Journal articles on the topic 'The Princely State of Hyderabad Deccan'

AbstractWhilst the history of the Indian diaspora after independence has been the subject of much scholarly attention, very little is known about non-Indian migrants in India. This paper traces the fate of Arabs, Afghans and other Muslim migrants after the forcible integration of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union in 1948. Because these non-Indian Muslims were doubly marked as outsiders by virtue of their foreign birth and their religious affiliation, the government of India wished to deport these men and their families. But the attempt to repatriate these people floundered on both political and legal shoals. In the process, many were left legally stateless. Nonetheless, migrants were able to creatively change the way they self-identified both to circumvent immigration controls and to secure greater privileges within India.

AbstractIn the 1930s, there were two glaring questions confronting the princely state of Hyderabad's Administration: the question of sovereignty (or the political future of the Hyderabad) and the problem of civil liberties. This article explores the complex socio-political conditions in the early decades of the twentieth century that gave rise to the formation of dynamic civil-society institutions in the princely state of Hyderabad. In particular, it asks how and why the discourse of civil liberties was taken up by these institutions and assesses the response of the Hyderabad Administration with respect to safeguarding civil liberties for its subjects. What the historical record reveals is that the early decades of the twentieth century in Hyderabad became a battleground between the Hyderabad Administration and the burgeoning public sphere that the Administration could not control nor manage.

AbstractThis article explores the idea of federation in late-colonial India. Projects of federation sought to codify the uncodified and fragmented sovereign landscape of the British Raj. They were ambitious projects that raised crucial questions about sovereignty, kingship, territoriality, the potential of constitutional law in transforming the colonial state into a democratic one, and India's political future more broadly. In the years after 1919, federation became a capacious model for imagining a wide array of political futures. An all-India Indian federation was seen as the most plausible means of maintaining India's unity, introducing representative government, and overcoming the Hindu–Muslim majority–minority problem. By bringing together ‘princely’ India and British India, federation made the Indian states central players in late-colonial contestations over sovereignty. This article explores the role of the states in constitutional debates, their place in Indian political imaginaries, and articulations of kingship in late-colonial India. It does so through the example of Hyderabad, the premier princely state, whose ruler made an unsuccessful bid for independence between 1947 and 1948. Hyderabad occupied a curious position in competing visions of India's future. Ultimately, the princely states were a decisive factor in the failure of federation and the turn to partition as a means of overcoming India's constitutional impasse.

AbstractThrough an examination of the September 1948 event known as the “Police Action,” this article argues that “internal violence” was an important engine of state formation in India in the period following independence in 1947. The mid-century ruptures in the subcontinent were neither incidental to nor undermining of the nascent Indian nation-state project—they were constitutive events through which a new state and regime of sovereignty emerged. A dispersal and mobilization of violence in and around the princely state of Hyderabad culminated in an event of violence directed primarily at Hyderabad's Muslims during and just after the Police Action. This violent mediation of the incorporation of India's Muslims into the postcolonial order left significant legacies in subsequent decades. These events in the heart of peninsular India, and the processes behind them, have remained largely invisible or obscured in the historical record. Here I substantially revise the historiography of what happened in Hyderabad, and draw on my findings to offer an alternative perspective on decolonization in India.

Those of us who work on the Indian princely states sometimes seem to share a certain marginalization, a certain distance from the debates shaping the writing of South Asian history today. We also share, more positively, views of that history that do not focus on British colonial rule and are not based on colonial sources, views that arguably offer more continuity with pre-British history and alternative visions of the South Asian past, present, and future.

Abstract This paper discusses the political history of the Indian princely state of Janjira on the west coast of India. It was ruled by Sidis (Africans) from the early seventeenth century until the merger of princely states immediately after the independence of India in 1947. The Sidi rulers of Janjira were of African origin, having initially entered India as traders and serving in administrative capacities with the medieval Deccan kingdoms. The emphasis of this paper will be on the manner in which the rulers of Janjira were elected by a group of African Sidi chiefs or Sardars from amongst them for almost two centuries, as opposed to relying on hereditary primogeniture as a system of succession, and the implications that such a system had on the history of Janjira.

When the states’ reorganisation took place in 1956, Andhra Pradesh, enlarged by inclusion of Telangana, faced two contrary pulls. On the one hand, there was widespread pride in the Telugu language and culture, prevailing over the whole state, and, on the other, there was the legacy of the different histories of its two major parts, namely, coastal Andhra, long held under direct British administration, and Telangana, which had been a part for over two centuries of the largest princely state of India, Hyderabad. The paper examines how owing to this divergent legacy of the past, a union lasting for over half a century (1956–2014) proved unworkable, and separation became inevitable.

In its historic evolution and development, the Hyderabad city has experienced many changes since its foundation as the capital of the medieval Kingdom of Golconda in the 16th century to its present status as the metropolis of a modern state. Each historic phase of development has significantly influenced its physical, social, economic and cultural growth. Hyderabad, under the influence of Deccan, Persian and indigenous culture, synthesised and evolved its very own Hyderabadi Tehzeeb. It truly represented the assimilation (yet uniqueness) of diverse cultures which inhabited Hyderabad. More than four hundred years later, HITEC city Hyderabad today presents a different picture. Whether it is its structural and spatial expansion, infrastructural development or its socio-cultural ethos, contemporary Hyderabad has evolved phenomenally and for many natives beyond recognition. Using ethnographic approach and secondary data, the paper introspects whether the City of Pearls has retained its unblotted tolerance and Hyderabadi Tehzeeb or has given up to the challenges of modern and globalizing times. Culturally, what is it that the natives of ‘Bhagyanagar’ irrespective of their caste, creed, gender, region and religion miss in modern Hyderabad.

Like other Britons in colonial India, Sir William Sleeman had a poor opinion of the traditional holy men who still formed an important part of Indian society in the nineteenth century. Reflecting his writings on the suppression of the Thugs that would make him famous, Sleeman declared that, “There is hardly any species of crime that is not throughout India perpetrated by men in the disguise of these religious mendicants; and almost all such mendicants are really men in disguise”.1 None of these holy men were considered more dubious – more superstitious and reactionary – than the dervishes and faqīrs. In popular Indian usage the terms darwīsh and faqīr referred to a class of Muslim holy men who were considered to possess a range of miraculous powers, powers which served to demonstrate their proximity to God; and so in turn to underwrite their considerable authority.2 For many British officials, it was this authority that stood at the heart of what they saw as the faqīr problem. As the rumours that surrounded the various ‘mutinies’ of the nineteenth century demonstrate, faqīr s were seen as the perpetual ringleaders of rebellion and sedition. Nowhere were these concerns more insistent than in the circles of India's colonial armies, which more than any other aspect of colonial society relied on loyalty to a formalised and rational chain of command. Yet in spite (and in some ways because) of these fears, the commanders of the various armies under British command in India were anxious to demonstrate their respect for the autonomy of the religious rights of the Indian soldier. Through the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the Islam of ‘Jack Sepoy’ or the Indian soldier fell in between this tension of covert suspicion and official respect, and in different ways the careers of a series of Muslim holy men attached to the Muslim soldiers were shaped by this tension. Over the following pages, this essay examines the careers of three faqīr s connected to the Hyderabad Contingent, the army under British command in the nominally independent princely state of Hyderabad in South India, better known as the Nizam's State. Looking out from this princely corner of Britain's ‘informal empire’, the essay uses a number of forgotten small-town texts in Urdu to begin to reconstruct the religious history of the Indian soldier from the inside, as it were, and so to create an ethnohistory of Islam in the colonial armies of the British Empire.3

Abstract Large zones of de facto political autonomy persist even as various state systems have endeavored to fix, rationalize, and secure external and internal borders. These spaces are products of long histories of uneven extension and exercise of state sovereignty in the subcontinent and much of Asia and Africa. Histories and legacies of borderland autonomy have important implications for contemporary sovereign practice in much of the world. This article examines the making, unmaking, and endurance of borderlands around Hyderabad in the eastern Deccan. It describes the region as an “old borderland,” from premodern frontier zone, to sovereign and autonomous state during the era of British imperial dominance, through its mid-twentieth-century reemergence as a site of state avoidance or resistance. Identifying the productive relationship among frictional environments, political sovereignty, and social and cultural dynamics, this article develops frameworks for historicizing borderland autonomy in South Asia and beyond.

AbstractNineteenth-century European colonialism produced a textured and uneven legal terrain rather than homogeneous imperial units. The fragmentation of sovereignty between empires and subordinated states created frontier zones that unsettled the workings of governance. This article views the developing landscape of power in high colonial South Asia from the loosely controlled frontier zone between Hyderabad, a Princely State ruled by sovereign Muslim dynasts titled Nizams, and the Bombay Presidency, part of Britain's Indian Empire, or Raj. I argue that the heterogeneous legal terrain along the border was a useful resource for administrators and subjects. State officials of both Hyderabad and Bombay justified various projects there; subjects of the two states shopped forums in a legal pluralist environment; and populations on either side of the border whose livelihoods and political agendas ran afoul of social pressures or the economic and cultural imperatives of state projects fled there from adversity. I examine cases of alleged cattle rustlers, bandits, and prostitutes and their engagements with police and courts to explore the political challenges and possibilities the frontier offered different groups. Colonial attempts to extend racialized policing practices across the frontier were frequently met by machinations of marginal people trying to avoid imprisonment or extricate themselves from oppressive social structures. Such figures could use the ambiguity of frontier legal authority to their advantage. The picture that emerges is one of a brute and often-arbitrary colonial power offset by alternative malleable sovereignties that resourceful subjects could play against one another.

In October 1933, two motorcars drove out of Peshawar towards the Khyber Pass carrying a small delegation of Indian Muslims summoned to meet the Afghan ruler Nadir Shah in Kabul. While Nadir Shah had officially invited the travelers to discuss the expansion of the fledgling university founded a year earlier in Kabul, the Indians brought with them a wealth of experience of the wider world and a vision of the leading role within it of Muslim modernists freed of Western dominance. Small as it was, the delegation could hardly have been more distinguished: it comprised Sir Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938), the celebrated philosopher and poet; Sir Ross Mas‘ud (1889–1937), the former director of public instruction in Hyderabad and vice-chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University; and Sayyid Sulayman Nadwi (1884–1953), the distinguished biographer and director of the Dar al-Musannifin academy at Azamgarh. The three were traveling to Kabul at the peak of their fame; they were not only famous in individual terms but also represented India's major Muslim movements and institutions of the previous and present generations. Ross Mas‘ud, grandson of the great Muslim modernist Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–1898), had fifteen years earlier been the impresario behind the foundation of Osmania University in the princely state of Hyderabad. A decade earlier, Sulayman Nadwi, the heir of the reformist principal of the North Indian Nadwat al-‘Ulama madrasa Shibli Nu‘mani (1857–1914), had been among the leading figures of the pan-Islamist, Khilafat struggle to save the Ottoman caliphate. And eighteen months earlier, Muhammad Iqbal had represented India's Muslims at the Round Table Conference in London that would shape India's route to independence.

Background: The objective of the present study was to find out predictors of occult bacteremia in children, 3 months to 36 months of age group, with fever without focus and to find out most common bacteria causing occult bacteremia in the same group of children.Methods: A cross sectional study was done between January 2017 to January 2018 on hundered children between 3 months and 36 months of age group in Deccan College of Medical Sciences, Hyderabad Telangana State in all eligible children admitted in pediatric ward. A detailed history and physical examination completed as per Performa. Various blood samples were obtained for TLC, DLC including band form%, CRP, Micro –ESR and culture by standard methods. Urine sample taken in all cases for urine culture. LP and CSF analysis done in all cases.Results: Total 100 children enrolled in the study and 9 children excluded from the study. Out of 100 children included in study 25 (26%) found bacteremia positive. The study population included 60 male (60%) and 40 female (40%) children their mean and +SD age was 1997 +1.99 months. There were 20 male and 5 female and their children in bacteremia positive group compared to 40 male and 20 females in bacteremia negative group.Conclusions: The study evaluated both clinical and laboratory predictors for the detection of occult bacteremia Total 8 laboratory parameters evaluated for their significance to detect occult bacteremia.

In her study of Urdu language politics in late colonial India, Kavita SaraswathiDatla traces the rise and eventual demise of an alternative Urdu movement thatenvisioned the language not as a marker of Muslim religious identity, but as ameans to articulate a modern secular nationalism with roots in India’s Islamicpast. By highlighting this largely forgotten moment of secular Urdu nationalism,the author pushes back against two well-established historiographical narrativeson Muslims in colonial India: the dominant understanding of theHindi-Urdu controversy as a process of sharpening communal boundaries andthe scholarly emphasis on the epistemological struggles to make Islam andWestern science compatible. She complicates both of these existing historiesby shifting her geographic lens from northern India to the so-called colonialperiphery: the Muslim princely state of Hyderabad. Specifically, Datla’s researchcenters on the establishment and initial decades of intellectual activitiesat Hyderabad’s innovative and Urdu-medium Osmania University.In the book’s opening chapter, Datla argues that Hyderabad’s leadingMuslim intellectuals and administrators were largely uninterested in epistemologicalquestions about the relationship between Islam and modern Westernforms of knowledge. To underscore this disinterest, she examines Wilfred S.Blunt’s unsuccessful proposal from the late nineteenth-century that the Hyderabadistate build a modern Islamic seminary. Whereas Blunt envisionedan Islamic university as a catalyst for Islamic reform in India, Datla demonstratesthat his Muslim interlocutors remained unconvinced about the necessityof any Protestant-style reformation of Islam. Instead of possessing such boldtheological agendas, leading Hyderabadi educators focused on extending educationalaccess and forging a stronger connection between the values taughtat home and the knowledge acquired at school. They located the solution tothese twin issues in vernacular education. For them, the use of Urdu insteadof Persian, Arabic, or English as the medium of instruction would remove theexisting language barriers in Hyderabad’s education system and simultaneouslyensure a greater continuity between home and school cultures. Accordingto Datla it was this focus on vernacular education, not Islamic reform, thatinspired Osmania University’s founding in 1918.The second chapter provides an in-depth examination of the university’sTranslation Bureau and its projects designed to reform Urdu into a modernscientific language. She explains that the Osmania faculty hoped to ...

Background: Sleep apnea is a condition that interrupts breathing while sleeping, usually caused by an obstruction blocking the back of the throat so that the air cannot reach the lungs. The brief cessation in breath automatically forces individuals to wake up and restart breathing. This can happen many times during the night, making it hard for the body to get enough oxygen, and impacts the sleep quality. It is the most common type of sleep disorder breathing.Objectives: The present study was designed to investigate the effects of obstructive sleep apnea (OSA) on different mental, physical and nervous disorders which are manifested in such patients. This study would not only benefit in ascertaining the causes of OSA through assessment of higher mental functions of autonomic and peripheral nervous systems but also in the development of algorithm for estimation of degree of damage to the nervous system with severity of OSA.Methods: A total of 1365 consecutive participants participated in this study at the Department of Pulmonary Medicine, Deccan College of Medical Sciences, Hyderabad, Telangana State, India for suspected sleep disordered breathing (SDB) between October 2012 and February 2016. In this cohort, 1140 participants were deemed ineligible, as per the inclusion criteria. Therefore, 225 patients were considered in the study along with 75 control subjects, who were healthy individuals. The cohort was diagnosed by an experienced pulmonologist for the symptoms of snoring and daytime somnolence. The data included documentation of age, gender, weight, height, BMI, waist and neck circumference, and clinical data such as history of apnea, insomnia, dyslipidemia, hypertension, and coronary heart disease. All participants underwent overnight polysomnography (PSG) in sleep laboratory. The cognitive function tests consisted of mini-mental state examination and by employing the depression questionnaire (Using Zung self report depression scale). The autonomic function tests were performed. Variabilities in heart rate were determined. Brain natriuretic peptide (BNP) levels in the blood were measured.Results: The study group had an AHI ≥5 per hour of sleep while the control group had AHI <5 per hour of sleep. Overall, patients in the OSA cohort were older compared to those in the Control cohort. The overnight polysomnography values indicated distinct differences among the parameters of the analysis depending upon the category of the patient (i.e., mild, moderate and severe). Oxygen saturation in blood during both REM and NREM sleep stages clearly indicated lower oxygen in patient cohort than the control group. The cognitive function tests revealed that in comparison to the control group, OSA patients had significantly impaired cognition. OSA patients had significantly higher (p ≤0.05) depression. Motor action, muscle action potential and nerve action potential was significantly lower (p ≤0.05) than that of the control group of healthy patients. The plasma BNP in OSA patients was significantly higher (p ≤0.05) than control subjects. RR intervals in the patient group were significantly shorter than in the control group. The blood pressure of the OSA patients in general was relatively higher than the control group, both during the postural response and in handgrip test.Conclusions: Among the enrolled individuals, those with severe OSA were affected in all faculties, namely, cognitive abilities and health attributes; and had high BNP levels in their blood. In aggregate, OSA patients can be alleviated from the syndrome, if accurate diagnosis is made on time. This study developed an algorithm which would aid the clinicians in early detection of OSA symptoms and mitigate the prognosis of the syndrome. Journal of Gandaki Medical CollegeVolume, 09, Number 2, July December 2016, 29-37