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Journal articles on the topic 'The Popular Socialists and the Bolsheviks'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 2 June 2025

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Khvalin, T. A. "ALEXANDER GUCHKOV’S RESIGNATION IN SATIRE AND CARTOONS IN MAY 1917." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-153-163.

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The article analyzes the cartoons and satirical works published in May 1917 that mentioned Alexander Guchkov and his resignation from the post of war minister. The scrutiny of materials from specialized satirical publications has enabled the author to conclude that the highly popular satire magazines Pugach, Novy Satirikon, Trepach, Baraban, and Strekoza refrained from mocking Guchkov, his resignation and his political position, although many newspapers – and particularly the pro-Socialist ones – passed highly acerbic comments on the former war minister. Even if they mentioned him, they viewed

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Protasova, O. "Etatism in ideological constructions of the popular socialists." Bulletin of Science and Practice 456, no. 11 (12) (2016): 346–56. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.167007.

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The article analyzes the program views of representatives of the right wing of the Russian neonarodnichestvo — Socialist Party of People — by the state Institute of problems, the state of the Russian state in the first quarter of the twentieth century, as well as determine the appropriate directions and possible prospects of its development. It is shown that the national socialists were not completely characteristic of anti–state judgment and mood in any form; on the contrary, a socialist state in the future, they tied a just social system, the growth of general and civic culture of the Russia

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3

Perry, Joe. "Nazifying Christmas: Political Culture and Popular Celebration in the Third Reich." Central European History 38, no. 4 (2005): 572–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563562.

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Radicalregimes revolutionize their holidays. Like the French Jacobins and the Russian Bolsheviks, who designed festival cultures intended to create revolutionary subjects, National Socialists manipulated popular celebration to build a “racially pure” fascist society. Christmas, long considered the “most German” of German holidays, was a compelling if challenging vehicle for the constitution of National Socialist identity. The remade “people's Christmas” (Volksweihnachten) celebrated the arrival of a savior, embodied in the twinned forms of the Führer and the Son of God, who promised national r

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Protasova, O., and I. Pirozhkova. "‘Labor People’ as an Object of Ideological Influence of Neo-popular Parties of the Beginning of the XX Century." Bulletin of Science and Practice 5, no. 12 (2019): 473–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/49/59.

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The relevance of the study is due to the insufficient coverage in modern historical literature of a number of those aspects of the activities of the parties of democratic socialism, which relate to the nature of the interaction of these parties with the subject of their political interest and social concern — the working masses of the city and, in particular, the countryside. Perhaps this issue is not so large as to claim the title of ‘fundamental’ — it is not directly related to the ideological struggle in the party elites, but it does illustrate the work processes that were going on within t

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Gregory, Paul R. "The Ultimate Bolshevik." Russian History 47, no. 4 (2021): 399–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340013.

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Abstract Ron Suny’s Stalin: Passage to Revolution traces Stalin from a young revolutionary in the Caucasus to his ascent to the top of the Bolshevik hierarchy. Discovered and promoted by Lenin, the young Stalin agitated among the workers of the giant factories in Baku, Tiflis, and Batumi as Russian socialists split between Menshevism’s social democracy and Bolshevism’s Marxist revolution. Between 1902 and 1917, Stalin was arrested or exiled six times, escaping five times. Rushing to Petrograd in the wake of the abdication and formation of the coalition government, Stalin managed the Bolshevik

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Protasova, O. "Democratic socialism and bolshevism in Russia early XX century: moral and ethical principles and mutual evaluation." Bulletin of Science and Practice 270, no. 9(10) (2016): 171–81. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.154307.

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В статье рассматриваются нравственные ценности и этические принципы социалистических партий ведущих России в начале двадцатого века. В конкретных примерах, показанных являются как различные имеют эти ориентации, в зависимости от характера политических сил - их среду: на практике партий "демократического социализма" - эсеров, народные социалисты, меньшевики доминировали принципы для гуманистических ценностей плюрализма, свободы, уважения к человеческой личности; для последователей так называемой "классовой морали" - главная ценность большевиков была политическая целесообразность. Мы даем взаимн

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Kayode, OMOTADE Ph.D, OLUWAFEMI Ph.D Adeola, and Waliyullahi ABIMBOLA Damilola. "LANGUAGE AND LITERACY CAMPAIGN AS A TOOL OF NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION, MODERN RUSSIA AND NIGERIA." Global Journal of Arts Humanity and Social Sciences 4, no. 9 (2024): 674–79. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13827724.

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Language and literacy initiatives have been core components of socio-cultural polities. The Russian state, in its varying metamorphosis, had deployed productive initiatives towards literacy campaigns, serving as a model especially after the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. Significantly, it has been observed from available literature that developing countries, Nigeria inclusive, have the greater number of illiterates, especially in the modern world. Consequent upon this assertion, governments and countries that find themselves in this precarious situation devote a lot of revenue, resources, energ

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8

Ierusalimskiy, Yuriy Yu. "Social Democratic Leaflets of the Period of the Decline of the First Russian Revolution in the Upper Volga Region: January 1906 – June 3, 1907." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-219-235.

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The article studies leaflets of social democratic organizations in the Upper Volga region during the period of the decline of the first Russian revolution. The chronological framework for the study is January 1906 – June 3, 1907. The territorial framework includes the Tver, Yaroslavl, Kostroma, and Vladimir gubernias. Source base of the study is published and unpublished sources: leaflets of the Upper Volga social democratic organizations. In January 1906 the revolutionary movement in Russia was waning. The leaflets of the Upper Volga extreme left organizations echoed regional socio-political

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9

Samokhodkin, V. N. "“CIVIL WAR IS THE KEY WORD OF OUR DAYS”: THE TERM “CIVIL WAR” IN THE RHETORIC OF GRIGORY ZINOVIEV." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4 (67) (2024): 128–40. https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2024-4-128-140.

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The article examines the usage of the concept of “civil war” by Grigory Zinoviev, one of the key figures in the Bolshevik Party during the 1914–1918 period. The article uses the approach proposed by scholars of the Cambridge History of Ideas and draws on a variety of sources, including Zinoviev's writings, stenographic records of his speeches at various meetings, and newspaper reports on these events. Bolshevik discursive practices differed from most such practices of other political forces at the time. Before World War I broke out, Zinoviev used the concept of “civil war” as a mere statement.

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Protasova, O. "“Passions on October”: Reaction of Russian Democratic Socialism on the Bolshevik Coup." Bulletin of Science and Practice 6, no. 5 (2020): 511–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/54/71.

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General trends in world politics, both past and present, can serve as proof of the relevance of this article: in States with unstable socio–political structure, lack of stable democratic principles and traditions, lack of legitimacy of power, there is always a high risk of a systemic upheaval, usually associated with social destruction, human disasters, and even victims. The ability to anticipate and prevent such systemic disasters, to ensure the reliability of the state body — an art that should be mastered by political elites. The failed experience of the democratic Republic in Russia during

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Greenstein, David E. "AssemblingFordizm: The Production of Automobiles, Americans, and Bolsheviks in Detroit and Early Soviet Russia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 2 (2014): 259–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000048.

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AbstractThe expansion of the Ford Motor Company into Soviet Russia has been understood as part of a unidirectional spread of American economic power and cultural forms abroad following the First World War. This essay looks beyond the automobiles and manufacturing methods sent from Ford facilities in Detroit to the emerging Soviet automobile industry to examine multidirectional migrations of workers between Russia and the United States that underlay but sometimes collided with Ford's system. Workers, managers, engineers, and cultural, technical, and disciplinary knowledge moved back and forth b

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Anfertiev, Ivan A. "J. V. Stalin’s Road to Power: From Project of Socialist Control to Heading of the People's Commissariat of Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2018): 821–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-3-821-832.

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The article analyzes activities of J. V. Stalin, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (B), while serving as People's Commissar of State Control. The study aims to identify main objectives of the reorganization of the People's Commissariat, which resulted in its gaining supervisory supra-government functions under the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in April 1918. The decree rather dubiously attempted to shift the blame for governing bodies’ shortcomings to tsarist bureaucrats who cooperated with Soviet authorities and were dubbed ‘technical officers

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13

Abdulina, B. M. "St. Petersburg — Petrograd — Leningrad Universities during 1905–1930s in Visual Sources." Modern History of Russia 14, no. 2 (2024): 449–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2024.212.

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The article is focal research dedicated to reconstruction of the image of St. Petersburg — Petrograd — Leningrad universities in documentary photography. The study is based on photographic documents stored in Central State Archive of Photo, Phonographic and Cinema Documents of St. Petersburg, which is dated 1905 — the late 1930s. Author gives notes the specific of archival collection and gives and groups documents by topics, showing that the most popular plots were about students and faculty members as well as the participation of universities in political events. Results of the research allow

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Stašulāne, Anita. "ESOTERICISM AND POLITICS: THEOSOPHY." Via Latgalica, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1604.

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Interference of esotericism and politics became apparent especially in the 19th century when the early socialists expected the coming of the Age of Spirit, and narratives about secret wisdom being kept in mysterious sacred places became all the more popular. Thus, the idea of the Age of Enlightenment underwent transformation: the world will be saved not by ordinary knowledge but by some special secret wisdom. In this context, Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) developed the doctrine of Theosophy the ideas of which were overtaken by the next-generation theosophists including also the Russian painter

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Michaluk, Dorota. "The Political Rivalry for Belarus Between Belarusian Socialists and Bolsheviks in 1917 – 1919. The Establishment of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 31 (December 12, 2022): 255–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2022.31.255.

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The aim of the article is to study the peculiarities of the rivalry between Bolsheviks and Belarusian socialists for the future of the Belarusian lands in 1918-1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of scholarship, historicism, systematism and historical analysis. The scientific novelty of the results of this study lies in the reconstruction of the events related to the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus. Conclusions: At the end of World War I, after the February Revolution, the process of formation of an independent Belarusian state by Belarusian socialist

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16

Sperskienė, Rasa. "Lietuviškų organizacijų ir partijų Rusijoje 1917–1918 m. politinės veiklos reikšmę atskleidžiantys dokumentai LMA Vrublevskių bibliotekoje / Documents from the Holdings of the Wroblewski Library Reveal the Significance of Political Activity of Lithuanian Organizations and Parties in Russia (1917–1918)." LMA Vrublevskių bibliotekos darbai 12 (2023): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54506/lmavb.2023.12.4.

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After the start of the February Revolution, Lithuanian refugees, exiles, and soldiers in Russia developed a wide spectrum of organizations and political parties ranging from the extreme left to conservative Christian democracy. Despite major ideological disagreements, the Petrograd Seimas succeeded in adopting a resolution proposed by the right wing, which advocated a neutral and independent Lithuanian state. The Lithuanian community in Russia contributed to the creation of a new, independent, Lithuanian state by coordinating activities, forming new political structures, and cooperating with o

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17

Яценко, B. "INTERPARTIAL BOAT CONTINUATION- THE NOSLOVAN CITY HOUSE AT THE END OCTOBER 1917." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 15 (February 5, 2020): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/11932.

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In article interparty opposition in the Ekaterinoslav City Council concerning events 24 - on October, 25th, 1917 in Petrograd is considered and analyzed. In Ekaterinoslav, as well as on all country, overthrow of Provisional government and coming to power of Bolsheviks in Petrograd has caused an acute reaction of party-political forces of a city. The City Council became one of places of their opposition. Collision in its walls of different party-political forces on this question was inevitable. The selected works on August, 13th, 1917 city self-management of Ekaterinoslav have been generated ma

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Dubrovskaya, Elena. "Political Views and Positions of the Russian Servicemen in Finland at the Final Stage of the First World War (Spring – Summer 1917)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2022): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.1.2.

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Introduction. In the spring and summer of 1917 changes in the former autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland determined the history of relations between Russia and Finland for decades to come. The purpose of the article is to show changes in the political views and positions of the Baltic sailors and the army servicemen, who were elected to democratic organizations of the Russian military at the final stage of the First World War. Methods and materials. The article is based on the results of long standing study of issues, dealing with the stay of the Russian armed forces in the Grand Duchy of Finlan

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19

Shishkin, V. I. "Ex-Socialists as Human Resources for the Communist Party between February and October Revolutions (March — October 1917)." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 4 (2021): 857–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.402.

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At the end of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th century, political parties became the main actors for Russia’s social and economic processes and events. During the last three decades, they have been the focus of scholars’ efforts since classified sources of the Soviet period were opened for public access at the end of the 20th century. Intense scholarship shaped two main approaches to the topic. One focuses on each political party individually, and the other focuses on interactions between all of them. The second approach, even considering its merits, remains limited because r

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Ijabs, Ivars. "The Nation of the Socialist Intelligentsia: The National Issue in the Political Thought of Early Latvian Socialism." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903002.

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This article deals with the political debates of early Latvian socialists concerning the national question in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. These debates were crucial for the later development of Latvian politics. The idea of Latvian democratic statehood was first pronounced and advocated in this context. The debate also strongly influenced those Latvian socialists, who as the ‘vanguard of Bolshevism,’ later became devout followers of Lenin. An interaction of several intellectual traditions can be observed in these debates, both German and Russian. The internationalist orien

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MULHOLLAND, MARC. "‘MARXISTS OF STRICT OBSERVANCE’? THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL DEFENCE, AND THE QUESTION OF WAR." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (2015): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000454.

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AbstractIn August 1914, as war broke out, socialist parties across Europe offered support to their own governments. The Socialist International was shattered. This rush to defencism has traditionally been seen as a volte face in which the International's frequent protestations in favour of peace and international working-class solidarity were suddenly abandoned. The collapse has been variously ascribed to socialist helplessness, betrayal, or ideological incoherence. This article examines the International's attitudes to war and peace as developed and espoused in the decades before 1914, and fi

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Willoughby, John. "Worker Empowerment and Alternative Models of Socialism: A Comparative Investigation." Science & Society 88, no. 4 (2024): 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2024.88.4.435.

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Recently, David Laibman presented a comparative framework to analyze how different models of socialism might empower workers. In the Marxist tradition, popular control over the material conditions of life requires the ability to determine the rate of investment, plan the production of use values, and create an egalitarian system of distribution. In addition, both Marxist and market socialist advocates argue that workers should have the ability to manage the operations of the enterprises in which they work. These goals are not unproblematically compatible since workers within the enterprise mus

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FOOT, JOHN M. "‘WHITE BOLSHEVIKS’? THE CATHOLIC LEFT AND THE SOCIALISTS IN ITALY – 1919–1920." Historical Journal 40, no. 2 (1997): 415–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9700722x.

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During Italy's ‘two red years’ (1919–20), left-wing catholics challenged the authority of the church and the landowners in large areas of northern Italy. Calling themselves the estremisti (the extremists), left catholic unions organized peasants and workers in land and farm occupations and encouraged a series of radical strikes. Left catholic leaders became national figures, in particular Guido Miglioli at Cremona and Romano Cocchi at Bergamo. This article examines these innovative struggles and their troubled relationship with the traditional socialist Italian left during this turbulent perio

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Clowes, Edith. "‘The province…But, indeed, that is Russia!’." ENTHYMEMA, no. 28 (January 1, 2022): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2037-2426/15300.

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“The Imagined Province” investigates the shifts in what the “idea of the province” in the period of world war and the Russian revolution and civil war. I argue that the mental and emotional valence of Russia’s map changed markedly over these nine years as regionalist and provincial pride came into literary culture, urging a fresh view of central Russia outside the capital cities. This change of perspective emerges in essays, stories, and poetry throughout Central Russia, though this article focuses mainly on the Volga Region. Authors of many different political stripes contributed to this shif

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Noordegraaf, Herman. "Nu daagt het in het Oosten : De Bond van Christen-Socialisten en de Russische revolutie (1917-1921)." DNK : Documentatieblad voor de Nederlandse kerkgeschiedenis na 1800 43, no. 93 (2020): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dnk2020.93.003.noor.

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Abstract The Russian Revolution of 1917 evoked a lot of enthusiasm within revolutionary groups in the Netherlands. Here they saw for the first time in history the building up of a real socialist society. One of these was the League of Christian-Socialists (Bond van Christen-Socialisten), that was founded in 1907. Though the League welcomed the Russian Revolution there was also discussion, especially about the use of violence by the Bolsheviks. Three different groups came into being: those who rejected the use of violence (main representatives Truus Kruyt-Hogerzeil and Bart de Ligt), those who

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Musto, Marcello. "The Rediscovery of Karl Marx." International Review of Social History 52, no. 3 (2007): 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003070.

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Few men have shaken the world like Karl Marx. His death, almost unnoticed, was followed by echoes of fame in such a short period of time that few comparisons could be found in history. His name was soon on the lips of the workers of Detroit and Chicago, as on those of the first Indian socialists in Calcutta. His image formed the background of the congress of the Bolsheviks in Moscow after the revolution. His thought inspired the programmes and statutes of all the political and union organizations of the workers' movement, from Europe to Shanghai.

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Bert Hoppe and Mark Keck-Szajbel. "Iron Revolutionaries and Salon Socialists: Bolsheviks and German Communists in the 1920s and 1930s." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 10, no. 3 (2009): 499–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.0.0110.

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Ansari, K. H. "Pan-Islam and the Making of the Early Indian Muslim Socialists." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 3 (1986): 509–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00007848.

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One of the paradoxes of the history of Islam in the twentieth century is that many of the first Muslim socialists were men who at earlier stages in their lives had been devout Muslims, often passionately involved in the fate of Islam throughout the world. In Russia, socialists emerged from various silsila of the Naqshbandi sufi order, most notably the Vaisites of Kazan who fought alongside workers and soldiers in 1917 and 1918. In Indonesia, many sufi shaikhs became Communist party activitsts in the midst of the Sarekat Islam's great pan-Islamic protest of the early 1920S.In India, Muslim soci

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Ольга Матвіївна Білобровець. "THE POSITION OF THE POLISH POLITICAL FORCES IN UKRAINE ON COOPERATION WITH THE UKRAINIAN AUTHORITIES (THE END OF 1917 - 1918)." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11185.

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At the end of 1917, the main directions of the Polish social movement - conservative, nationalist, liberal-democratic and socialist - were presented in Ukraine. The ideological delineation of Polish political forces in Ukraine took place in the summer of 1917. The representatives of the liberal-democratic camp, the left-wing Socialists and the PPP-faction supported the policy of the Ukrainian Central Rada and became part of the Ukrainian government structures. The opposites in the basic ideological principles led to the exclusion from the participation of nationalist and conservative forces in

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Morozova, Tatyana I., and Vladimir I. Shishkin. "“…Into the fighting ranks of the Revolutionary Communist Party”: Admission of Former Socialists to the RSDLP(b) – RCP(b) (1917-1924)." History 19, no. 8 (2020): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-8-79-91.

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The article analyzes one of the problems of inter-party interaction in Russia in 1917–1924, which was not studies either intentionally or occasionally by Russian or foreign scholars. The subject of the research is the admission of socialists, who quit other parties, to the RSDLP(b) - RCP(b): more specifically who resigned the membership of Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (of Internationalists), Mensheviks, Right and Left wings of Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries, Socialist-Revolutionaries-autonomists, Union of Socialists-Revolutionaries Maximalists, Party of Revolutionary Communism, a

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RUOTSILA, MARKKU. "Neoconservatism Prefigured: The Social Democratic League of America and the Anticommunists of the Anglo-American Right, 1917–21." Journal of American Studies 40, no. 2 (2006): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580600140x.

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Far from being limited to conspiracist McCarthyism, American anticommunism always spanned the entire ideological spectrum. Recognizing this, in his classic studies of the initial Western reception of Bolshevism, Arno J. Mayer divided early anticommunists into mutually antagonistic “parties of order” and “parties of movement” and claimed that these two fought each other almost as much as they combatted the Bolsheviks themselves. Mayer's conceptualization spoke to a profoundly important dimension in Western anticommunism, both before and during the Cold War, in that it exposed a sort of civil wa

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Rogozny, Р. G. "Bolsheviks and the Holy Relics." Modern History of Russia 10, no. 4 (2020): 989–1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2020.411.

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The article explores the opening of religious relics in the first years of Soviet power and the reaction to this opening by “popular оrthodoxy”. Holy relics — the bones and imperishable remains of holy people — are revered in both the Orthodox and Catholic churches. In 1918–1920, the Bolsheviks, knowing popular belief in the incorruption of Holy relics, organized the opening of Church relics, and instead of imperishable relics found only bones. Government officials, priests, and doctors were appointed to the Commission responsible for opening relics of saints. Thus, the Soviet authorities trie

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Mândru, Anca Maria. "“Nationalism as a national danger?” Early Romanian socialists and the paradoxes of the national question (1880–1914)." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 2 (2015): 319–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.973389.

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This article traces the gradual accommodation of early socialists in Romania with the predicament of nationalism in the period between 1880 and 1914. The attitudes of Romanian socialists evolved from initial ambivalence toward nationalism to staunch commitment to internationalism in the 1890s, and an inadvertent but unmistakable growing engagement with nationalism after the turn of the century. Locating socialism in the broader political and cultural debates of the time, this article argues that belonging to the Romanian public arena forced socialists to become increasingly more sensitive to t

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Kooken, Nathan. "The June Offensive." Toro Historical Review 11, no. 1 (2021): 59–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46787/tthr.v11i1.2579.

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This essay explores the relations between soldiers, officers, command staff, and the Provisional Government, to explain why and how the June Offensive of 1917 failed, and to investigate its effects on the Russian Revolution. The liberals and moderate socialists of the Provisional Government failed to compose a coherent policy on the war and on soldiers' rights, resulting in extreme social and political polarization. Proclaiming the policy of revolutionary defensism, prosecuting a strictly defensive war, and seeking peace without annexations or indemnities, the Provisional Government contradict

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Filatova, Irina, and Apollon Davidson. "‘We, the South African Bolsheviks’: The Russian Revolution and South Africa." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 4 (2017): 935–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417722399.

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In South Africa, the Russian Revolution was admired by socialists and nationalists alike. The National Party soon stopped praising the Bolsheviks, but the effect of the Revolution on the nascent Communist Party was important and lasting. South African communists closely watched developments in Soviet Russia and established relations with the Communist International (Comintern) even before the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) was born. The Party’s ideology and policy were shaped by the Comintern’s ideas and instructions. In the 1920s and 1930s the struggle around the Comintern-imposed slo

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Masyutin, Alexander S. "Vyatka Revolutionaries in the “Government Facility”: 1905—1913." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2018): 793–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-3-793-808.

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The article analyses various aspects of the life in prison of political prisoners of the Vyatka gubernia. Unpublished documents from the archives of Kirov and Moscow, on which this study is based, designate the subject of the study; that is, they allow to establish forms of resistance of political prisoners to prison regime, to identify patterns of their escapes, to trace dynamics in occupancy of political prisons in the Vyatka gubernia, to establish instances of interaction between representatives of different left parties while in penal institutions. The timeframe of the study is the period

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Timkin, Yuri N. "The ‘March Bolsheviks’: The Emergence of the Uezd Organizations of the RCP (b) in the Vyatka Gubernia in the Spring – Autumn 1918: From Archival Materials." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 455–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-455-462.

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Drawing on archival materials from the State Archive of the Kirov Region and those from the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region, the article studies emergence and development of the uezd organizations of the RCP (b) in the Vyatka guberina in the spring – autumn 1918. By spring of 1918 the Soviets had set up their authority, and the Bolsheviks had wrung the majority therein from the Left Socialists-Revolutionaries. Up to the spring of 1918 there were no RCP (b) organizations in most uezd towns of the Vyatka gubernia, which may be explained by non-proletarian charac

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Barinov, D. A. "Socialists against communists: students of Petrograd / Leningrad in the 1920s." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 10, no. 1 (37) (2023): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2023.10(1).37-47.

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The Soviet student body of the first Soviet decade was extremely heterogeneous. Representatives of the pre-revolutionary intelligentsia of liberal or conservative views in universities and institutes coexisted with people from democratic workers and peasant classes, who were generally loyal to the new government. This idea was established in Soviet historiography. In recent decades, the Soviet student body of the 1920s is studied mainly in a similar paradigm: there was only a shift in the research focus from the workers' faculty and “red” students to the “old” students that opposed them. In th

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Chemakin, A. A. "Where Did the Black Hundreds Disappear? Electoral Statistics as a Source for the Study of the National Identity of Ukrainian Peasantry at the Beginning of the 20th Century." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 3 (2023): 592–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.305.

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The article traces the fates of the members of the Black Hundred organizations of Right-Bank Ukraine after the revolution of 1917. In 1905–1917, this region was one of the centers of the monarchist movement, and the Pochaev department of the Union of the Russian People was the most numerous black hundred organization in the Russian Empire. There is a lot of indirect evidence that after the overthrow of the monarchy, many Black Hundreds of the Right Bank found themselves in the ranks of Ukrainians and Bolsheviks, actively participating in various rebel detachments and gangs, but it is impossibl

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Peris, Daniel. "Commissars in Red Cassocks: Former Priests in the League of the Militant Godless." Slavic Review 54, no. 2 (1995): 340–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501625.

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When the bolsheviks took power in November 1917, they openly proclaimed their commitment to a secularized Russia. This meant, above all, combatting both the Russian Orthodox Church as an institution and popular Orthodox beliefs and practices.

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Baker, William J., and Chris Waters. "British Socialists and the Politics of Popular Culture, 1884-1914." American Historical Review 97, no. 3 (1992): 852. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164828.

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Berger, Martin. "British Socialists and the Politics of Popular Culture, 1884–1914." History: Reviews of New Books 19, no. 4 (1991): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1991.9949367.

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Briuchowecka, Łarysa. "Польща в українському кіно". Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (14 вересня 2016): 25–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.5.

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POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not fo

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Briuchowecka, Łarysa. "Polska w kinie ukraińskim." Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (September 14, 2016): 89–150. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.6.

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POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not fo

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Zoffmann Rodriguez, Arturo. "An Uncanny Honeymoon: Spanish Anarchism and the Bolshevik Dictatorship of the Proletariat, 1917–22." International Labor and Working-Class History 94 (2018): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547918000066.

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AbstractThe Russian Revolution became a beacon flare for anti-capitalists across the world, including many anarchists. The Spanish anarcho-syndicalists became ardent supporters of Bolshevism, and many endorsed the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Here, I try to arrive at a political and historical understanding of this uncanny honeymoon, and question empirical explanations that present it as a simple misunderstanding. I firstly historicize the evolution of the concept of the workers’ dictatorship in the Spanish labor movement and assess it through the prism of the antagonism bet

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Berman, Sheri, Zachariah Mampilly, Andre Pagliarini, and Nick Serpe. "Parties and Movements: A Roundtable on Left Politics." Dissent 70, no. 4 (2024): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2024.a918680.

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ABSTRACT: For many socialists, the classic political model comes from the left-wing parties grounded in workers’ movements that formed in Europe over a hundred years ago. Today, many of the left’s broadest goals, and its primary antagonists, remain the same. But the conditions under which socialists pursue those goals have changed drastically. And the social and political climate varies greatly across our unequal planet. This conversation, held in October, brings together scholars who focus on different regions in order to help us understand the challenges that left political formations and po

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Berman, Sheri, Zachariah Mampilly, Andre Pagliarini, and Nick Serpe. "Parties and Movements A Roundtable on Left Politics." Dissent 71, no. 1 (2024): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2024.a929092.

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ABSTRACT: For many socialists, the classic political model comes from the left-wing parties grounded in workers' movements that formed in Europe over a hundred years ago. Today, many of the left's broadest goals, and its primary antagonists, remain the same. But the conditions under which socialists pursue those goals have changed drastically. And the social and political climate varies greatly across our unequal planet. This conversation, held in October, brings together scholars who focus on different regions in order to help us understand the challenges that left political formations and po

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Kolonitskii, B. I., and K. V. Godunov. ""Kornilovshchina" as a "Civil War": the Application of the Concept in the Context of a Political Crisis." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(54) (2021): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-3-78-87.

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The article examines the application of the concept of “civil war” during the Revolution of 1917. Attention is paid to the so-called “the Kornilov affair”. We use different political dictionaries, periodicals, public appeals of main political actors, and diaries as our main sources. All political forces used the collocation “civil war”, and they utilized the fear of civil war for their own purposes. The exceptions were some radical Socialists, primarily Vladimir Lenin, who, in some of his texts, described the revolution as a civil war that had already begun. On the eve of the Kornilov affair,

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Trushin, Mikhail S. "America’s left turn: A new generation of socialists." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 22, no. 2 (2022): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2022-22-2-237-242.

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The article is devoted to the change in the attitude of American society to the ideology of socialism at the beginning of the XXI century. The article examines reasons for popularity of leftist ideas in the United States, the most popular interpretations of the concept of “socialism” among American citizens, taking into account their age or belonging to a particular social group. The program and the success story of Bernie Sanders, a man who embodies American socialism today, as well as the impact of his political “headway” on the political development of the United States, are analyzed.

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Smith, Michael G. "Cosmic Plots in Early Soviet Culture: Flights of Fancy to the Moon and Mars." Canadian–American Slavic Studies 47, no. 2 (2013): 170–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04702003.

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This article explores two classics of Soviet science fiction – Konstantin Tsiolkovskii’s Beyond the Earth (1918) and Aleksei Tolstoi’s Aelita (1923) – in their related historical contexts. Both had their origins in the popular nineteenth-century “cosmic romance,” owing to their staple characters, settings, and plots. These were extraordinary adventures into the heavens, modern signposts of how the fantastic was becoming real. Yet both novels also became leading texts in the genre of Stalinist Socialist Realism, stories that made “fairy tales come true.” Tsiolkovskii and Tolstoi both appealed t

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