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Journal articles on the topic 'The relations between Taiwan and Hong Kong'

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1

Wong, Wai Kwok Benson. "The ties that bind: mutuality of political destiny between Hong Kong and Taiwan." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2018-0117.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain how post-1997 Hong Kong has been perceived in Taiwan and to critically evaluate the demonstration effects of Hong Kong under the “One Country, Two Systems” policy on cross-strait relations. Design/methodology/approach “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” has become a dominant discourse in cross-strait relations in recent years. The paper has adopted discourse analysis of selected texts during and after the 2014 Sunflower Movement to elucidate the disapproval of the developments of post-handover Hong Kong and the construction of the Movement’s self-identity. Findings It has observed the following arguments which shaped the prevailing perceptions among critics of the “One Country, Two Systems” policy: political infiltration of China in Hong Kong could be extended to Taiwan in the sense that the Beijing authorities would adopt the identical approach to manipulate Taiwan through the cross-strait trading agreements; negative perceptions and images of China and Chinese capitals as a collective aggressor and a threat, raising fear and worries in both Hong Kong and Taiwan; and Kuomintang, as a ruling party at that time under the leadership of President Ma Ying-jeoh, was dismissed by protesters as an incompetent gatekeeper and defender of Taiwan’s interests. Originality/value The pervasive sentiments and perceptions about post-1997 Hong Kong has been articulated discursively by the young activists in Taiwan and Hong Kong into a statement – “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” – which has brought about a somewhat unexpected bonding effect between Hong Kong and Taiwan through a strong disapproval of “One Country, Two Systems” and the China factor, which has be reproduced, delivered and circulated in both societies since 2014.
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2

LIN, MAN-HOUNG. "Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the Pacific, 1895–1945." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 5 (December 2, 2009): 1053–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990370.

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AbstractFor the history connecting East Asia with the West, there is much literature about contact and trade across the Atlantic Ocean from the sixteenth to the early nineteenth centuries.1 This paper notes the rapid growth of the Pacific Ocean in linking Asia with the larger world in the early twentieth century by perceiving the economic relationships between Taiwan and Hong Kong while Japan colonized Taiwan. The Pacific route from Taiwan directly to America or through Japan largely replaced the Hong Kong–Atlantic–Europe–USA route to move Taiwan's export products to countries in the West. Other than still using Hong Kong as a trans-shipping point to connect with the world, Japan utilized Taiwan as a trans-shipping point to sell Japanese products to South China, and Taiwan's tea was sold directly to Southeast Asia rather than going through Hong Kong. Taiwan's exports to Japan took the place of its exports to China. Japanese and American goods dominated over European goods or Chinese goods from Hong Kong for Taiwan's import. Japanese and Taiwanese merchants (including some anti-Japanese merchants) overrode the British and Chinese merchants in Hong Kong to carry on the Taiwan–Hong Kong trade. America's westward expansion towards the Pacific, the rise of the Pacific shipping marked by the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914, and the rise of Japan relative to China, restructured intra-Asian relations and those between Asia and the rest of the world.
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BARKER, THOMAS ALEXANDER CHARLES. "Screen Connections between Malaysia, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China." Issues & Studies 54, no. 01 (March 2018): 1840002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251118400027.

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To date Malaysia has occupied a peripheral position in studies of Chinese cinemas and East Asian pop culture, often overlooked in favor of the more productive centers in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and increasingly China. By engaging with the field of Chinese transnationalism as developed by Aihwa Ong and others, this paper reconsiders Malaysia’s place in the broader Chinese media landscape and the role of Chinese Malaysians as agents driving Malaysia’s engagement with Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China. Focusing on Malaysia, this paper explores Malaysia’s screen connections to China through the two vectors of Malaysian migration and Chinese co-productions entering Malaysia. Increasingly, Malaysian creative workers who are already quite mobile are moving in increasing numbers to Mainland China and working on Chinese entertainment projects. Primarily, they take on intermediary roles within China’s growing entertainment industries which need cosmopolitan, multi-lingual creative labor as it increasingly globalizes and seeks foreign partners. Conversely, as China’s industry expands outwards, it seeks co-production partners and locations and has found Malaysia to be conducive. In outlining this new screen industry relationship, this paper suggests cultural and economic implications and futures for Chinese cinemas in Southeast Asia and the role of Malaysia’s ethnic Chinese population.
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4

Li, Chien-pin. "Conflict of Interest and Value: An Analysis of Negotiations between Taiwan and China, 1992‐1998." International Negotiation 16, no. 2 (2011): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234011x573039.

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AbstractIn the 1990s, Taiwan and China conducted over twenty rounds of negotiations through the semi-official Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Association for Relations across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) concerning the following issues: notarized papers, registered mail, illegal immigration, fishing disputes, airplane hijacking, and post-1997 shipping links between Taiwan and Hong Kong. Regrouping these issues into rights, law-and-order, and shipping, this study analyzes the differences in the negotiation processes and outcomes through variations of value-interest alignments and their perceived impact on future policy objectives.
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5

Kueh, Y. Y. "The Emergence of Greater China: The Economic Integration of Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong. By Yung-Wing Sung. [Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. xvi+236 pp. ISBN 0-333-62599-4.]." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100522026x.

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This is a highly readable book about the emerging economic complex of “Greater China.” The author, based at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, is the foremost authority on the subject matter. The book, which culminates from well over a decade of painstaking research and publication, traces the process and pattern of economic integration among the Chinese trio – the Chinese mainland, Hong Kong and Taiwan – over the past two decades or so. The analysis is set against the broader background of Chinese economic reforms and opening to the West, as well as the changing political context in East Asia that has facilitated increased economic interaction in the region.The book starts with a broad description of the economic structure and relative economic strengths of the Chinese trio, and furnishes a useful conceptual framework for understanding the evolving economic relationships. Chapter two shows how FDI (foreign direct investment) from Hong Kong and Taiwan has triggered an accelerated process of integration with the mainland, and as a result led to the drastic expansion of China's external trade. Chapter three examines the particular characteristics of economic integration between Hong Kong and the mainland on the one hand, and between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait on the other hand. It reveals how cultural (affinity) and geographical (proximity) factors have played a role, and what policy readjustments have been made in the three constituent parts of the “China circle” to bring about a “new brand of ‘new-style’ economic integration,” which is unique in the global context of trade and investment liberalization.
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6

Razzaq, Bilal, Sabra Noveen, Adeel Mustafa, and Rabia Najaf. "ARBITRAGE PRICING MODEL IN RELATION TO EFFICIENT MARKET HYPOTHESES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 4, no. 7 (July 31, 2016): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v4.i7.2016.2605.

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The purpose of this thesis is to distinguish between efficient and inefficient markets and check the validity and efficiency of Arbitrage Pricing Theory in these markets (United States and Hong Kong). In order to distinguish between efficient and inefficient markets, Durbin Watson Autocorrelation tests were applied on 12 stock exchanges name EUROPE, HONG KONG, INDIA, TAIWAN, AMSTERDAM, MALAYSIA, UNITED STATES, CANADA, TOKYO, AUSTRALIA, AUSTRIA, and SWITZERLAND. Furthermore, the efficiency was further checked through comparison of the market and locally listed mutual funds. After the selection of Hong Kong and United States Stock Exchanges, 10 macroeconomic variables (Inflation, Short Term Interest Rate, Long Term Interest Rate, Exchange Rate, Money Supply, Gold Prices, Oil Prices, Industrial Production Index, Market Return and Unemployment Rate were tested upon so that the APT model could be constructed. Tests like Normality and Multi-co-linearity were performed. Principle Component Analysis was used to reduce the number of variables. After all the above mentioned tests 4 variables were chosen to represent the APT in both the Hong Kong and United States Stock Exchanges. Lastly OLS Regression was applied to study the effect of these macroeconomic variables on the stock prices. The results showed that Hong Kong Stock Exchange was the most efficient while United States Stock Exchange fell in the inefficient category. The efficiency of APT was proven through the analysis of the value of R2. This value proved that when similar model of APT is applied in two different stock exchanges, the results would be more efficient in an efficient market like Hong Kong. This is the first attempt at constructing an APT Model based on the economic conditions in one country and applying the same model in a highly efficient market; in order to relate the performance of APT with market efficiency.
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7

Ye, Min. "China in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.21.

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The COVID-19 pandemic wreaked havoc on China, causing tremendous losses. It also accelerated the trend of power concentration, both within the state and inside the Communist Party. With tensions between the US and China mounting in more areas, bilateral relations dropped to the lowest point since the end of the Cold War. On its periphery, China also saw crises of varying intensity over Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Uyghurs, and the disputed border with India.
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8

Ash, Robert F., and Y. Y. Kueh. "Economic Integration within Greater China: Trade and Investment Flows Between China, Hong Kong and Taiwan." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 711–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032318.

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Economic integration is essentially a process of unification – the means whereby coherence is imposed upon previously separate, even disparate, geographical regions. It may be pursued as a domestic or international goal, although the simultaneous attainment of both may prove elusive. Recent efforts towards the creation of formal trans-national, regional economic identities, whether North American (NAFTA), European (EC) or Asian-Pacific (APEC), have sometimes been perceived as a threat to the establishment of a truly integrated global economy. By contrast, the remarkable degree of economic integration already achieved between southern China and Hong Kong (and, latterly, Taiwan) might ironically have a fissiparous effect on China's domestic economy. From this point of view, there is a danger that increasing economic integration within Greater China could threaten China's national economic identity, or at least compel its re-definition.
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9

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
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10

Zemanek, Adina. "Travel, Cultural Hybridity and Transnational Connections in Taiwanese Graphic Narratives." European Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 1 (August 12, 2020): 98–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01901008.

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Abstract This study adopts a discursive analytical perspective to elaborate on transnational connections and cultural diversity as strategies for defining Taiwaneseness in graphic narratives published between 1997 and 2016. It considers the following aspects represented in the analysed texts: (1) processes of self-identification while travelling abroad; (2) depictions of Taiwan centred on familiar spaces open to outside cultural influences, which become locally appropriated through daily activities that link them to individual emotions and weave them into personal and collective memories; and (3) reaching beyond Taiwan to highlight transnational encounters and connections, thus placing the island within a global or regional framework of reference. The article assesses the degree to which this transnational viewpoint reproduces, challenges or complements existing notions regarding Taiwan’s relations with China, Japan and the US, while also exploring relations established with other nodes of reference: Europe, New Zealand and Hong Kong. It also comments on the extent to which academic critical stances on Taiwan’s multiculturalism and warnings against overlooking existing ties between Taiwan and the PRC in contemporary definitions of nationhood may hold true for the research material.
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WANG, HUNG-JEN. "Traditional empire–modern state hybridity: Chinese tianxia and Westphalian anarchy1." Global Constitutionalism 6, no. 2 (July 2017): 298–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381717000065.

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Abstract:Individual relationships between Mainland China and Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Taiwan are considered confusing for some because China’s rising international power is not resulting in stronger calls for a shared identity based on ‘Chinese pride’ or historical links. Instead, China’s economic growth appears to be provoking increasingly stronger calls for autonomy or independence. In this article I discuss why Beijing’s self-described peace and development policy is failing to procure positive responses in those four regions, with a primary focus on the failed use of narrowly-defined Westphalian thinking to understand relevant issues. I argue that the reason for this failure is the tension between the individualist ontology underlying modern international politics (as expressed in terms of Westphalian sovereignty) and the relational ontology underpinning a traditional Chinese politics built upon a tianxia (‘all-under-heaven’) world view. This tension has become conspicuous in the context of China’s recent rise and Beijing’s growing confidence in contesting Western power. The Chinese leadership’s reliance on arguments involving historical connections with Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Taiwan, and calls for autonomy or independence from citizens living in those four areas, are examples of this contestation.
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12

Momesso, Lara, and Niki J. P. Alsford. "Negotiating Legacies." European Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 1 (August 12, 2020): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01901010.

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Abstract This special issue concerns agency and negotiation in the context of the hierarchical relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC), a global superpower, and Taiwan, a subordinated actor often relegated to a marginal position in contemporary global geopolitics. By exploring how Taiwan opposes, interrupts and re-creates its subordinate position vis-à-vis China, the authors of this special issue will shed light on the complexities of the ongoing Taiwan experience, shaped by different, often opposing, interests, positions and perspectives regarding its relationship with China. Yet, by exploring the experience of Taiwan with reference to its Chinese legacies, this special issue will also allow important reflections on China, not only in its hegemonic role regionally and globally, but also in its weaknesses when it deals with subordinated actors. This is a timely and important piece, which will allow alternative interpretations of contemporary events not only in Taiwan, for instance the recent national elections and related political developments, but also in the region, such as the protests which have been occurring in Hong Kong during the last four months.
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13

Bai, Huifeng, Julie McColl, and Christopher Moore. "Hong Kong, a gateway for mainland China? Examining the impact of luxury fashion retailers’ ownership structures on expansion strategies." International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management 46, no. 9 (September 10, 2018): 850–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijrdm-03-2018-0048.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine luxury fashion retailers’ ownership structures at their internationalisation strategies in Hong Kong and mainland China. Design/methodology/approach This study adopts a pragmatic mixed methods approach, comprising a quantitative mail survey and ten qualitative executive interviews. Findings This study found that group-owned luxury fashion retailers usually encounter fewer difficulties when internationalising into mainland China than their individually owned counterparts because of parenting advantage, particularly functional and service support. However, the success of some individually owned brands has demonstrated that branding strategies, management culture, international experience, financial power and local partners’ know-how are as important as parent company support and although the luxury market in mainland China has become developed, many foreign luxury fashion retailers still enter Hong Kong prior to mainland China. However, in relation to post-entry management and expansion strategies, the importance of Hong Kong has weakened because the emergence of capital cities, the growth of the middle class and fewer political restrictions. Research limitations/implications The research findings are generated in the context of Hong Kong and mainland China, they are therefore limited in explaining luxury fashion retailers’ internationalisation strategies in other markets. Despite the challenge of the sample size, 63 out of 130 survey respondents (48.5 per cent response rate) and ten interview participants are felt to be sufficient to represent the market. Practical implications This research can be used by practitioners when assessing appropriate entry strategies to the Chinese luxury fashion market. Originality/value This is a pioneering study of the Chinese luxury market from the perspective of international retail strategies. It differentiates between Greater China (including Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan) and mainland China, and examines the impact of luxury fashion retailers’ ownership structures on their internationalisation strategies.
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Yang, Shih-Hao, Cheng-Chi Chung, and Hsuan-Shih Lee. "Containership Flag Selection: The Opening of Direct Shipping between Taiwan and China." Mathematical Problems in Engineering 2014 (2014): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/425808.

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The signature of the cross-strait sea transport (CST) Agreement in 2008 has not only established the cross-strait direct shipping link, but also lifted the ban on the involvement of Taiwanese flagged ships to call at China’s ports. This paper focuses on the flag selection for Taiwanese container shipping companies under the provisions of the CST Agreement, and embraces the empirical investigation based on the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) and Grey Relation Analysis (GRA) with the Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution (TOPSIS). The results show Hong Kong is the optimal choice rather than China and Taiwan. Although cross-strait shipping is highly controlled by both sides of the strait, economic factors are still taken seriously in commercial activities. Further, to assist shipping companies to get direct shipping approvals from China and revising a package of financial measures under current shipping policies are recommended for the Taiwanese government.
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Park, Yung Chul, and Chi-Young Song. "Renminbi Internationalization: Prospects and Implications for Economic Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 10, no. 3 (October 2011): 42–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00100.

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This paper argues that renminbi (RMB) internationalization and China's strategic interests in ASEAN will combine to deepen economic integration and pave the way for creating a de facto RMB bloc consisting of the 10 ASEAN countries, China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan—a grouping we call ASEAN+New3. Such a currency bloc is likely to weaken the initiatives of the existing ASEAN+3 (China, Japan, and Korea) for regional monetary-financial cooperation because neither Japan nor can Korea join the new currency bloc for economic and political reasons. This paper also argues that RMB internationalization would delay the resolution of the trade imbalance between East Asia and the United States because China would be pressured by the other members of ASEAN+New3 to maintain stability of the RMB vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar.
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Pham, Lee-moi, and Kuan-yun Huang. "NEWLY EXCAVATED TEXTS IN THE DIGITAL AGE: REFLECTIONS ON NEW RESOURCES." Early China 37 (July 9, 2014): 551–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2014.9.

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AbstractBased on a special issue entitled “Newly Excavated Texts in the Digital Age,” volume 21.2 (June 2011) of the Newsletter of the Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy, Academia Sinica (Zhongyang yanjiu yuan Zhongguo wen zhe yanjiu suo tongxun 中央研究院中國文哲研究所通訊), this article reflects on the various digital resources now being developed at institutions in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and elsewhere, looking, in turn, at topics related to the graphic form of characters, the relation between character and word, and the question of context. In addition, the article considers the web forum, a platform of research and discussion that is increasingly becoming a part of scholarly exchange.
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17

Chu, Yun-han. "State structure and economic adjustment of the East Asian newly industrializing countries." International Organization 43, no. 4 (1989): 647–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034470.

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An analysis of the economic adjustment policies of Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan during the 1970s and 1980s shows that these East Asian newly industrializing countries (NICs), which faced common problems in sustaining their recent industrial growth, responded to the challenge with industrial adjustment strategies that differed in their degree of intensity of state involvement and emphasis on national control. To explain this divergence in adjustment strategies, the article explores the variations in the national political structures of the four NICs and focuses particularly on three aspects of state structure: the organization of the economic bureaucracy, the institutional links between the state and private sector, and the larger state-society relations. The article demonstrates the usefulness of moving beyond the generalizations of the “developmental state” view by carefully disaggregating these aspects of state structure and by exploring the ordering logic that gives coherence to them.
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Hoh, Anchi, and Brannon Wheeler. "East by Mid East: Studies in Cultural, Historical and Strategic Connectivities." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.1.

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This volume provides a multi-disciplinary and trans-regional approach to the historical roots and continued development of ties between the Middle East and Asia, from Muslim-Confucian relations to nuclear technology exchange between China and Saudi Arabia. The papers are contributed by specialists who live, research, and have spent considerable time in the Middle East and Asia including institutions in Japan, Israel, China and Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Taiwan, Kuwait, Philippines, Australia, Malaysia, North Africa, Indonesia, Lebanon and Syria, India and Kashmir, Egypt, and Korea. The contributors include academics, policy makers and consultants, leaders in international business, law professionals, and military. The goal of this edited volume is to reach out to the research, diplomatic, and commercial communities. The subjects are addressed to attract individuals and groups from academia, think-tanks, NGOs, members of Congress, the US government, the private sector, and those involved in the policy-making, strategic planning, and public diplomacy in the fields of transnational studies, across-cultural comparison, international relations, energy security, global Islamism, Islamic fundamentalism, and terrorism. The chapters in this volume are broadly divided into three main areas: (I) Cultural and Historical Connections (II) Transnational Allegiances and Local Culture in Asia, and (III) Strategic Relations between Asia and the Middle East.
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Wan, Jok-Tong, Evan Lau, and Rayenda Khresna Brahmana. "CONTAGIOUS EFFECTS OF OIL PRICES ON ASIAN STOCK MARKETS’ BEHAVIOUR." Journal of Indonesian Economy and Business 31, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jieb.15275.

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The main objective of this study is to examine the stock markets’ shock due to the effect of the price of oil in the East Asia Region. Particularly, this study examines if there is stock market interdependence during global oil price shocks (sudden changes) for a sample of five total oil importers (the Philippines, Hong Kong SAR, Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan), four net oil importers (Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, and China), and one net oil exporter (Malaysia) between 1999 and 2014. From the result, an oil price change is collectively found to have a small but significant positive impact on the stock markets, in particular where a sudden decrease in oil prices tends to cause a stock market downturn and volatility. The world economy’s spending, financial investments in oil futures and foreign investment by oil rich nations are some underlying motives for inducing this oil-stock positive relation. The same direction of time-varying conditional correlations is found across East Asian stock markets during negative oil price shocks. The integration among East Asian stock markets is inducing the oil shock contagion to be transmitted from direct oil-affected countries (South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore) to non-direct oil affected countries’ (Japan and Taiwan) stock markets. In spite of a long practiced ASEAN+3 macroeconomics surveillance process and Early Warning System (EWS) which can be customized for stock markets to prevent or detect the oil risk, hedging against initial oil-affected stock markets and a stronger influence by the East Asian countries in the global world of oil and capital investment are strongly suggested.Keywords: oil price; capital market integration; stock market behaviour
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Lynteris, Christos. "From Prussia to China: Japanese Colonial Medicine and Gotō Shinpei’s Combination of Medical Police and Local Self-Administration." Medical History 55, no. 3 (July 2011): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300005378.

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Recent historical investigation into the rise of ‘biopolitical modernity’ in China has shed some surprising light. While it was long thought that British public health initiatives entered China via Hong Kong, the recent work of Ruth Rogaski, Philippe Chemouilli and others has established that it was actually early Japanese colonialism that played the crucial role. It was the Meiji Empire's hygiene reform projects in Taiwan and Manchuria that provided the model for Republican China. Curiously overlooked by medical historians has been one of the major early works of Japanese public health that directly inspired and guided this colonial medical enterprise. This was that of the Japanese health reformer and colonial officer, Gotō Shinpei (1857–1929), and it was undertaken in Munich as a doctoral thesis under the supervision of Max von Pettenkofer. In this article, I focus on the way in which Shinpei dealt in his thesis with the relations between centralisation and local self-administration as one of the key issues facing hygienic modernisation and colonial biopolitical control.
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Chan, Michael, Hsuan-Ting Chen, and Francis L. F. Lee. "Examining the Roles of Political Social Network and Internal Efficacy on Social Media News Engagement: A Comparative Study of Six Asian Countries." International Journal of Press/Politics 24, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218814480.

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The use of social media has risen exponentially in Asia in the past decade, but there have been few comparative studies examining social media news engagement in the region. We use online survey data to examine the relationships among political social networks, internal political efficacy, and social media news engagement in six countries (Taiwan, Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Malaysia, and Singapore). Findings across the samples showed that individuals in political social networks comprising cross-cutting and like-minded political views engage in social media news more, and internal political efficacy accentuated the relationships between cross-cutting/like-minded political social networks and engagement. Implications for the findings are discussed in relation to current debates on the potential for social media news engagement to engender a more deliberative democracy; or lead to greater ideological segregation and echo chambers in social media spaces.
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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI, SANJAY KUMAR, and SATORU MIKAMI. "Macro-Political Origins of Micro-Political Differences: A Comparison of Eleven Societies in East and South Asia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 3 (December 2007): 387–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002721.

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This article examines the cross-level causal relationship between macro-political settings and micro-political attitudes in eleven Asian societies using the 2006 AsiaBarometer Survey (China, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan) and the 2006 South Asian Survey (Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka). After extracting the four underlying dimensions of political attitudes from the broadly comparable questions used in the two surveys, the study first detects national differences in terms of (1) citizens' attitudes toward political activities other than voting, (2) their commitment to a democratic system, (3) their political frustration, and (4) their confidence in their ability to govern themselves. Then, regression analysis examines the possibility that the micro-level variations in each of the four dimensions of political attitudes are related to the abundant macro-level variations found in these Asian countries. The results show that although the country-level predictors for citizens' attitudes toward direct political actions are common to both regions (ethno-linguistic fractionalization and the degree of institutionalization of preference articulation), factors influencing the variations in other dimensions are different. Specifically, the effects of political competitiveness and inclusiveness are more salient in South Asia than in East Asia.
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Valantiejus, Gediminas. "Practical Problems of Legal Regulation of Customs Duties Developing an International Trade Between the Republic of Lithuania And East Asian Countries." International Journal of Area Studies 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijas-2016-0007.

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Abstract For more than ten years (since 2004) the Republic of Lithuania is a member of the EU and is realizing its economic and trade relations with other foreign countries, and regulating customs duties according to the requirements of the EU Common Commercial Policy. However, in the recent years foreign trade (in particular - exports of goods) remained one of the main factors which increased an economic growth (recovery) in the Republic of Lithuania after the global economic crisis of the world, which began in 2008. In this context, the search for new markets and expansion of trade relations with new trade partners in Asia became essential in order to diversify the structure of the national economy and avoid dependence on traditional trade partners, such as Russia. Taking into account this strategic goal, the article seeks to answer a question whether an existing foreign trade regulation system ensures the status of Lithuania as an attractive partner of foreign trade with East Asian countries (Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea and Singapore) and what regulatory instruments (customs duty rules and procedures) should be used on the national level to ensure cooperation with these countries. In order to answer this problematic question, the first chapter of the article overviews general tendencies in Lithuanian foreign trade with the countries of East Asia, while the second chapter is dedicated to describe regulatory regime for import customs duties on the national level (in line with the major provisions of the EU Common Commercial Policy). The practical problems and obstacles to international trade are presented in the third chapter and are illustrated by the examples of case law, which was formed in disputes relating to the decisions and actions of Lithuanian national customs authorities for the period from 1 May, 2004 (since entry to the EU)).
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Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.

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East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.
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CHANG, PARRIS H. "China's Relations with Hong Kong and Taiwan." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 519, no. 1 (January 1992): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716292519001010.

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26

Yeh, Milton D. "L'avenir des relations entre Taiwan et Hong Kong." Perspectives chinoises 35, no. 1 (1996): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/perch.1996.2026.

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27

Boniface, Dexter S., and Ilan Alon. "Is Hong Kong Democratizing?" Asian Survey 50, no. 4 (July 2010): 786–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.4.786.

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We argue that the transition to Chinese authority has not undermined democratic governance in Hong Kong and that voice and accountability have improved since the handover. We seek to explain this surprising result and conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings for China, Taiwan, and cross-strait relations.
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Lo, Ming-Cheng Miriam, and Christopher P. Bettinger. "Civic Solidarity in Hong Kong and Taiwan." China Quarterly 197 (March 2009): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009000101.

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AbstractThis study examines civic solidarity in Hong Kong and Taiwan at key democratic moments. Using political cartoons published during the 1995 LegCo election campaign in Hong Kong and the 2000 presidential election campaign in Taiwan, our findings indicate that the cultural codes of liberty, though not typically considered part of traditional Chinese values, have become the dominant cultural source for discourse in civil society. Values of caring and state paternalism, which resemble subsets of Confucian values, exist as competing, alternate cultural codes. In Taiwan, politically-divided members of civil society appear to share the same cultural language, thereby fostering a basis for mutual engagement. Nevertheless, little mutual engagement is actually found among politically divergent discourses. In Hong Kong, even a shared cultural language cannot be documented. The conclusion discusses the broader implications of these findings for the inclusive potential of civic discourses, amidst competing identity claims, in Hong Kong and Taiwan.
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Zhang, Di, Xiaming Wang, Xueru Yuan, Li Yang, Yu Xue, and Qian Xie. "Scientific publications in nursing journals from Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong: a 10-year survey of the literature." PeerJ 4 (March 14, 2016): e1798. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.1798.

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Background:China has witnessed remarkable progress in scientific performance in recent years. However, the quantity and quality of nursing publications from three major regions (Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong) have not been reported. This study aimed to investigate the characteristics of scientific research productivity from Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in the field of nursing.Methods:Articles published in the 110 nursing journals originating from Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong between 2005 and 2014 were retrieved from the Web of Science. The total number of articles published, the impact factor, and the citation count were analyzed.Results:There were 2,439 publications between 2005 and 2014 from China, including 438 from Mainland China, 1,506 from Taiwan, and 495 from Hong Kong. There was a significant increase in publications for these three regions (p < 0.05), especially for Mainland China, with a 59.50-fold increase experienced. From 2011, the number of publications from Mainland China exceeded that from Hong Kong. Taiwan had the highest total journal impact factor (2,142.81), followed by Hong Kong (720.39) and Mainland China (583.94). The mean journal impact factor from Hong Kong (1.46) was higher than that from Taiwan (1.42) and Mainland China (1.33). Taiwan had the highest total citation count (8,392), followed by Hong Kong (3,785) and Mainland China (1,493). The mean citation count from Hong Kong (7.65) was higher than that from Taiwan (5.57) and Mainland China (3.41). The Journal of Clinical Nursing was the most popular journal in the three regions.Discussion:Chinese contributions to the field of nursing have significantly increased in the past ten years, particularly from Mainland China. Taiwan is the most productive region in China. Hong Kong had the highest-quality research output, according to mean journal impact factor and mean citation count.
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Barmé, Geremie R. "Hong Kong the floating city." Index on Censorship 26, no. 1 (January 1997): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209702600131.

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Hong Kong has not only shaped much of China's popular culture, it has also been a key port for the packaging and re-export of Chinese dissident culture for over a decade. With its return to China in 1997, all that will come to an end. So, too, will its unique role in contemporary Chinese history as the mediator, mirror and filter for mainland and Taiwan exchanges
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Lam, Ching Man. "Editorial: “Gender, Family and Parenting in the Chinese Context." Open Family Studies Journal 7, no. 1 (July 30, 2015): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874922401507010058.

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“The family” has long been a focus of cross-party attention. While family is perceived as foundational to society’s success, how parents rear their children is perhaps the most conservative or persistent part of concern. While Chinese immigrant families and Chinese families in Asia – in Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, mainland China, and elsewhere – are struggling with a socialization process that has emphasized support for traditional values, they are also simultaneously being confronted by modern ideologies and technologies. Professionals have a growing interest in addressing the culturally diverse needs and the gender issues of Chinese families. The theme of this issue of The Open Family Studies Journal, then, is “Gender, family and parenting in the Chinese context”. The heart of this special issue lies in a concern for families, in particular for the challenges posed to families and parenting practices in a changing world. The family, like any social group, is a product of history, culture and context. Because of economic and technological changes, and the increasingly pluralistic nature of our society, both gender relations and family structures have undergone tremendous change, and many challenges await elucidation. The seven papers in this special issue thus feature new perspectives on family, gender and parenting issues. The issue opens with a paper on scale validation. Since intimacy is a construct that has received limited attention in the Chinese context, the first paper, “Intimacy as a distinct construct: validating the intimacy scale among older adults of residential care homes in Hong Kong”, aims to develop a valid measurement for the quality of the relationship between older adults and family caregivers in the Hong Kong Chinese context. The study results demonstrate the reliability and validity of the instrument across samples of older adults. Paper 2 and 3 that follow are qualitative studies adopting cultural perspectives to understand Chinese American immigrant adults and older female survivors of intimate partner violence in Taiwan. In paper 2, “Understanding family connections and help-seeking behavior in Chinese parental lives. These findings illustrate how existentialism provides a new frame of reference and new practice directions for conducting parent-education programs. The final paper titled “Internet supervision and parenting in the digital age: The case of Shanghai” echoes the technological advancement and its impact on parenting. In a changing world, and in a society permeated by the Internet and by nearly instantaneous communication, families constantly need to adapt to different and changing ways of parenting. The paper explores the issue of parenting confidence in supervision of children’s Internet use in Shanghai, China. Multiple-regression models are used to identify factors affecting parents’ confidence about their own parenting. The findings suggest that efforts to assist parents should help them review their attitudes towards the Internet. American immigrant adults who attempt suicide”, the authors investigate beliefs, values and norms in the Chinese family culture and examine Chinese cultural influences on attitudes and beliefs about mental health and mental health services in the immigrant context. Paper 3, “Older female survivors of intimate partner violence in the Taiwanese cultural context” examines the needs of older female IPV survivors in another Chinese cultural context. The findings of both studies reflect the importance of family and the influence of Chinese family culture; they make it clear that traditional family beliefs are still highly valued and hold a prominent position in Chinese culture. The authors of these two papers question the efficacy of service-delivery models based on Western cultures, and they call for ethnically sensitive intervention approaches that incorporate cultural premises into developing viable options for service recipients. Paper 4 is titled “The Macau family-in-transition: the perceived impact of casino employment on family relationships among dealer families”. This paper draws on findings from a qualitative study to explore the impacts of casino employment on family life and family relationships. The family, like other social group, is a product of culture and context, and the specific socio-economic context of Macau poses challenges to dealer families and casino workers in performing their parental role. The paper sheds much-needed light on our understanding of Macau dealer families. The final three papers in this special issue all address the issue of parenting. Paper 5, “Reflective inquiry on professionals’ view on parents and about parenting”, examines professionals’ views of parents, their attitudes and beliefs about parenting, and the values underpinning their practice. The study’s findings on the theme of parent blaming provide an impetus for professionals to reflect on the attitudes and assumptions they hold, and their impact on parents. The paper calls for reflection on parenting work to recognize the difficulties and challenges faced by contemporary families. Paper 6, “Reviving parents’ life momentum: A qualitative evaluation of a parent education program adopting an existential approach”, reports the results of a qualitative analysis of the participants’ perceptions of a parent-education program. The findings of this study demonstrate that a program of this nature can make parents aware of the existential dimensions of being a parent and help them understand the significance of creating meaning in their In fact, family, parenting and gender are vastly contested terms which encompass a range of topics. The seven varied papers recommended for publication in this special issue reflect the considerable attention that we have placed on family, parenting and gender, and also the vision of this special issue. These papers add to the growing body of research and literature, and they provide both food for thought and a platform for discussion. In the last, I offer both my sincere thanks to the authors who have contributed to this special issue, and my gratitude to those who have participated as blind peer reviewers. Their thoughtful comments and criticisms have certainly improved the quality of each and every paper in this special issue.
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Li, Ruru. "Contemporary Women Writers, Hong Kong and Taiwan. Edited by Eva Hung. [Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. 130 pp. $9.50.]." China Quarterly 128 (December 1991): 859–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000004598.

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33

Kim, Kyung-Hwan, and Young-Joon Park. "International Co-movement of Housing Price Cycles in East Asia and Greater China." Asian Economic Papers 15, no. 1 (January 2016): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00406.

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This paper examines the characteristics of housing price cycles in East Asia and Greater China for the period from 2001:Q1 to 2010:Q1. We find that housing price cycles in East Asia (China, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan) are accounted for mainly by region-specific and country-specific factors. East Asia's regional housing price cycles co-move strongly with the world housing price cycle in the long run, but relatively weak co-movement is found in the short run. Housing cycles in Greater China (China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan) and Singapore co-move with Northeast Asia's regional housing price cycle in the long run, but this tendency fails to show up in the short run. Both domestic monetary and business-cycle effects are important in accounting for housing price cycles in China, Hong Kong, Japan, and Taiwan, while credit supply is crucial for Korea. Fiscal policy does not play a significant role. We find empirical evidence of a China effect in housing price cycles in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore.
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34

Bramall, Chris. "China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and the world trading system." International Affairs 67, no. 3 (July 1991): 630–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622049.

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35

Share, Michael. "The Bear Yawns? Russian and Soviet Relations with Macao." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, no. 1 (March 15, 2006): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630500564x.

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AbstractFrom the late nineteenth century until the hand-over of Macao to Chinese rule about one hundred years later, Russia and the Soviet Union demonstrated discernible, though far from overwhelming, interest in the tiny Portuguese territory of Macao. Their activities and involvement in the enclave served as an interesting contrast and coda to their more extensive dealings with the larger entities of British Hong Kong and even more problematic Taiwan. Both Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union had definite policies towards both Hong Kong and Taiwan; though policy emphasis altered dramatically over time, especially towards Hong Kong, both regimes sought to expand their trade with, and activities in, those territories. Soviet and Russian policies toward Macao were in some ways less consistent, circumscribed by the relative insignificance of the territory, and also for several decades from the 1920s onward by the implacable long-term hostility of the fascist Portuguese government toward Soviet Communism. Even so, the fact that first Russian and then Soviet foreign policymakers assigned some importance to Macao is amply demonstrated by the Foreign Ministry Archive, which contains nearly thirty files of varying size spanning the period from 1910 to 1987.
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36

van Kemenade, Willem. "China, Hong Kong, Taiwan: Dynamics of a New Empire." Washington Quarterly 21, no. 2 (June 1998): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609809550315.

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37

Laliberté, André. "Religious Philanthropy in China, Taiwan and Hong Kong." Asian Journal of Social Science 43, no. 4 (2015): 435–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04304006.

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This essay argues that differences in religious ecologies, between China and the polities of Taiwan and Hong Kong are necessary but insufficient explanations for their different approaches to the reliance on religious actors for the delivery of social services. I discuss briefly two other explanations for the differences in policy outcomes: the legacies of colonial and semi-colonial rule, and the influence of ruling party ideologies, before I shift to an historical neo-institutional approach, which contrasts the path dependency of past policies of usurpation directed by the CCP at religious institutions between 1949 and 1978, and the policies of cooptation adopted in Taiwan and Hong Kong during the same period. I argue that although the Chinese government has affirmed with increasing clarity in recent years its interest in an approach that encourages the cooptation of religious institutions, the previous approach of usurpation has undermined the resources of religious institutions, left many religious actors distrustful of authorities, and continues to influence many constituencies that could oppose the approach of cooptation. To substantiate this argument, the essay proceeds as follows: it first discusses the different strategies available to states as they accumulate symbolic power, underlining the role of religious institutions in that process; then it contrasts the results achieved by religious philanthropy in Taiwan and Hong Kong in the provision of a wide array of services, on the one hand, with the difficulties faced by their counterparts in the delivery of social services in China, on the other; and finally it reviews some of the explanations for the discrepancies observed.
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38

WONG, TIMOTHY KA-YING, HSIN-HUANG MICHAEL HSIAO, and PO-SAN WAN. "Comparing Political Trust in Hong Kong and Taiwan: Levels, Determinants, and Implications." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 2 (August 2009): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810990900351x.

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AbstractPolitical trust is a cornerstone of political survival and development. This paper makes use of data from the 2006 AsiaBarometer Survey to examine the level of political trust in Hong Kong and Taiwan. It finds that the people of Hong Kong have a high level of trust in their government and judiciary, but a relatively low level of trust in their legislature. In contrast, the Taiwan people have a lower level of trust in all of their executive, judicial, and legislative branches, reflecting a serious problem with political confidence in Taiwan. A further analysis shows that institutional factors such as ratings of government performance, life satisfaction, and satisfaction with democratic rights and freedoms, and cultural factors such as interpersonal trust, post-materialism, and traditionalism have varying degrees of effect on the different domains of political trust in Hong Kong and Taiwan, but institutional factors appear to be more powerful than cultural factors in explaining the experiences of both societies.
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39

Summers, Tim. "The external affairs of the Hong Kong SAR: UK-Hong Kong economic relations." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0039.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine economic relations between Hong Kong and the UK, especially since 2012, in order to shed light on the management of Hong Kong’s external relations. Design/methodology/approach The context for the research is discussion of “grey areas” between Hong Kong’s external relations and foreign affairs. Research is based on textual analysis of British and some Hong Kong policy documents, government statements and media reports, as well as personal discussions with many involved in UK-Hong Kong ties. Findings The paper finds that the UK-Hong Kong economic relationship is managed autonomously, demonstrating Hong Kong’s external economic affairs and bilateral exchanges being practised with a high degree of autonomy. It also shows the importance that the British government attaches to its economic relationship with Hong Kong in its own right, and the likely increase in that importance as Brexit unfolds. Originality/value The paper engages in detailed analysis of economic relations between the UK and Hong Kong, in contrast to most post-1997 studies which have focused on Hong Kong’s ties with the USA or European Union.
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Lo, Sonny Shiu-Hing. "Ideologies and Factionalism in Beijing–Hong Kong Relations." Asian Survey 58, no. 3 (May 2018): 392–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.3.392.

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Clashes between the ideologies of pro-Beijing nationalism and pro–Hong Kong localism have become far more prominent in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region since 2013. This article explores the origins, content, and impact of the ideological conflicts between Beijing and Hong Kong.
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41

Hughes, Christopher, and Robert Stone. "Nation-Building and Curriculum Reform in Hong Kong and Taiwan." China Quarterly 160 (December 1999): 977–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000001405.

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Recent changes in the relationships of Hong Kong and Taiwan to mainland China have presented education policy-makers in both territories with problems of reforming school curricula in areas of teaching that are important for the formation of national identity. While both territories are subject to claims that they are part of China, both have also been separated from the Chinese mainland for long periods, and in recent years their relationships with it have been undergoing fundamental changes. Hong Kong's relationship with China has become closer due to economic integration with the hinterland and the 1997 transfer of sovereignty. Taiwan's identification as a part of China, on the other hand, has become increasingly uncertain as the process of liberalization and democratization that began in 1986 has allowed sovereignty to be practised by the residents of the island and a sense of “Taiwan consciousness” (Taiwan yishi) to develop.
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42

Hsiao, Hsin-Huang Michael. "Shehui zhuanxing yu wenhua bianmao: huaren shehui de bijiao [Social Transformation and Cultural Changes in Chinese Societies]. Edited by Lau Siu-kai, Wan Po-san, Lee Min-kwan and Wong Siu-lun. [Hong Kong: Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. 545 pp. US$12.00. ISBN 962-441-554-4.]." China Quarterly 173 (March 2003): 214–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903270121.

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This is the fourth volume produced by the same editors, and is a collection of 22 articles from the Fourth Conference on Social Indicators in Chinese Societies organized by these four Hong Kong academics in 2000. The authors are social scientists (especially sociologists) specializing in social indicators research in Taiwan, Hong Kong and China.
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Walker, Kenneth C. "TAIWAN AND HONG KONG: CHINA'S POLICIES AND PROSPECTS (Review Article)." Asian Affairs 38, no. 1 (February 19, 2007): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370601108681.

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44

Lo, Sonny Shiu-Hing. "THE POLITICS OF CRIME IN TAIWAN, HONG KONG AND MACAO." Asian Affairs 39, no. 2 (July 2008): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370802013219.

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45

Smit, Jan E. G. "The society's tour to South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong." Asian Affairs 19, no. 1 (February 1988): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068378808730293.

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46

Chiu, Su-Chin. "Position, experience, and knowledge creation: A longitudinal case study of Chinese academic networks." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 41, no. 6 (July 1, 2013): 1009–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2013.41.6.1009.

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I investigated the impact of experience and network position on knowledge creation in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China with panel data on 229 scholars and 1,655 publications. Quantitative analysis of the data demonstrated an inverse U-shaped relationship between network position and knowledge creation. Additionally, tests of the different moderating impacts of experience revealed that experience negatively moderates the relationship between position and knowledge creation in the regions of Taiwan and Hong Kong, whereas it positively moderates the relationship in mainland Chinese samples.
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47

Yu, Ching-hsin. "Taiwan in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.83.

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Taiwan saw a series of crucial developments at home and abroad in 2020. Externally, the massive confrontations in Hong Kong were taken as justifying the ruling DPP’s anti-China cross-Strait policy. The impacts of the intense US–China trade war reshaped relations in the US–China–Taiwan triangle. Internally, the results of the 2020 general election strengthened the DPP’s political dominance. Likewise, the successful fight against COVID-19 buttressed the government’s popular support. Still, there are old and new socio-economic issues that will continue to challenge the governing capability of the DPP in 2021.
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48

Zagoria, Donald, and Nancy Bernkopf Tucker. "Uncertain Friendships: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the United States, 1945-1992." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 5 (1994): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046898.

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49

Ai, Minwei, and Nan Zhang. "Strong-tie discussion, political trust and political participation: A comparative study of mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan." International Communication Gazette 83, no. 5 (July 4, 2021): 497–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17480485211029061.

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This study examined the relationships between social media use, strong-tie discussion, and political participation in three Chinese societies, mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Our findings showed that strong-tie discussion is positively related to collective action participation across the three societies. More importantly, strong-tie discussion mediates the effect of political use of social media on political participation in mainland China and Taiwan, but not in Hong Kong. Furthermore, we explored the moderation role of political trust, finding that it narrows down the participation gap between those who use social media more and those who use less in Hong Kong and Taiwan, while enlarges the participation gap in mainland China. This study contributes to the theory of deliberative and participatory democracy by examining the role of strong tie in Chinese contexts and suggests that strong-tie discussion may exert a more important effect on political participation in a more collectivistic society.
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van Kemenade, Willem. "Besieged: China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan in the Asian financial crisis." Washington Quarterly 22, no. 3 (September 1999): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609909550412.

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