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Journal articles on the topic 'The rise of Russia'
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1
Petrov, Artur, and Daria Petrova. "Economics of high-rise construction: the feasibility of skyscrapers building in the Russian cities." E3S Web of Conferences 33 (2018): 03056. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20183303056.
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The article considers the economic aspects of constructing high-rise buildings in the world and in Russia. Data on the number of high-rise buildings in Russian cities with a million population are presented. It is proved that interest in high-rise construction in Russia has been formed only in Moscow and partly in St. Petersburg and Yekaterinburg. The analysis showed that the reason for this is the expensiveness of high-rise construction. According to the enlarged macro-calculation, the cost of building 1 m2of the area of the Federation Towers complex (Moscow City) is about 2710 $/m2. Practically a possibility of return on investments in the foreseeable time interval exists only in Moscow. For the regions of Russia this task is rather complicated. Population density in regional Russian cities is quite low, business entities do not have the necessary financial resources for investing in high-rise construction, and investments from abroad absent.
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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. "The Problem of Russian Democracy: Can Russia Rise Again?" Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no. 1 (2000): 269–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002624.
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While Western political scientists have a variety of opinions on democracy and how its institutions could be improved, they almost never argue about the validity of democracy as a form of government. Of course, it would be unfair here to ignore the presence of an authoritarian streak in Western thought. Thomas Hobbes comes to mind most immediately. Yet the views of those thinkers with an authoritarian bent have become marginalized in present-day discourse; or, to be more precise, it is assumed that their views on the importance of a strong government are irrelevant to the present. The assumption that a strong regime might be necessary in non-Western societies is thought to be the product of these authoritarian/totalitarian societies' elite classes—that is, a justification for imposing the power of the elite upon the people. Most Western political scientists are convinced that democracy is the best of all possible forms of government.
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Pershina, Anna, Mehman Radzhabov, and Tatyana Dormidontova. "The problems and perspectives for the introduction of high-rise construction in Russian cities." E3S Web of Conferences 33 (2018): 01014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20183301014.
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The propose of academic affairs is discovery the principal areas of concern high-rise construction in Russia. Examples of modern Russian and foreign high-rise construction are considered in the work. The most important problems and their solutions for Russia are identified on their basis. The everyone area of concern is considered separately. Ecology problems and influence of high-rise construction for the healthy and psychological effect of people are considered special. High-rise constructions influence negative and positive for urban environment in Moscow and Samara cities. The experience lack, defects in requirements document, which don’t include all high-rise constructions specific, system problem of construction and often non-availability of proper control at the existing requirements document result for complexity of designing, construction and operation. At this moment, high-rise constructions temp is increasing in Moscow. Feasibility of high-rise buildings come up in regions of Russia. The reasons include high material inputs, irregularities of requirements network and utility lines and maintenance problems. The researching follow up of conclusions and recommendations for high-rise constructions development in Russia. The reasons of high-rise buildings are urbanization of people and necessary of concentration labor supply. The important tasks for organization are creating compact urban environment, decrease urban area for development, using an innovative technology for construction and properly maintenance. The balance between the preference of high-rise construction, inputs for construction and influence for ecology are resolve for this task.
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Ismayilov, Murad. "Azerbaijan’s Russia Conundrum: Towards the Rise of an Unlikely Alliance." Russian Politics 4, no. 2 (June 14, 2019): 242–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00402005.
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Since Heydar Aliyev, the father of the incumbent president Ilham Aliyev, became the country’s president in 1993, Azerbaijan has been known for its staunch pursuit of a so-called “balanced” policy in its relations with the outside world, particularly Russia and the West. Whereas in the past this policy tended to be “balanced” more in favor of the West as far as Azerbaijan’s strategic interests were concerned, Baku’s political disposition has shifted decidedly towards Russia in recent years. Over the past decade, several developments on the national, regional, and global levels have worked to gradually alter the long-established regional dynamic and alignment patterns, bringing Azerbaijan back into the Russian fold. This article’s objective is to critically examine those developments to shed more light on the nature of Azerbaijani-Russian relations today and their prospects for the future.
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Wise, J. "Death rates in Russia rise dramatically." BMJ 315, no. 7105 (August 16, 1997): 383–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.315.7105.383g.
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Sergounin, Alexander. "The Rise of Transregionalism in Russia." International Journal of Political Economy 30, no. 3 (September 2000): 58–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08911916.2000.11644016.
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Rieber, Alfred J. "The rise of engineers in Russia." Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique 31, no. 4 (1990): 539–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cmr.1990.2249.
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Oznobishchev, Sergey. "Russia and China." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 1 (September 16, 2016): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116662710.
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Russia and China have closely interconnected histories and partially coinciding interests in the globalizing world. Disillusioned with the counteraction with the West, especially as a result of the ‘Ukrainian crisis’, Moscow started to construct its ‘own world’, consisting of its own partners. Under this scenario China, with its economic abilities and deep historic ties with the USSR/Russia, looked to be a very privileged partner. But the attempts to change the declared ‘strategic partnership’ between Beijing and Moscow into a closer alliance did not coincide with China’s policy of a ‘peaceful rise’ which was intended to get the maximum possible advantage for Chinese national development from all participants of the world process, without complicating, except with very good reason, its relations with any state. This article analyses the developments in the principal fields of the Russian–Chinese cooperation in the context of the attitudes of the Russian political elite.
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Gladkov, Igor S. "FOREIGN TRADE OF RUSSIA IN 2018: THE RISE CONTINUES." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2019-1-60-71.
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The article analyzes current trends in the dynamics and geographical structure of foreign trade relations of the Russian Federation, which appeared in 2018 as a continuation of the breakthrough achievements of Russia in this area in the preceding 2017. The past year was characterized by new, generally positive, shifts in the foreign trade of the Russian Federation, despite the rather tough conditions of the extension of anti-Russian restriction measures by the world's leading trade contractors – the United States, the European Union, Japan and other major suppliers to international product markets. At the same time, it should be taken into consideration that quite noticeable successes in Russian foreign trade practice were accompanied by other positive results in the development of the country's economy. Such circumstances are of particular importance in the context of the manifestation and growth in recent years of increasing uncertainty, unpredictability and, as a consequence, the general «turbulence» in the systems of the world economy and international economic relations. Therefore, the need for researching new trends gaining weight in the sphere of export-import contacts of theRussian Federationat the stage of exacerbation of the situation in the global commodity exchange is now quite naturally actualized.
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TERBISH, BAASANJAV. "Russian Cosmism: Alien visitations and cosmic energies in contemporary Russia." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (August 19, 2019): 759–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17001123.
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AbstractThis article is about a cultural-philosophical movement called Russian cosmism (Russky kosmizm) and its current status in the Republic of Kalmykia, southwest Russia, home to Buddhist Kalmyks, a people of Oirat-Mongol origin. Emerging in Russia in the early twentieth century and suppressed during the Soviet period, this movement proliferated openly across Russia with the beginning of perestroika. Promulgated as an original product of the Russian mind, cosmism positions itself as a ‘science of the truth and soul searching’ and purports to address various issues, including—but not limited to—the spiritual, psychic, and paranormal anxieties that are on the rise in Russia. Although Russian cosmism is an all-encompassing movement combining various elements of theosophy, philosophy, poetry, theories of evolution and energy, astrology, cosmology, ecology, and even science fiction, this article focuses upon its more cosmic topics—that is, those that are related to outer space, cosmic energies, and alien visitations, as well as responses to these ideas in Kalmykia. The story of Russian cosmism is not just a story of this particular movement, but also that of science in Russia.
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Sliesoriūnas, Gintautas. "Changes in Attitudes Towards Russia Among the Lithuanian-Polish Elite at the Turn of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries." Lithuanian Historical Studies 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2004): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00901001.
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This article deals with the rise of the manifestation of servilism among the Polish-Lithuanian nobility in relation to Russia in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. Although the entire rule of Augustus II (1697–1733) is investigated in this study, the main attention is focused on the period after the 1719 Treaty of Vienna, when the King attempted to reduce his dependence on Russia, while the latter energetically began forming a clique of adherents among the Commonwealth’s noblemen to compromise royal policy. In this activity Russia was most successful among the nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This work analyzes Russian diplomats’ methods, including bribery and intimidation. This research is based on documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
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Verkhovsky, Alexander. "The rise of nationalism in Putin's Russia." Helsinki Monitor 18, no. 2 (2007): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181407781486813.
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Mikhaelovna-Krygina, Alevtina, Natalia Mikhaelovna-Krygina, and Iuliia Yurevna-Aksenteva. "Innovative low-rise housing construction in Russia." Istrazivanja i projektovanja za privredu 15, no. 3 (2017): 307–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/jaes15-14672.
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Alekseychik, I. O., E. V. Putintseva, V. P. Smelyansky, N. V. Boroday, A. K. Alieva, E. A. Agarkova, S. N. Chesnokova, et al. "Peculiarities of the Epidemic Situation on West Nile Fever in the Territory of the Russian Federation in 2018 and Forecast of its Development in 2019." Problems of Particularly Dangerous Infections, no. 1 (April 3, 2019): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21055/0370-1069-2019-1-17-25.
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The epidemic rise in the incidence of West Nile fever (WNF) in the season of 2018 was observed in the countries of the European Union (EU) and bordering states and exceeded the values of all previously recorded epidemic rises of 2010–2012. An increase in the incidence rate was registered in the USA and Canada, however, it did not exceed the indicators of epidemic rises of 2007–2012. In the territory of the Russian Federation, the WNF epidemiological process became more intense mainly in the territory of the Southern and North Caucasian Federal Districts. In general, in Russia, the incidence rates were 2 times lower than the average annual rates, but significantly exceeded those of 2017. The epidemic process had a number of peculiarities in the seasonality, the structure of morbidity and the clinical manifestation of WNF. Genotyping of the isolated WNV RNA fragments from clinical and biological material showed that I, II and IV West Nile virus genotypes were circulating in the European part of Russia. Forecast of epidemic situation development in 2019 reveals further increase in the incidence and does not exclude the possibility of a significant localincrease of WNF incidence in certain regions of Russia.
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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. "Dugin, Eurasianism, and Central Asia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 40, no. 2 (May 29, 2007): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.04.002.
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Eurasianism as a concept emerged among Russian émigrés in the 1920s, with the premise that Russia is a unique ethnic blend, primarily of Slavic and Turkic peoples. Its geopolitical implications for Russia include gravitation toward mostly Turkic Central Asia. Alexander Dugin, one of its best-known proponents, believes that the demise of the Soviet Union was simply a tragic incident. The people of the former USSR should again be united in a grand Eurasian empire, with Russia a benign and generous patron, providing its “younger brothers” clients economic largesse and defense, mostly against the predatory USA. The “orange revolutions” and the rise of Russian nationalism, for whose proponents a restored imperial presence is rather marginal, indicate that Eurasianism—along with the dream of the resurrection of the USSR—is becoming less viable.
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Dolgov, K. M. "SAINT SERGEY OF RADONEZH'S SPIRITUAL HERITAGE AND DESTINIES OF RUSSIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-51-57.
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The article is devoted to the memory of Reverend Sergius of Radonezh whose 700th anniversary Russia is celebrating this year. It reviews the heritage of Reverend Sergius of Radonezh in Russian history, the meaning of his name for the Russians, the spiritual and political role of the Christian Orthodoxy in history. The spiritual heritage of Reverend Sergius of Radonezh survived his life and eventually turned into bottomless source of moral authority for the Russian people. His name is a constant reminder of the moral resurrection of the Russian people after ages of feudal strives and Tatars' yoke, which paved the ground for the consequent political rise of Russia. It proves the rule that political power rests on moral authority. The memory of Reverend Sergius of Radonezh is a good benchmark, which we can always check ourselves against, whether we are living up to it or failed. In any case it will remain the guiding light for Russia.
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Greene, Samuel A. "The End of Ambiguity in Russia." Current History 114, no. 774 (October 1, 2015): 251–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.774.251.
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The narrative underpinning all of these shifts—the construction of a new hierarchy of power, the unrelenting attacks on the opposition, the rise of confrontation with the United States—was one of threat.
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Sonmez, A. Sait, and Sedat Cobanoglu. "The Use of Energy Resources as Foreign Policy Tools: The Russian Case." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 11 (April 27, 2016): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n11p78.
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The energy industry has an important place in the policies of Vladimir Putin, who became the president of Russia in 2000. During this period, Russia’s economic and political power has increased through the rise of oil prices. Accordingly, Russia began to follow pro-active foreign policy on a global scale. “Energy Resources” used as a tool in foreign policy, are one of the dimensions of this proactive policy. In this study, how the energy resources are used in foreign policies of states is analyzed by the sample of Russia. Furthermore, the place of energy industry in the Russian economy and some of the outstanding companies operating in this industry are examined. On the other hand transportation policies (the energy corridors of Russia), performed inside and outside the country, are accompanied with some examples. Then, the role of energy is analyzed in the outputs of foreign policy followed by Russia.
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Granstrem, Maria, Milena Zolotareva, and Tatyana Slavina. "High-rise construction in historical cities through the example of Saint Petersburg." E3S Web of Conferences 33 (2018): 01028. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20183301028.
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The article sets forth results of the landscape visual analysis of the interaction of high-rise construction facilities with the environment of historical urban spaces. A toxic connection of high-rise construction facilities with the established urban landscape was analyzed and recorded. One of the latest stages of the reconstruction of historical cities, which penetrated many European countries at the end of the 20th century, also started in the beginning of the 21st century in Russia, where the reconstruction of historical facilities and territories became one of the leading trends of architectural activity. Therefore, problems of the interaction between the old city and new high-rise construction nearby historical centers are extremely relevant for Russian architects. Specific features of Russian high-rise construction within visual borders of historical cities, developed at the turn of the 20th–21st centuries, repeat past urban-planning mistakes spread in Europe in the second half of the 20th century. High-rise construction in close proximity to historical centers of cities violates an established scale and destroys a historical city silhouette.
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Kheyfets, B. A. "Technological rise of China: New challenges for Russia." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 6 (June 9, 2020): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2020-6-104-120.
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The paper discusses the trend towards the formation of a bipolar global technological space in connection with the rapid technological development of China, which over the past 15—20 years has become a global technological leader. Moreover, in many positions in the technological race, China is already ahead of the United States and offers other countries attractive forms of cooperation in mastering the technologies of the fourth industrial revolution. The features of the current stage of interaction between Russia and China in the field of high technologies are analyzed, and an assessment of the risks and opportunities for Russia’s participation in the new project “Digital Silk Road”, which is becoming an important component of the Chinese “Belt and Road Initiative”, is given.
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Sperling, James. "Germany, Russia, and the Rise of Geo-Economics." German Politics 24, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 205–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2015.1029311.
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Adomeit, Hannes. "Germany, Russia, and the Rise of Geo-Economics." Europe-Asia Studies 69, no. 3 (March 16, 2017): 544–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2017.1299919.
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Studnikov, S. S. "Higher Education in Russia: The Rise of Economic Dominance." World of new economy 15, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2220-6469-2021-15-1-112-120.
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Choosing a university is not an easy matter, and, as a rule, it is a task of multi-criteria optimization, and one of the weighty criteria is career prospects. At present, the children of those who themselves were applicants during the USSR collapse started to choose a university. At that time, it was believed that only elite universities (Moscow State University, MGIMO, etc.) would serve as a social lift to the most prestigious organizations of business, government, and science. In part, this can explain the almost total desire of modern school graduates to have a higher education, although often it is the desire of their parents. Using the example of the higher education market in Russia, the author examines the tendencies of universities’ concentration, their stratifiation into three levels with different institutional conditions and the dominance of the upper levels (alpha universities) over the lower ones (beta and gamma universities). The article analyses Russian alpha universities’ features against the background of a similar global hierarchy and identifies development trends for universities after the explosive introduction of distance learning technologies.
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Petrova, Zoya K., and Viktoria O. Dolgova. "Development of Low-Rise Housing Construction in the Territory of the Central Federal District." Scientific journal “ACADEMIA. ARCHITECTURE AND CONSTRUCTION”, no. 2 (June 28, 2018): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22337/2077-9038-2018-2-115-125.
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Actuality of the investigated problem is conditioned by the necessity of development of low-rise housing construction on territory of the Central Federal District (CFD) of Russia, because, despite positive dynamics, low-rise housing estate is yet not enough used in town-planning practice. The aim of the article is to give an analysis of the state of application of low-rise housing estate in the conditions of this district for development of scientific grounds of the "Government program of low-rise housing construction on territory of the Central Federal District of Russia". Development of low-rise housing construction is aimed to the quickest decision of the housing problem, improvement the comfort of dwelling and quality of residential environment, increase of availability of accommodation for greater part of population. The Central Federal District is the geographical and important financial center of Russia. It includes plenty of small and medium-sized cities, including historical cities, as well as rural settlements, where development of low-rise housing estate is especially expedient.
In terms of housing provision, Russians still lag behind most of the economically developed countries. The demographic indicators and the standard of living of the population largely depend on the condition and volume of the housing stock and on the environmental conditions. The town-planning and environmental problems of the regions of the CFD need to be addressed in accordance with the "Strategy for the socio-economic development of the Central Federal District for the period to 2020". Town-planning conditions for low-rise buildings can be averaged in the following options: in urban districts; suburban areas, outside the city in the near, middle and far suburbs; in rural settlements (with selection of reserve territories necessary for development of low-rise buildings).
In the Central Federal District of Russia there is enough territory for the development of low-rise housing construction, an early solution of the housing problem and the creation of a comfortable living environment. Therefore, the development of a scientifically based "State program of low-rise construction in the territory of the Central Federal District of Russia" is necessary. The Program should be based on the disaggregation of concentrations in urban agglomerations and the creation of residential areas with low-rise buildings in urban districts and rural settlements.
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Changwei, Pang, Zhou Xiaojia, and Sun Lu. "US hegemony and Sino-Russia energy security cooperation." E3S Web of Conferences 77 (2019): 01002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20197701002.
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Why China and Russia give up previous suspicious attitudes toward each other, and going toward close cooperation on Energy security? We argue the threat of American hegemony push China and Russia together. Facing US sanction and strategic pressure, Russia changed its perception about China, and regarded China rise as opportunity. As a consequence, Russia strengthened its ties with China, and completed the oil pipe line which favored China. In addition to this, Russia permitted China Energy company access to its upstream and downstream Energy industry. With the rise of China, the structural conflict between China and US intensified. Trump administration explicitly described China as adversary. The fact that China’s energy transportation line is under the control of US Navy is a source of vulnerability. Out of consideration of reducing risk of cutting off energy supply, China developed a close cooperation with Russia on Energy safety.
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Ladjevac, Ivona. "The Russia-China strategic partnership." Medjunarodni problemi 67, no. 2-3 (2015): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1503239l.
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The paper investigates whether the strategic alliance of China and Russia could create a sufficient counterbalance to US domination in the Post-Cold War era and to assist positioning of Beijing as a global power on the rise. The rapprochement between Russia and China grew gradually from the stage of political declarations and coordination during the first decade of the twenty-first century into a strategic partnership based on the Treaty on Good-Neighbourliness and Friendly Cooperation of 2001. The author analyses the plausible implications of the Treaty as a framework for the established partnership, and confirms its value by increased value of trade and the conclusion of the so-called gas agreements, which should allow the export of Russian gas to the Chinese market. The author concludes that the success of the China-Russia partnership will be equally determined by the US policy in Asia and the Pacific as well as the ability of both countries to resolve potential disagreements that could stem from diverse national interests in Central Asia.
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KOVALCHUK, Natalia. "PANSLAVISM IN MODERN RUSSIA: ACADEMIC AND POLITICAL DIMENSION (based on M. Danilevsky's ideological heritage)." Problems of slavonic studies, no. 68 (2019): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/sls.2019.68.3075.
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Abstract Background: While international tensions increase and Russia's relations with the US and the European Union are worsening as a result of the annexation of Crimea and military intervention in Eastern Ukraine, the presence of Panslavic ideas in the Kremlin's propaganda arsenal becomes more and more visible. Russian politicians, scholars, and conservative public figures often voice the central thesis of Panslavism about the difference and the eternal confrontation between Russia and the West and explain the nature of actual conflicts in the light of this thesis. Purpose: To analyze the contemporary manifestations of Panslavism in the academic, educational and political circles of the Russian Federation by examining the current role of the intellectual heritage of Nikolai Danilevsky, a Russian scientist and conservative philosopher, author of the well-known book “Russia and Europe.” Results: The material presented in the article testifies that Panslavism continues to function in various cultural and political contexts, including undergoing a new rise in Russia in the XX-beginning of the XXI centuries. Slavic motives today are not only present in artistic or academic narratives – as the contemporary appeal to Danilevsky's ideas shows, but they are also periodically instrumentalized for political purposes. In the imagined world of Russian Panslavism, Russia looks stronger than the Western powers, capable of becoming a center of attraction for Slavic neighbors. Radical Russian nationalism borrowed the agenda of the Panslavists of the second half of the XIX century with a view to restoring lost influence in Central and Southeastern Europe. Key words: Panslavism, Russian imperialism, M. Danilevsky, “Russia and Europe”.
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Sabitov, Ildar Narimanovich, Dilara Radikovna Kudasheva, and Denis Yaroslavovich Vdovin. "High-rise architecture in Ufa, Russia, based on crystallography canons." E3S Web of Conferences 33 (2018): 01007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20183301007.
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The article considers fundamental steps of high-rise architecture forming stylistic tendencies, based on C. Willis and M. A. Korotich’s studies. Crystallographic shaping as a direction is assigned on basis of classification by M. A. Korotich’s. This direction is particularly examined and the main high-rise architecture forming aspects on basis of natural polycrystals forming principles are assigned. The article describes crystal forms transformation into an architectural composition, analyzes constructive systems within the framework of CTBUH (Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat) classification, and picks out one of its types as the most optimal for using in buildings-crystals. The last stage of our research is the theoretical principles approbation into an experimental project of high-rise building in Ufa with the description of its contextual dislocation aspects.
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Tokbaeva, Dinara. "Media Entrepreneurs and Market Dynamics." Journal of Media Management and Entrepreneurship 1, no. 1 (January 2019): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jmme.2019010103.
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The post-Soviet space has seen a large-scale transformation of media markets that is marked with an unprecedented rise of entrepreneurial initiatives across business sectors, including media businesses. This paper analysed the dynamics of Russian media markets and the challenges of Russian media entrepreneurs. The media markets of Russia shifted toward more concentration and fragmentation, and media holdings are continuously gaining more power. This paper also looked at the regional media markets of Russia. According to research, there are less than 20 self-sustainable regional media holdings in Russia due to the low capacity of regional advertising markets. National media holdings have a diversified portfolio consisting of different types of media with a growing fraction of digital media companies, and the regional media lag behind in terms of its digital component. Most regional media holdings operate traditional media. Their digital channels are yet to be developed, despite the chief executives' acknowledgement that the future of revenue streams comes from digital channels.
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Samsonova, T. N. "When will the “dawn of new civism” rise over Russia?" Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 26, no. 3 (December 16, 2020): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2020-26-3-66-87.
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The article deals with theoretical approaches to the formation of the civic culture in nowadays Russia. As a particular type of political culture, it acts as a part of the mechanism, which serves to implement social demands, maintaining democratic principles, and ensuring social unity. The author outlines the major features of the civic culture: connection with social needs of the community; involvement in regulating its vital activity on the basis of state institutions; responsibility and obedience to law; orientation towards political order and stability; the citizens’ active political participation, etc. The civic culture contributes to controllability of the society promoting to political order and democracy. The article reveals the role of the state in the formation of civil society and the civic political culture. Considerable attention is paid to the bearers of political civic culture, as well as the role of civic and patriotic education of Russian citizens.
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Maltseva, Olesya A., and Evgeny D. Druzhkin. "Prospects of Indian direct investments in Russian economy." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 254–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-2-254-272.
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The article examines major trends and prospects regarding the Indian direct investment in the economy of the Russian Federation. The authors comprehensively analyze key factors, the scale, regional and sectoral composition of the Indian direct investment in the Russian economy, scrutinize the evolution of sectoral and regional composition of the Indian FDI, as well as define main challenges and obstacles that investors from India face in Russia and identify medium-term prospects for the Indian capital in the Russian Federation. The research shows that in the current circumstances the significance of the Indian capital in form of direct investment for Russia is substantially growing; its regional presence is steadily increasing; the sectoral diversification of the Indian investment is intensifying. The important indicator in this case is the quality of the Indian capital, its gradually increasing high-technology component. Not only the scale of the Indian direct investment in the Russian economy is changing, but also there is the rise in number of companies investing in Russia. At the same time, if in the early 2000s those companies were mainly large Indian MNCs, nowadays there is an increased interest in Russia among small and medium-sized high-technology enterprises of India that promote innovative development of the Russian regions. Of utmost importance is the fact that the Indian capital is also invested in small-scale industry, promoting upgrade of technological equipment of small and medium-sized enterprises in Russia. These noticeable changes in the Indian capital movement will substantially contribute to enhanced economic cooperation between the two countries.
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Gouzevitch, Irina, and Dimitri Gouzevitch. "The rise of the privilege system in Russia: from the ‘special favour’ to a ‘common legal act’ (17th-19th century)." Revista de la Academia 30 (November 24, 2020): 84–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/0196318.0.1765.
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In 2012, Russia will celebrate the two-hundredth anniversary of its first legislative act protecting the rights of inventor, the famous Manifesto of 1812. This event appears as highly emblematic because of a constantly growing role played in today’s Russian economy by the private enterprising. In this new situation, a claim for an adequate and well elaborated legislation protecting the private property, including intellectual one, naturally stimulates the public interest toward the historical inheritance. A best testimony of it is an increasing number of historical overviews, published in hard version and/or on line during a few last years. At the same time, the academic works in this field are still not numerous, and many aspects of the Russian patent law remain scarcely and insufficiently studied. In addition, even the existing historiography which includes, however, a series of important works, is mainly in Russian, with the only exception of Anneli Aer’s fundamental study Patents in Imperial Russia published in 1995 in Finland, in small number of exemplars, and thus, hardly accessible. as a result, the history of patent law in Russia still remains a kind of ‘white spot’ for the West-European readers. This particular condition incited the authors, who met this problematic while studying the inventive activity of foreign engineers on the Crown service during the 18th and 19th centuries, to tempt a short synthetic overview of the rise of privileges system in Russia, from its timid beginnings to the developed and highly regulated State legislation.
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Vinogradov, A. V. "Russia in Eurasia: between China and the West. Identity, Ideology and Geopolitics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 2 (June 11, 2019): 228–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-2-228-246.
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The genesis of the Russian civilization is inextricably connected with the Mongol conquests of the 13th century. From that moment, Russia acquired a binary, Euro-Asian identity, which allowed it to master large spaces of Eastern Europe and Northern Asia in a different way compared to other European nations mastered the spaces of Asia and Africa, and eventually create the largest Eurasian state. All of its subsequent development took place in the constant internal struggle of two origins -the West and the East, both of them attracted Russia, influenced its identity and created opportunities for development, which Russia managed to exploit successfully. Until now, geopolitics remains a trigger for internal change and the cause of the transformation of Russian identity. Disappointed with the Eurasian project and trying to reunite with the West at the end of the 20th century, Russia decided to abandon the “Asian burden” and at the same time its own type of historical development. However, Russia did not change its identity, but rejected it. As a result, it did not fit in, but fell out of global trends.The rise of China opened up new opportunities for Russia. The strategic cooperation and interaction of the two countries has become a powerful tool in their struggle for multipolarity and global status in rivalry with the West. But at the same time, it has given Russia a new geopolitical challenge. Today, China is ready to offer the Post-Soviet Central Asia an attractive socio-economic model and a familiar and acceptable ideology. Under global geopolitical changes Russia is facing the choice of a new development strategy, which could find ways of conjunction the “Russian world” with the European Union and the Chinese “Belt and Road”.
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Sanina, Anna. "“Who Are You Kidding?”: Visual Political Irony in Contemporary Russia." Qualitative Inquiry 25, no. 4 (July 27, 2018): 432–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800418790292.
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The study analyzes the visual dimensions of computer-mediated political irony in Russia. Based on material published between 2011 and 2014 concerning significant events in Russian history, such as the re-election of Vladimir Putin, the rise of the Russian protest movement, the Crimean crises, and so on, the article discusses ironical pictures published on weblogs and social networks, together with 56 interviews of creators and distributors of the content. The results of the study show that in contemporary Russia, novel forms of political dialogue have become widespread in new media, initiated by people who use irony and visual images to express their feelings about political events, everyday routines, and politicians’ activities. Reflection, context, and visual representation offer original vocabularies for organizing public dialogue on the Internet. The findings show a fundamental subject of visual political irony as a routine, rather than eventfulness. The creation and consumption of the content includes elements of slacktivism and to a lesser extent activism.
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Razumnova, Lyudmila L., and Tatyana E. Migaleva. "The Rise of China's Political and Economic Influence in the Modern World: Pluralism of Opinions." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 4 (January 3, 2020): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2019-4-42-64.
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The increasing political and economic influence of China on the international economic relations, whilst remaining the relative closeness of its economy and reluctance to provide reciprocal access to the national market, is becoming an important topic for discussion among Western and Russian researchers. The purpose of the study is to analyze the modern scientific view on growing influence of the PRC worldwide as a new political player, as well as to identify contradictions arising in the world economy. The methodological basis consists of general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, generalization and comparison methods, historical and logical approaches to the examined phenomena, which allow to identify contradictions and problems that Russia could face due to China's global economic expansion. The authors substantiate the need for Russian to use the experience of other country in protecting its national interests throw creating mechanisms for foreign investments screening, as those investment can have negative impact on the recipient economy and its integration partners. The article provides recommendations for Russia on how to develop the mutually beneficial and effective investment cooperation with China.
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Becker, Uwe, and Alexandra Vasileva. "Russia's political economy re-conceptualized: A changing hybrid of liberalism, statism and patrimonialism." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 1 (January 2017): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2016.11.003.
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Russian political–economic development since the early 1990s has been described as one of initial liberalization and subsequent re-etatization a decade later. Our paper critically builds upon this view, systematically adding patrimonialism as third dimension and conceptualizing Russia's trajectory as varying with respect to ideal–typical liberalism, statism and patrimonialism. We argue that Russian patrimonialism hindered the rise of the economically facilitating state capacity and undermined both liberalization in the 1990s and re-etatization in the 2000s. Furthermore, we add a comparative BRICs perspective that clarifies the peculiarity of Russia's development based on statistical data from the World Bank, the OECD and Heritage Foundation. The data confirm the de-liberalization of Russia and show an increase of patrimonialism. Another finding is that Russia was the only BRIC country that de-liberalized and increased its level of patrimonialism in the period under consideration.
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PETROVA, Z. K., S. V. ILVITSKAYA, V. O. DOLGOVA, B. S. ISTOMIN, V. P. ETENKO, and N. V. DUBYNIN. "Development of Modern Low-Rise Wooden Housing in Russia." Stroitel'nye Materialy 762, no. 8 (2018): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31659/0585-430x-2018-762-8-74-78.
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Gel’man, Vladimir. "THE RISE AND DECLINE OF ELECTORAL authoritarianism IN RUSSIA." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 67, no. 4 (2012): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2012-67-4-65-88.
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Schoors, Koen, and Laurent Weill. "Politics and banking in Russia: the rise of Putin." Post-Soviet Affairs 36, no. 5-6 (June 29, 2020): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.2020.1785245.
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Hurd, Hon Douglas. "The World Economy in 2020 - The Rise of Russia." Business Strategy Review 6, no. 2 (June 1995): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8616.1995.tb00091.x.
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Ebbage, Kate. "Russia: What has Precipitated the Rise of Criminal Activity?" Journal of Money Laundering Control 3, no. 1 (March 1999): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb027215.
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Deconinck, Koen, and Johan Swinnen. "Peer effects and the rise of beer in Russia." Food Policy 51 (February 2015): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.foodpol.2014.12.008.
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Zemánek, Ladislav. "Belt & Road initiative and Russia: From mistrust towards cooperation." Human Affairs 30, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2020-0019.
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AbstractThe aim of this article is to analyse relations between China and Russia over the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in the context of deepening Sino-Russian relations and the general rise of Eurasia. China and Russia are pivotal non-Western Eurasian powers in political, economic and military terms and the key motors of Eurasian multi-faceted integration. Both countries pursue their own interests and present their own projects and initiatives. Nevertheless, over the last few years, Sino-Russian cooperation has become strategic and is starting to pursue a new model of globalisation and international order. In the article, I refer to this approach as the “New Eurasian Paradigm” (NEP). I follow Axel Honneth’s Hegelian-based theory of threefold-level recognition Hrubec (2011, p. 267). which I extend and employ at the interstate level to interpret the behaviour of China and Russia and their integration projects in terms of a struggle for political recognition as full, equal members of the global community determining global processes. Both countries thus aim to reform the global order and boost the integration of Eurasia in order to achieve successful development. These common interests are the main reasons behind their mutual strategic collaboration.
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Nau, Henry R. "Why ‘The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers’ was wrong." Review of International Studies 27, no. 4 (October 2001): 579–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210501005794.
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In 1987, Paul Kennedy predicted in his best-selling book, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, that the Pacific region, especially Japan and China, would rise in power, while the then Soviet Union, the United States and Europe would decline in power. Except for Russia, his predictions have not fared well. Why? His realist model of international politics ignored the role of national identities. National identities involve domestic institutions and policies that motivate citizens to create and use wealth and power. Nations compete through domestic reforms as well as international military and economic rivalries. Domestic changes in the United States and Europe revitalized American and European power, while delays in domestic reforms doomed Soviet/Russian power and dramatically slowed Japanese and Asian growth.
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Dianina, Katia. "Passage to Europe: Dostoevskii in the St. Petersburg Arcade." Slavic Review 62, no. 2 (2003): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3185576.
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The St. Petersburg Passage—a shopping arcade and recreation complex, comprising restaurants, exhibitions, amateur theater, and the Literary Fund—was a remarkable center of public life in imperial Russia. Contemporary journalists wrote incessantly about the Passage, celebrating the various forms of popular entertainment that it offered. In his strange unfinished story “The Crocodile,” which also takes place in the Russian arcade, Fedor Dostoevskii parodies this trivial discourse of the daily press. Urban spectacles and their refraction in the mass-circulation media are the main targets of his caricature of westernized popular culture in Russia. The writer's response to Russian modernity, as it was taking shape in the age of the Great Reforms, is expressly negative. Dostoevskii believed that in a decade defined by the rise of civic consciousness, the Russian press should address vital social concerns at home instead of celebrating ephemeral cultural imports, such as the arcade and the newspaper feuilleton.
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Tusnina, Valentina, and Ekaterina Yakovleva. "To the problem of development of low-rise housing in Russia." E3S Web of Conferences 97 (2019): 04008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20199704008.
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The issue of providing the population with comfortable and affordable housing has always been rather acute in our country. The solution to this problem, taking into account the trends in the creation and transformation of the urban environment into the most reliable, comfortable and affordable, may be the mass construction of low-rise housing. Of primary importance in solving the problem of mass construction of low-rise housing is the maximum industrialization of construction and installation work, which should be provided at the design stage in order to reduce labor costs at the construction site, where only assembly and installation work from structures of full factory readiness should be performed. In this aspect, the unification in the design and production of building steel structures will allow creating a system of typical design of civil buildings, including low-rise residential buildings, on the basis of steel frames for mass construction and solving the problem of affordable and comfortable housing in Russia.
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Filyushkin, Alexander. "Why Did Russia Not Become a Composite State?" Russian History 47, no. 3 (March 30, 2021): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340006.
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Abstract The paper asks how the Russian Empire emerged. In the course of European monarchical rise of the 16–17th centuries, composite monarchies turned into nation states and then empires. Russia never became a composite; very soon after its emergence at the end of the 15th century, it immediately moved to the imperial stage. The answer to why this happened is the key to understanding the Russian Empire’s history. One factor that prevented Russia from building a composite monarchy was the weakness of political actors united under Moscow’s leadership. European composite monarchies emerged when and where the dominant monarchy forcefully broke local laws, fought against local class and political systems. But Moscow’s rivals were too weak, and Russian monarchs did not need to compromise with them. A shared Orthodox faith, common culture, language, and economic structure, as well as the absence of natural borders on the Eastern European plain were other factors that allowed Moscow to ignore the rights of conquered regions. Russia’s background as a part of the Mongol Empire also played a role. By the time Russia faced strong European monarchical competitors, its imperial development path already formed. An important feature of the early Muscovite Empire was the dominance of political practice over ideology. The ideological design of the Empire occurred only in the 18th and 19th century. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the imperial character of Muscovy was formed intuitively and spontaneously; one might call it a neonatal, rudimentary, infant empire.
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Varese, Federico. "Is Sicily the future of Russia? Private protection and the rise of the Russian Mafia." European Journal of Sociology 35, no. 2 (November 1994): 224–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600006858.
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It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’. The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’. In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the cpsunomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others.
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Varese, Federico. "Is Sicily the future of Russia? Private protection and the rise of the Russian Mafia." European Journal of Sociology 42, no. 1 (May 2001): 186–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600008225.
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It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’ (1). The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’ (2). In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the CPSU nomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others (3).
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Larin, A. G. "CHINESE DIASPORA IN RUSSIA." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 5 (December 20, 2017): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-5-30-49.
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At the present stage, the thesis of the “Chinese demographic threat” has decreased to the lowest level, but has not disappeared completely from the mass consciousness, paradoxically combining with increased sympathy for China. The work of Chinese migrants, spreading throughout the country, plays a particularly significant role in the economy of the Russian Far East. In a number of places and a number of industries, Chinese migrants compete with Russians and even drive them out of the market; In other cases, their work is recognized as necessary. The Russian authorities pursue a policy of gradual restriction of foreign, including Chinese, labor, both to facilitate the employment of their own citizens, and to achieve geopolitical goals. The reverse side of this policy is the worsening of the already not very favorable investment climate in the country. The Russian administration has little control over the economic activities of Chinese migrants and even the dynamics of their numbers, but at the same time it tends to lease to the Chinese side large agricultural and forest territories, not seeking to maximize the labor potential of its people and creating a situation impending damage to the country’s economic sovereignty, that causes public outcry. Educational migration from China to Russia, which is not very large, is constrained by a set of causes, including unfavorable living conditions in Russia. The main reason is the low rating of the Russian diploma in the international labor market, including in China itself, and the very modest opportunities that it opens for career growth. The conjugation of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Silk Road Economic Belt, apparently, will open up wider opportunities for attracting Chinese labor migrants to the rise of the Russian economy, but their professional structure will hardly change qualitatively. The explosive growth of their number can occur if the EAEU and China decide to establish a free trade zone. However, this is unlikely in the foreseeable future. The Chinese diaspora, being undoubtedly useful for Russia, simultaneously carries a number of risks to it. They can be eliminated or mitigated by establishing clear control and regulation of migrants’ activities, but for this it is necessary to improve the mechanism of managing the economy of the country.