular, the countryside. Perhaps this issue is not so large as to claim the title of ‘fundamental’ — it is not directly related to the ideological struggle in the party elites, but it does illustrate the work processes that were going on within t
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Gregory, Paul R. "The Ultimate Bolshevik." Russian History 47, no. 4 (2021): 399–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340013.

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Abstract Ron Suny’s Stalin: Passage to Revolution traces Stalin from a young revolutionary in the Caucasus to his ascent to the top of the Bolshevik hierarchy. Discovered and promoted by Lenin, the young Stalin agitated among the workers of the giant factories in Baku, Tiflis, and Batumi as Russian socialists split between Menshevism’s social democracy and Bolshevism’s Marxist revolution. Between 1902 and 1917, Stalin was arrested or exiled six times, escaping five times. Rushing to Petrograd in the wake of the abdication and formation of the coalition government, Stalin managed the Bolshevik
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Protasova, O. "Democratic socialism and bolshevism in Russia early XX century: moral and ethical principles and mutual evaluation." Bulletin of Science and Practice 270, no. 9(10) (2016): 171–81. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.154307.

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В статье рассматриваются нравственные ценности и этические принципы социалистических партий ведущих России в начале двадцатого века. В конкретных примерах, показанных являются как различные имеют эти ориентации, в зависимости от характера политических сил - их среду: на практике партий "демократического социализма" - эсеров, народные социалисты, меньшевики доминировали принципы для гуманистических ценностей плюрализма, свободы, уважения к человеческой личности; для последователей так называемой "классовой морали" - главная ценность большевиков была политическая целесообразность. Мы даем взаимн
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Kayode, OMOTADE Ph.D, OLUWAFEMI Ph.D Adeola, and Waliyullahi ABIMBOLA Damilola. "LANGUAGE AND LITERACY CAMPAIGN AS A TOOL OF NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION, MODERN RUSSIA AND NIGERIA." Global Journal of Arts Humanity and Social Sciences 4, no. 9 (2024): 674–79. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13827724.

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Language and literacy initiatives have been core components of socio-cultural polities. The Russian state, in its varying metamorphosis, had deployed productive initiatives towards literacy campaigns, serving as a model especially after the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. Significantly, it has been observed from available literature that developing countries, Nigeria inclusive, have the greater number of illiterates, especially in the modern world. Consequent upon this assertion, governments and countries that find themselves in this precarious situation devote a lot of revenue, resources, energ
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Ierusalimskiy, Yuriy Yu. "Social Democratic Leaflets of the Period of the Decline of the First Russian Revolution in the Upper Volga Region: January 1906 – June 3, 1907." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-219-235.

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The article studies leaflets of social democratic organizations in the Upper Volga region during the period of the decline of the first Russian revolution. The chronological framework for the study is January 1906 – June 3, 1907. The territorial framework includes the Tver, Yaroslavl, Kostroma, and Vladimir gubernias. Source base of the study is published and unpublished sources: leaflets of the Upper Volga social democratic organizations. In January 1906 the revolutionary movement in Russia was waning. The leaflets of the Upper Volga extreme left organizations echoed regional socio-political
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Samokhodkin, V. N. "“CIVIL WAR IS THE KEY WORD OF OUR DAYS”: THE TERM “CIVIL WAR” IN THE RHETORIC OF GRIGORY ZINOVIEV." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4 (67) (2024): 128–40. https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2024-4-128-140.

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The article examines the usage of the concept of “civil war” by Grigory Zinoviev, one of the key figures in the Bolshevik Party during the 1914–1918 period. The article uses the approach proposed by scholars of the Cambridge History of Ideas and draws on a variety of sources, including Zinoviev's writings, stenographic records of his speeches at various meetings, and newspaper reports on these events. Bolshevik discursive practices differed from most such practices of other political forces at the time. Before World War I broke out, Zinoviev used the concept of “civil war” as a mere statement.
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Protasova, O. "“Passions on October”: Reaction of Russian Democratic Socialism on the Bolshevik Coup." Bulletin of Science and Practice 6, no. 5 (2020): 511–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/54/71.

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General trends in world politics, both past and present, can serve as proof of the relevance of this article: in States with unstable socio–political structure, lack of stable democratic principles and traditions, lack of legitimacy of power, there is always a high risk of a systemic upheaval, usually associated with social destruction, human disasters, and even victims. The ability to anticipate and prevent such systemic disasters, to ensure the reliability of the state body — an art that should be mastered by political elites. The failed experience of the democratic Republic in Russia during
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The Popular Socialists and the Bolsheviks"

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Bergman, Leo. "Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323861.

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This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of count
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Books on the topic "The Popular Socialists and the Bolsheviks"

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Waters, Chris. British socialists and the politics of popular culture, 1884-1914. Manchester University Press, 1990.

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Gabriela, Dalla Corte, and Prosperi Marcela, eds. Socialistas y socialismo en Santa Fe: La organización que venció al tiempo. Prohistoria Ediciones, 2012.

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Fischer, Nick. Here Come the Bolsheviks! University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040023.003.0003.

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This chapter examines how the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia contributed to the rise of the Red Scare. On November 7, 1917, revolutionaries from the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party seized power in Petrograd and proclaimed the world's first socialist government. The Bolsheviks endorsed violent, class-based insurrection and policies of land and resource nationalization. News of the Bolshevik uprising intensified the wartime atmosphere in the United States, in which fear of treachery was rampant. This chapter first considers American intervention in Russia during th
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Captives of revolution: The socialist revolutionaries and the Bolshevik dictatorship, 1918-1923. University of Pittsburgh Press, 2011.

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Trencsényi, Balázs, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár, and Maciej Janowski. The Many Faces of Leftism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198737155.003.0003.

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The success of the Bolshevik Revolution confirmed that economic backwardness was not necessarily an obstacle for socialism, as it triggered the radicalization of leftist movements in the region. Yet this also led to polarization of the left on questions of Soviet-Russian developments and possible cooperation with non-socialist parties, as well as agrarian and national questions. While in many countries social democracy entered the political mainstream in the 1920s, its position was undermined by the rise of right-wing authoritarianism. In turn, the Great Depression made the communist position
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British socialists and the politics of popular culture, 1884-1914. Stanford University Press, 1990.

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Sears, Kathleen. Socialism 101: From the Bolsheviks and Karl Marx to Universal Healthcare and the Democratic Socialists, Everything You Need to Know about Socialism. Adams Media Corporation, 2019.

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Sears, Kathleen. Socialism 101: From the Bolsheviks and Karl Marx to Universal Healthcare and the Democratic Socialists, Everything You Need to Know about Socialism. Adams Media Corporation, 2019.

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9

Wright, Julian. Socialists and their History. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199533589.003.0003.

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This chapter provides the first detailed survey of the multi-author work, led by Jean Jaurès, to write a socialist history of modern France. It explores the specific context in which the work was produced, restoring the intellectual networks and personal connections that made the project possible, and then focuses in particular on the way Jaurès’ collaborators wrote about the social movement from the 1790s to 1900. There was a concern through most of the volumes to try and understand the flow of time in the nineteenth century as being different from that of the twentieth century; the socialist
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Blaazer, David. The Popular Front and the Progressive Tradition: Socialists, Liberals and the Quest for Unity, 18841939. Cambridge University Press, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "The Popular Socialists and the Bolsheviks"

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Forestier-Peyrat, Étienne, and Kristy Ironside. "The Communist World of Public Debt (1917–1991): The Failure of a Countermodel?" In A World of Public Debts. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48794-2_13.

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AbstractThis chapter looks at the construction of a communist community of public debt in the twentieth century. Despite emerging as some of public debt’s most vehement critics in the early years of that century, communist governments made relatively conventional use of public debt to fund economic initiatives, foster bonds within the socialist bloc, and gain political influence. As these regimes’ economies stagnated, they borrowed heavily from capitalist lenders and ran into economic troubles in the 1980s, but they did not repudiate their debt, as the Bolsheviks had in 1918. Instead, they acc
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Machu, Laure, and Matthieu Tracol. "The French Socialist Party, Civil Servants and the State. A Comparative Approach to Social Reforms Between the Popular Front Period (1936–1938) and the Early Years of the Mitterrand Presidency (1981–1983)." In European Socialists and the State in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41540-2_10.

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Lovell, Stephen. "Revolutionary Talk, 1917–18." In How Russia Learned to Talk. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199546428.003.0007.

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The February Revolution brought an explosion of public talk as Russia gained the long-awaited freedoms of speech and assembly. Yet it was far from clear how this talk could be politically structured. The success of the Provisional Government seemed to depend on its outstanding rhetorician, the charismatic Aleksandr Kerensky, who kept up a frenetic public speaking schedule to audiences both civilian and military. On the Left, the Petrograd Soviet attempted to convert the popular cacophony of the revolution into effective socialist politics. Beyond the Soviet, the Bolsheviks sought to sway worke
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Pollock, Ethan. "Either Socialism Will Defeat the Louse or the Louse Will Defeat Socialism." In Without the Banya We Would Perish. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195395488.003.0007.

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In as much as the banya was associated with the Russian peasantry and urban decadence, Bolsheviks disdained it. But as a tool of modern hygiene, the banya was unassailable. Workers demanded accessible, affordable, and well-maintained bathhouses. After the revolution of 1917, the Soviet state committed to providing them. During the Russian Civil War, the prevalence of epidemics (typhus, relapsing fever) only increased the pressure on the new state to provide people with the means to clean themselves in banyas. During War Communism banyas came under municipal control and were expected to provide
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Wald, Alan M. "American Poetry and the Popular Front." In Bohemian Bolsheviks. BRILL, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004729490_010.

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Baberowski, Jörg. "Pyrrhic Victories." In Scorched Earth, translated by Steven Gilbert, Ivo Komljen, and Samantha Jeanne Taber. Yale University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300136982.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the aftermath of the Bolsheviks' victory over both the Whites, or counterrevolutionaries, and all rival socialists. The Bolsheviks broke the military resistance of the Whites, crushed the unrest and strikes of the peasants, and even restored the multiethnic empire, which, in the early months of revolution, had largely fallen apart. In spring 1921, when the Red Army marched into Georgia, the Civil War was officially over. For the Bolsheviks, however, military victory was not the end but rather the beginning of a mission, not simply to shake the world but to transform it. A
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Woloch, Isser. "The Travails of the French Left." In The Postwar Moment. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300124354.003.0002.

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This chapter examines the French Left. After the fall of France in June 1940, the French parliament convoked in the town of Vichy granted “full powers” to Marshal Pétain, thereby interring the Third Republic and accepting French collaboration with Hitler. Over two-thirds of the Socialist parliamentarians ignored the pleas of their leader Léon Blum and voted yes. The French Left was again in disarray. In the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution, the Socialist Party split apart and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) labor confederation experienced a comparable schism. Fifteen years later, a
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Horn, Gero-Rainer. "The Nature of a Popular Front." In European Socialists Respond to Fascism. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195093742.003.0006.

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Abstract Hendrik de Man was crucially aware of the necessity to win allies to the working class-based socialist ideal. Yet, contrary to received revisionist wisdom, the Flemish social democrat refused to link this search for a broader social base to a softening of the social agenda of the multiclass movement he hoped to construct. Essentially, de Man pursued a pragmatic approach, with strategies and tactics changing in accord with the overall political conjuncture. In times of relative social peace, “in order to envisage an alliance with the middle classes, or propaganda among the midddle clas
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Baberowski, Jörg. "Imperial Spaces of Violence." In Scorched Earth, translated by Steven Gilbert, Ivo Komljen, and Samantha Jeanne Taber. Yale University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300136982.003.0002.

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This chapter shows that Joseph Stalin's reign of violence in the 1930s was born out of a culture of war and was itself a civil war being fought with different means. It first considers the preconditions that led to the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the rise to power of the Bolsheviks, who cultivated a style of violence that remained alien to the liberals and the educated. It then looks at the civil wars that erupted among the Bolsheviks, the counterrevolutionaries, independence movements, and non-Bolshevik socialists. It shows how civil war and terror not only wreaked havoc and psychological
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Rosenberg, William G. "Social Conflict, Mediation, and the Revolutionary State." In States of Anxiety. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197610152.003.0010.

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Abstract How did Russia’s new ruling institutions formulate “solutions” to the multiple crises of scarcity and loss? After discussing the “weighty actor” thesis, which emphasizes the power of the state, this chapter details the multivalent quest by workers for socioeconomic security and dignity and by peasants for control over arable land and the supply of grain. Although social conflict riddled the three months of the first coalition regime, democratic liberals and democratic socialists worked strenuously to mediate conflict in the ministries, factories, and villages and along Russia’s vast r
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