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1
Skotnicki, Krzysztof. "Senat Republiki Czeskiej." Przegląd europejski 2 (March 5, 2019): 159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0863.
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The article analyses the institution of the Senate as one of the chambers of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. The asymmetrical bicameralism conception adopted in 1992 refers to the solution of the Constitution of 1920. The internal organisation and the manner of work as well as the parliamentary mandate are typical for a democratic state. The basic function of the Senate is legislation, but the final decisions belong to the Chamber of Deputies. The equalisation of the position of both chambers is an exception. The second chamber does not have a control function, and the creative function is symbolic. The Senate has become established in the system of state organs.
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Waisová, Šárka, and Linda Piknerová. "Twenty Years After." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (April 8, 2011): 162–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411404553.
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However obsolete it may appear in the environment of the post-1989 Czech Republic, dissident activity has left its imprint on Czech society and politics. In Czech foreign policy, there is something like a dissident tradition, which dissidents themselves seem to uphold. In the Czech foreign policy process, there exists an explicit mechanism that has incorporated the dissident tradition, which, in quite a few cases, has affected policy outcomes. The introduction of the dissident tradition into Czech foreign policy was facilitated by the dissidents’ great concern for foreign policy and for human rights issues, and, in particular, for human rights issues outside the Czech Republic. We present evidence that dissidents have been concerned with foreign policy and with human rights issues by analyzing the membership of parliamentary committees of both chambers of the Parliament as well as the dissidents’ activities in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. Significantly, when activities tied to the dissident tradition emerge in the Parliament, the initiators of such activities are always (although not exclusively) dissidents; the opponents, always nondissidents.
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Kudrnáč, Aleš, Jakub Lysek, and Daniel Rejman. "Omyl, nebo úmysl? Analýza neplatných hlasů v olomouckém kraji." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 2–3 (August 1, 2014): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.23.214.
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This article deals with the phenomenon of invalid voting which has appeared in regional elections in the Olomouc region in the Czech Republic. First, contemporary theories of invalid voting are introduced. Second, the given hypotheses, which include both institutional and socio-economic factors that, according to the theories, contribute to higher levels of invalid voting, are tested. Statistical analysis such as linear regression is employed in the research. The dataset is comprised of municipalities (cases) in which regional elections were held. The results show that higher levels of invalid voting are associated with concurrent elections (elections to the regional assembly and elections to the upper house (the Senate) of the Czech Parliament) in those municipalities in which residents are older and less well-educated. If regional elections are held without concurring elections, socio-economic variables have a smaller effect on invalid voting. Therefore, the state authorities should consider a revision of respective electoral law and simplify the electoral process involved in concurrent elections.
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Marchuk, M. I. "Legislative power in the Republic of Poland." Law and Safety 71, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2018.4.02.
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The article is focused on the problems of studying the constitutional and legal aspects of the functioning of the bicameral parliament in the Republic of Poland. The research is carried out with the aim of studying and scientific understanding of the practical implementation of certain aspects of bicameralism in Ukraine.
The peculiarities of the legal status of the Sejm and the Senate as the chambers of political representation of the sovereign Polish nation have been analyzed. It has been emphasized that certain competencies of legislative power in the Polish power system are intended to compensate for the strong positions of the executive branch, due to the assignment of the President of the Republic of Poland to it. It has been noted that in the period after the restoration of the bicameral structure of the Polish Parliament in 1989, until 2010, the Sejm held the dominant position. It has been established that at the present stage of development, the Polish constitutional doctrine foresees an asymmetric bicameral parliament model with the preservation of the system’s equivalence of chambers.
It has been noted that the result of the accession of the Republic of Poland to the European Union, the Sejm and the Senate had functional changes that covered almost all the powers of the national parliament, including, first of all, legislative and control functions, led to the appearance of elements of the “European” function of the parliament and transformed already existing commitment of both chambers.
The peculiarities of the influence of the EU legal acts on the processes of national legislation in Poland have been revealed. The directions of transformation of the normative and controlling function of the Sejm and the Senate have been determined. The principles of functional separation of powers of the Sejm and the Senate in the light of the national and European legislation have been established. It has been concluded that during the process of implementation of acts of the European law in the national legal system of the Republic of Poland, the chambers of the parliament managed to expand their powers at the expense of the so-called “European competence of the Polish parliament”.
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Vedernikov, Mikhail. "Senate and municipal elections in Czech Republic 2018." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 5 (October 1, 2018): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran52018103109.
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Linek, Lukáš, and Zdenka Mansfeldová. "The Parliament of the Czech Republic, 1993–2004." Journal of Legislative Studies 13, no. 1 (March 2007): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330601165238.
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Kopecky, Petr, and Cas Mudde. "The 1998 parliamentary and senate elections in the Czech Republic." Electoral Studies 18, no. 3 (September 1999): 415–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(98)00064-x.
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Turnovec, František. "Votes, seats and power: 1996 Parliamentary election in the Czech Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, no. 3 (September 1, 1997): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00009-3.
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This paper gives a brief survey of the results of the 1996 election to the Lower House and the Upper House of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. Methodology of power indices is used to evaluate voting power and relative influence of the parties represented in the parliament. A comparison with the 1992 electoral results is provided. The regional dimension of the electoral results is discussed, and a hypothetical impact of different values of electoral threshold on the structure of parliament is analyzed.
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Vedernikov, Mikhail. "Regional Election in Czech Republic 2020." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 17, no. 5 (October 1, 2020): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520203137.
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On October 2-3, 2020, regional elections were held in the Czech Republic amid the second wave of the COVID-19 Coronavirus pandemic. Despite the traditional attitude to this election as secondary, its significance for the expert community was in the fact that it made possible to study political preferences of the population on the eve of the upcoming elections in 2021. Although the citizens of the Czech Republic preferred ANO movement, analysts noted the strengthening of the opposition forces – Pirate Party, the Civil Democratic Party and the STAN movement. The main feature of their participation in the last election campaign was their coalition with regional associations and movements, which made it possible to mobilize the population and claim more active participation in the work of regional authorities. Thus, scholars concluded that this approach could become the key to success in 2021. In turn, the ANO’s coalition partners tend to weaken their positions. Their fate in the future parliament was uncertain.
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Brunclik, Milos. "Problem of early elections and dissolution power in the Czech Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (April 9, 2013): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.03.003.
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Theory of parliamentary regimes presumes that parliament can express vote of no confidence in government. On the other hand executive power (government or head of state) is endowed with right to dissolve the parliament. However, these “doomsday devices” are not in balance in many parliamentary regimes, including the Czech Republic. On the basis of a comparative analysis of dissolution provisions in the constitutions of European states the article argues that the government in the Czech Republic should be given the right to dissolve the lower chamber at least in case that the latter expresses vote of no confidence in the former.
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Voženílková, Marcela, and Jan Hejtmánek. "Koncept incumbency advantage v českých senátních volbách." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.1.1.
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The concept of incumbency advantage has, for more than 40 years, been a frequently discussed topic in American political science. The fact that incumbents, for various reasons, have a noticeable advantage over their challengers also brings new questions, notably what the sources of this advantage are and how exactly this advantage is reflected in the elections. Our aim was to apply the concept of incumbency advantage to the Czech political environment, specifically the Senate elections. Our research faced several challenges stemming mainly from fundamental differences between the political systems of the United States and the Czech Republic. We had to adjust the existing theoretical knowledge and measuring instruments in order to perform an analysis of the Czech Senate elections from 1998 to 2012 and answer the main research question of whether there is or not an advantage for incumbent senators in the Czech Republic. On the basis of the analysis of data from the election results, this could not be confirmed. To the contrary, in many cases, the very fact that a particular politician defends a mandate may in fact be a disadvantage. Such a claim is also in line with several other studies with a similar theme and we hope our paper will be an impulse for further research on the topic of incumbency advantage in the Czech Republic.
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Dvořáková, Daniela. "Lobbying in the European Union and the Czech Republic." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 61, no. 7 (2013): 2099–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201361072099.
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Transparent lobbying is a natural and desirable part of the functioning of each democratic state. The paper analyzes the specific ways, perception and regulation of lobbying in the European Union and the Czech Republic. In the European Union it focuses mainly on two institutions which are under pressure of the lobbyists, the European Commission and the European Parliament. Furthermore, paper presents the situation in the perception and regulation of lobbying in the Czech Republic, and clarifies several unsucessful attempts to regulate lobbying. In conclusion paper compares specific lobbying environment and regulation in the European Union and the Czech Republic and formulates recommendations for the Czech lobbying practices.
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Łukaszewski, Marcin. "Zasada incompatibilitas w samorządowym prawie ustrojowym (relacje samorządowiec-parlamentarzysta) i projekt przekształcenia Senatu w Izbę Samorządową." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 4 (October 31, 2018): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2011.4.13.
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The problem of Senate as a self-government chamber and self-government person – parliament deputy relations were shown in the political history of the Polish Third Republic many times. In 2001, when self-government laws were introduced into the political system of self-government, there was an institution of incompatibilitas (incompatibility of self-governmental and parliamentarian seats). It influenced the subsequent public debate about the role of Senate and the emerging plans to transform it into a self-government chamber.
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GULAY, Vasyl, and Vira MAKSYMETS. "The Ukrainian context of the 2019 election campaigns in Poland by the European Parliament and the Sejm and Senate." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 12 (2019): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2019-12-88-100.
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The authors assume that the results of the 2019 elections in Poland to the European Parliament and the Sejm and the Senate influence not only the transformation of the country's party system and its socio-political development in the coming years, but also the place and importance of Poland's interstate relations with Ukraine in general and specific problems of large-scale Ukrainian labor migration to Poland in particular. The completion of the elections to the European Parliament of the 9th cadence actually gave rise to the election campaign to the Sejm and Senate of the Xth convocation. The predominant practice of most political parties has been to provide candidates of Ukrainian descent or immigrants from Ukraine (despite even a minimal number of them against the background of the Ukrainian national minority and newly naturalized citizens of the Republic of Poland) for the most part, starting places in the relevant regional party lists. Despite the noticeable growth of broad Ukrainian subjects since the fall of 2013, first in Polish foreign and then domestic politics, this has not, however, been reflected in a corresponding quantitative and qualitative conversion following the 2019 elections to the European Parliament and the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland. The 2019 elections, among other things, draw attention not only to the place and role of the Ukrainian national minority in the political life of Poland, but also to indicate the political participation of Polish citizens from among the new migrants of the 1990s – 2010s, in view of the growing the extent of naturalization as Polish citizens of our country of origin, and the differences between different socially active environments of Polish citizens of Ukrainian descent. Internal processes among politically active Ukrainians in Poland who have the right to vote allow us to speak of a departure from the prevailing sympathies with the Civic Platform over the decades in favor of new left-wing political projects. Keywords Poland, election campaign, European Parliament, Sejm, Senate, Ukrainian context.
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Kühn, Zdeněk, and Jan Kysela. "Nomination of Constitutional Justices in Post-Communist Countries: Trial, Error, Conflict in the Czech Republic." European Constitutional Law Review 2, no. 2 (June 2006): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606001830.
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Selection and nomination of constitutional justices – American model of judicial review in post-communist countries – Tensions between parliamentary supremacy and excessive activism of Constitutional Courts – Possibility of reappointment and the independence of justices – Lack of cooperation between President and Senate in the Czech Republic – Politicization of judicial nomination and democracy.
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Seidlová, Adéla. "Research on Deputies and Senators in the Parliament of the Czech Republic." Czech Sociological Review 37, no. 3 (June 1, 2001): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2001.37.3.06.
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Fedorchak, Т. P. "NEW TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 6(50) (December 28, 2018): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2018-6(50)-133-142.
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The article examines the development of the political process in the Czech Republic following the results of the last regular elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament, which took place on October 21-22, 2017 under the proportional electoral system. The results of the elections revealed a number of new trends in the development of the parties and the party system of the Czech Republic, which at the same time have many similarities with the ideas of populists and Euro skeptics spread in the CEE region.
The analysis of the specific “differentiated electoral barrier” and the Czech electoral legislation is made. The path to victory in the elections of the ANO and the ODS parties, the new in the Czech politics third party-winner – the Pirate party, members of which advocated the maximum protection of individual freedoms and the uncontrolled Internet. It is noted that the traditional and leading parties of the Czech Republic – KDU-CSL, TOP 9, KSCM, CSSD did not achieve the expected success in the Parliament elections.
The regularities that emerged during the elections to the Chamber of Deputies were revealed: a steady demand of voters for new leaders, new political forces, the weakening of the positions and authority of political parties that have occupied leading positions for a long period, the change in the current political agenda. Confirmed pan-European trends: the growth of populist sentiment and a significant increase in skepticism towards the leaders of the European Union, which are manifested in many CEE countries.
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Farnell, James E. "The Governmental Structure of Utopia." Moreana 34 (Number 130), no. 2 (June 1997): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1997.34.2.4.
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A close examination of the mechanics of the government of Amaurot shows that it was most closely modelled on the government of the City of London. Departures from its practice incorporate features of Venice and the Roman Republic. The Utopian federation was probably patterned on the constitutionalist tradition of the Netherlands while the national senate incorporated features of the English Parliament. The implications of More’s use of contemporary government archetypes for the interpretation of Utopia are discussed.
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Sejkora, Tomáš. "Declaration of Tax Information in Constitutional Court Cases in the Czech Republic." Public Governance, Administration and Finances Law Review 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.53116/pgaflr.2019.1.6.
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This contribution is focused on the trend to demand various declaration of taxable persons via specific forms issued based only on the wide and vague authorisation of the Ministry of Finance of the Czech Republic. The aim of this paper is to familiarise readers with the relevant Czech regulation and case law of the Czech Constitutional Court and to provide conclusions evaluating this case law and legislation. The beginning of this paper is devoted to respective provisions of the Tax Procedure Code, Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, Act on VAT and Act on Transactions evidence. Then, the part dealing with the development of the Constitutional Court approach evaluating the practice of the tax administration follows. Finally, the author provides his conclusions estimating future development in this issue. Scientific methods used in this paper are analysis, induction, deduction and description. The aim of the contribution is therefore the evaluation how the recent case law will affect the current legislation and what steps should be made by the Czech Parliament.
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Gabrielli, Caterina. "James Harrington e la concezione del "commonweath" come organismo." RIVISTA DI STORIA DELLA FILOSOFIA, no. 3 (September 2009): 469–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sf2009-003002.
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- This article aims to shed light on the link between Harrington's political thought and his conception of Nature as an organic whole. Such a relation is reflected in the way mixed government and the representative system are designed to act as complementary institutions of a republic or commonwealth. Under mixed government, the popular balance of property - a political transposition of the fullness of natural life meaning the spread of landed property among the population - is tempered by a quarter of the entire territory being concentrated in the hands of a minority of big landowners. On this basis, the minority ensures for its members exclusive access to the Senate, as an aristocratic institution. In the context of the representative system, the fact that the Senate alone can deliberate, whereas a Popular Assembly can only accept or reject decisions made by the Senate, is moderated by periodical elections of both Houses of Parliament based on popular suffrage.Key words: Natural law; Republicanism; Commonwealth; Mixed government; Separation of powers; Representative system.
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Malcová, Karolína. "The Local Aspect of Electoral Support for Candidates to the Senate of the Czech Republic." Czech Sociological Review 48, no. 2 (April 1, 2012): 283–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2012.48.2.04.
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Stegmaier, Mary, Kamil Marcinkiewicz, and Michael Jankowski. "The Effects of Electoral Rules on Parliamentary Behavior." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 4 (September 27, 2016): 885–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416670240.
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Do different types of preferential-list PR systems create different incentives for how Members of Parliament vote? To examine this, we compare the quasi-list system of Poland, where only preference votes determine which candidates win seats, to the flexible-list system in the Czech Republic, where the 5 percent preference vote threshold required to override the party ranking of candidates gives the party greater power in influencing which candidates become MPs. We analyze roll call votes in the 2007–2011 Sejm and the 2010–2013 Czech Chamber of Deputies and, after controlling for party and MP characteristics, we find that in both countries, MPs with lower preference vote shares are more likely to vote along with their party. But, when we compare the strength of this relationship, we observe substantial differences. The magnitude of this relationship in the Czech Republic is ten times stronger than in Poland, which can be attributed to the more prominent role Czech electoral rules give to the party.
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Čada, V., and K. Janečka. "THE FUNDAMENTAL SPATIAL DATA IN THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REGISTERS." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLI-B4 (June 13, 2016): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xli-b4-171-2016.
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The system of basic registers was launched in the Czech Republic in 2012. The system provides a unique solution to centralize and keep actual most common and widely used information as a part of the eGovernment. The basic registers are the central information source for information systems of public authorities. In October 2014, the Czech government approved the conception of The Strategy for the Development of the Infrastructure for Spatial Information in the Czech Republic to 2020 (GeoInfoStrategy) that serves as a basis for the NSDI. The paper describes the challenges in building the National Spatial Data Infrastructure (NSDI) in the Czech Republic with focus on the fundamental spatial data and related basic registers. The GeoInfoStrategy should also contribute to increasing of the competitiveness of the economy. Therefore the paper also reflects the Directive 2014/61/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council on measures to reduce the cost of deploying high-speed electronic communication networks. The Directive states that citizens as well as the private and public sectors must have the opportunity to be part of the digital economy. A high quality digital infrastructure underpins virtually all sectors of a modern and innovative economy. To ensure a development of such infrastructure in the Czech Republic, the Register of passive infrastructure providing information on the features of passive infrastructure has to be established.
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Čada, V., and K. Janečka. "THE FUNDAMENTAL SPATIAL DATA IN THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REGISTERS." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLI-B4 (June 13, 2016): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xli-b4-171-2016.
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The system of basic registers was launched in the Czech Republic in 2012. The system provides a unique solution to centralize and keep actual most common and widely used information as a part of the eGovernment. The basic registers are the central information source for information systems of public authorities. In October 2014, the Czech government approved the conception of The Strategy for the Development of the Infrastructure for Spatial Information in the Czech Republic to 2020 (GeoInfoStrategy) that serves as a basis for the NSDI. The paper describes the challenges in building the National Spatial Data Infrastructure (NSDI) in the Czech Republic with focus on the fundamental spatial data and related basic registers. The GeoInfoStrategy should also contribute to increasing of the competitiveness of the economy. Therefore the paper also reflects the Directive 2014/61/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council on measures to reduce the cost of deploying high-speed electronic communication networks. The Directive states that citizens as well as the private and public sectors must have the opportunity to be part of the digital economy. A high quality digital infrastructure underpins virtually all sectors of a modern and innovative economy. To ensure a development of such infrastructure in the Czech Republic, the Register of passive infrastructure providing information on the features of passive infrastructure has to be established.
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Fiktus, Paweł. "Udział kobiet w działalności prawotwórczej Senatu II Rzeczypospolitej." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no. 2 (April 27, 2016): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1565.
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At the end of World War I, in many European countries women won the active and passive right to vote. Poland was one of the first countries, where women were allowed to participate in political life. Already at the time of establishing the Legislative Sejm (1919) the first women-MPs took their seats in Parliament. Similarly, the situation presented itself in the case of the Senate. During its first session (1922) women participated in the works of the upper chamber. The purpose of this paper is to present the participation of women in the legislative work of the Senate in various terms of office. The participation of women in the legislative work of Parliament was characterized by their involvement in issues concerning education or social services, while avoiding participation in the legislative work or that dealing with political matters. The situation presented itself differently as regards women’s involvement in the work of the Senate. A good example here was the activity of Dorota Kałuszyńska, who – during the work on the so called April Constitution of 1935 – not only participated in it very actively, but also ruthlessly attacked the then ruling camp. Another very interesting episode related to activities of women in the Senate was an informal covenant during the work on the bill to limit the sale, administration and consumption of alcoholic beverages. Belonging to different political groups: the said D. Kłuszyńska as a representative of the Polish Socialist Party, Helena Kisielewska from the Bloc of National Minorities and Hanna Hubicka of BBWR [the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government] unanimously criticized the regulations in force, which – in their opinion – did not fulfill their role when it came to anti-alcohol protection. The participation of women as far as their number was concerned was indeed small, but the Senate (like Parliament) of the Second Republic functioned in the period when women had just begun their activity on the legislative forum. Undoubtedly, it was a very interesting period, in which women had the benefit in the form of gaining their parliamentary experience. For example, it gave rise to subsequent activities of Dorota Kłuszyńska, who actively participated in the legislative works of the Sejm in the years 1947–1952, dealing with social issues or family.
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Ilík, Jan, and Agata Pomykala. "Rapid services – the Czech high-speed rail project for Central Europe." MATEC Web of Conferences 180 (2018): 01006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201818001006.
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In March 2017, the Czech parliament passed a resolution obliging the government to launch a high-speed line program. Government resolution on launching the program was adopted in May 2017. The High Speed Railway Development Program in Czech Republic is intended to target international connections in several axes: Dresden-Prague-Brno-Vienna/Bratislava/Budapest, Katowice-Ostrava-Brno- Vienna/Bratislava/Budapest, Wroclaw-Prague-Munich. This network is supposed to improve Prague's accessibility to other cities in Czech Republic but also to major agglomerations of neighbouring states. This project is not only railway project but also a project of national development. One-day trip will include, among others, Dresden, Berlin, Vienna, Bratislava, Budapest and Warsaw together with other big cities in Poland. Since 2010 in Polish - Czech cooperation are being prepared studies on lines Wrocław - Praga and Katowice - Ostrava. The high-speed railway program implementation in Czech Republic and in Poland and Baltic Countries will result in an effective connection between Prague and Baltic Countries capitals. Creation of an international fast railway network in Central Europe is a part of the EU's transport policy framework for TEN-T network development and will contribute to the progress of economic links in the region. In addition, it is going to be involved in the European Union social and economic cohesion improvement.
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Havlík, Vlastimil, and Hana Vykoupilová. "Two dimensions of the Europeanization of election programs: The case of the Czech Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 2 (May 1, 2008): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.03.007.
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This article represents a contribution to the debate over the Europeanization of political parties, one of the hot topics in contemporary political science. It explores the extent of Europeanization in political parties represented in the lower chamber of the Parliament of the Czech Republic by means of an analysis of party election manifestoes. The extent of Europeanization in these documents is analyzed using a bi-dimensional conceptualization. The first we call the quantitative dimension, assesses the space taken by the topic of European integration in each manifesto. The second one we call the qualitative dimension. This, using the analysis of content, measures the degree to which the European integration issue is elaborated in the programs. Using this conceptualization, we analyze the election manifestoes of five Czech political parties in the period 1996–2006.
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Bartůšková, J., and J. Homolka. "Analysis of land-law relations development in the Czech Republic after 1989 in the legal and economic kontext." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 55, No. 5 (June 1, 2009): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/33/2009-agricecon.
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Changes in the land law, which occurred after 1948, still influence the whle Czech countryside to this day. Typical features of Czech agriculture, i.e. the fragmentation of ownership of the agricultural land fund and the high share of leased agricultural land, which is a direct consequence of the socialistic large-scale production, continue even despite extensive legal changes after 1989. The changes in the Czech land law after 1989 brought about not only the legal guarantees for owners but also new problems, which are still necessary to solve. An important tool of the solution of the present Czech agriculture problems is represented by land adjustments. The membership of the Czech Republic in the European Union on one hand led to the simplification of land acquisition for some foreigners, however; on the other hand it has not influenced in principle the structure of landowners. Still in 2008, the questions of the atonement of property injustices are finished yet regarding the churches concerning agricultural and forest land. A new civil code, currently in process, which can influence some legal relations to the land, has not been put forward to the Parliament yet.
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Tavits, Margit. "Party organizational strength and party unity in post-communist Europe." European Political Science Review 4, no. 3 (November 16, 2011): 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000257.
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The existing comparative literature focuses on political institutions to explain party unity in parliament, and largely ignores the role of party characteristics in this process. This study argues that the strength of political party organization directly and independently influences the level of party unity. Organizational strength makes the party a valuable asset to individual legislators, thus increasing their willingness to be disciplined. Therefore, parties with strong organizations are likely to be more unified in parliament than those with weak organizations. I find support for this argument with data from four post-communist democracies: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, and Poland. Narratives suggest that the proposed causal mechanism is plausible.
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Lavrinenko, Olga. "Socio-economic and Socio-political Origins of Technocratic Populism in the Czech Republic and Nativism in Hungary." Populism 3, no. 2 (November 11, 2020): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10007.
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Abstract This article investigates the socio-economic and socio-political origins of populism in the Czech Republic and Hungary, discussing the reasons for the national specificity of the populism. Despite the similar triggers that had led to the strengthening of the populists, the nature of the populism in these countries is different. In the Czech Republic, populism has a technocratic nature, while in Hungary—a nativist. I presume that the rise of the unemployment rate as the result of the 2008 Great Recession contributed to the decline in the confidence towards the national and the EU parliament as well as to the rise of the negative attitudes towards migrants. In their turn, the lower level of institutional trust and the negative attitudes towards the migrants correlate with the voting for the populist parties on the national and the European elections.
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Jakubiak, Łukasz. "Prezydenckie orędzia do izb parlamentu w rozwiązaniach konstytucyjnych i praktyce politycznej Francji." Przegląd Sejmowy 6(161) (2020): 69–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.81.
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The article is devoted to the presidential messages addressed to the chambers of parliament within the French political system. On the threshold of the Third Republic, the then regulations banned the President from speaking in parliament and this was also maintained under the constitutions of the Fourth and Fifth Republics. As a consequence, the presidential messages had to be read by the Presidents of the National Assembly and of the Senate. The constitutional changes introduced in 2008 created the opportunity to appear in person before the chambers of parliament assembled as Congress. This amendment has affected the practice of applying Article 18 of the 1958 Constitution, which currently regulates both forms of presidential messages. The aim of the article is to assess the impact of the 2008 amendment on the French presidency, as well as to analyze the practice of formulating messages by successive presidents of the Fifth Republic, in order to identify the basic similarities and differences between them. The wider institutional context is no less important in this respect. One of its components is the significantly strengthened position of the French head of state, compared to the Third and Fourth Republics. The latter feature of the existing system of government seems to considerably affect the presidential messages formulated from the beginning of Charles de Gaulle’s presidency until now
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Shumilin, Alexander. "France: Republic against «Political Islam» (Part II)." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22021117124.
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From March 30 to April 12, 2021, members of the French Senate considered the government-prepared draft law on «countering separatism». His ideology is primarily aimed at curbing the increased activity of supporters of «political Islam» (Islamism) in France. Earlier, on February 16, 2021, the National Assembly (lower house of parliament) had approved the document. As shown in the first part of the article, the discussion of the draft deepened the split in the Muslim community of France between followers of moderate Islam, who supported the efforts of the government, and Islamists, who rejected the main provisions of the document. This article attempts to analyze a new stage of relations between the state and the Muslim community of the country – against the background of the decisions made by the senators. Accusing the French government of «Islamophobia»”, Islamic radicals appeal to the leadership of the European Union. Behind them, the figure of the Turkish President R.T. Erdogan, who is increasingly using religious rows in Europe for his own political purposes. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that the escalating confrontation in the Muslim environment and around it is acquiring more and more obvious political implications in France.
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Grądzka, Ilona. "Sejm i Senat wobec wyzwań Unii Europejskiej." Przegląd europejski 2 (November 19, 2019): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5825.
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The article’s goal is to present the consequences of Polish membership in the European Union (EU) for the functioning of the Polish Sejm and Senate at the national and international level. Polish accession to the European Union resulted in changes to the scope of competences of certain organs of the Republic of Poland. This was related to the transfer of specific state competences to an international organization and it applied, in particular, to the Polish Parliament (the Sejm and Senate) which has lost its primary role as legislator of laws applicable in Poland. In order to avoid the marginalization of national parliaments in the EU decision-making process, appropriate legal measures have been introduced at the national and international level. Additionally, after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force, national parliaments have received new competences which allowed them to exist on the forum of the European Union. The article puts forward the thesis that the Polish Sejm and Senate have lost their position as main legislative bodies at the national level but, at the same time, they have acquired a new European function which can neither be qualified as traditionally understood legislative nor controlling functions.
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Koźbiał, Krzysztof. "Znaczenie eurosceptycyzmu na scenie politycznej Republiki Czeskiej." Politeja 17, no. 3(66) (June 25, 2020): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.66.18.
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The Importance of Euroscepticism on the Political Scene of the Czech Republic. Conditions and Consequences
Czech society is one of the most eurosceptic in the European Union. One of the reasons is a low degree of trust in authority (government, parliament) in general, also at the supranational level. Consequently, Czech political parties have eurosceptic slogans in their programs that do not prevent voters from supporting them, both in the elections to the Czech and European Parliaments. The political system is dominated by parties presenting the so‑ called „soft euroscepticism” (according to Taggart’s and Szczerbiak’s approach), such as: Action of Dissatisfied Citizens (ANO 2011), Civic Democratic Party (ODS) or Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM). In the 2017 election, they received a total of almost 50% of the vote. However, euroscepticism is not a threat to the Czech presence in the EU. Extremely eurosceptic parties do not enjoy great public support.
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Sobczyk, Paweł. "Wolność sumienia i religii w art. 53 Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r." Prawo Kanoniczne 44, no. 3-4 (December 10, 2001): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2001.44.3-4.08.
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The 53rd article of the Constitution of the Republic of the Poland concerning the freedom of faith and religion, adopted of the 2nd of April 1997, is a result of a long lasting constitutional debate since 1989. Debate’s counterpatrs were: the President of the Polish Republic, the Constitutional Commission of the National Assembly, the Constitutional Commissions of the two chambers of Polish Parliament: the Sejm and the Senate, political Parties and citizens’ movements as well as individual persons. This broad engagement shows the importance of issues affecting freedoms and human rights of the citizens in the Republic of Poland. It underlines especially the idea of the constitutional legislator thet the freedom of faith and religion is a primary and indispensable right of a human beeing. More then that, as far as this freedom touches the crucial element of the human nature, it creates in every person a deep foundation for the existense of other freedoms.
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Dráb, A., and J. Říha. "An approach to the implementation of European Directive 2007/60/EC on flood risk management in the Czech Republic." Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences 10, no. 9 (September 24, 2010): 1977–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/nhess-10-1977-2010.
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Abstract. Directive 2007/60/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 October 2007 on the assessment and management of flood risks (the Flood Risk Directive) signifies that flood risk analysis methods are gaining ground in EC Member States and, therefore, also in the Czech Republic (CR). Procedures of flood risk analysis have been developed in the Czech Republic since the catastrophic floods of 1997 in line with European and worldwide trends and have been tested and applied in hundreds of case studies to date. Currently, the Flood Risk Directive Guideline based on past experience with flood risk analysis applications is being processed. The aim of the paper is to present flood risk analysis procedures and specially developed techniques for the assembly of flood hazard, danger and flood risk maps. Methods related to flood risk management plans are briefly mentioned as well. The following particular problems are discussed in more detail: an application and extension of the "danger matrix" approach, the definition of residual danger, the formulation of efficiency criteria and preliminary multi-criteria flood risk assessment. These issues were tested in practical applications at pilot locations in the Czech Republic. Present experience provides evidence that the flood risk analysis methods used in the Czech Republic are in harmony with the requirements of the Flood Risk Directive. The proposed and applied methods are based primarily on existing available data such as flood extent maps, cadastral maps, the Register of Census Districts and Structures and others.
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Linek, Lukáš. "Surveys of MPs and Senators in the Parliament of the Czech Republic between 1993 and 2005." Czech Sociological Review 41, no. 3 (June 1, 2005): 487–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2005.41.3.08.
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Marková, Klára. "Obraz první Československé republiky při projednávání Ústavy ČR." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 18, no. 2-3 (August 1, 2016): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2016.23.197.
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This paper focuses on the image of the political system of the first Czechoslovak Republic in the political discourse connected with the preparation of the Czech Constitution in 1992. It works mainly with records of parliamentary debates between July and December 1992 and considers three types of actors: members of committees working on the constitution, constitutional lawyers and political figures with a significant informal influence, such as Václav Havel. The author asks three interrelated research questions: How was the first Czechoslovak Republic portrayed in the debates on the Czech Constitution? In what context of the discussions and argumentations did the First republic reappear? And what role did the image of the Czechoslovak Republic play in the debates? As I argue, the system of the first Czechoslovak Republic was presented almost always positively, framed by concepts of tradition, democracy, sovereignty, and stability. Conversely, the Senate was portrayed more negatively, as a symbol of inefficiency, futility and expensiveness. The political system of the First Republic and the Constitution of 1920 represented an issue that could not be ignored and had to emerge through discourse. Some speakers did not always portray it properly and rarely spoke about the problematic aspects of the functioning of the political system of the First Republic. However, it was always alluded to as a symbol whose meaning was often more important than its actual content, as it could confirm the legitimacy of power relationships and express identification with a given political line. The fact that the actors chose only certain images of the First Republic, mostly the positive ones, illustrates that they sought to use the power of the symbol of the First Republic.
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Potůček, Martin, and Veronika Rudolfová. "Rivalry of Advocacy Coalitions in the Czech Pension Reform." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nispa-2016-0006.
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Abstract The Czech Republic, as many other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, faced and is still facing a pension-reform challenge. The diversification of pension pillars led to the massive displacements of participant contributions from the public PAYG pension pillars to the newly constructed private, defined-contribution, fully-funded pillars. In the Czech Republic, the adoption of the relevant law was preceded by serious political conflict between supporters and opponents of this step (both among different political actors and among professionals). In an analysis of the conflict we critically apply the Advocacy Coalition Framework. We work mainly with the analysis of policy documents, public statements of the individual actors and an analysis of voting on the relevant law in both chambers of the Czech Parliament towards the identification of the crystallization process of two clear-cut coalitions between actors from both sides of the spectrum. The Advocacy Coalition Framework in exploring the dynamics of the public-policy process proved to be able to explain situations where there is sharp political conflict. Through the lens of the devil-shift of both camps (advocacy coalitions with different beliefs), each fell into extreme positions within the coalition to affirm the correctness of their arguments and positions.
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Prášilová, Marie, Lucie Severová, and Jan Chromý. "Subsidies of agricultural production in the Czech Republic and their economic context." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 59, no. 7 (2011): 293–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201159070293.
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An important part of evaluating common economic politics of countries in the European Union (EU) is the observation of microeconomic consequences of governmental subsidies in agriculture. This article mentions some basic theoretical and practical connections regarding subsidies in agriculture and of agricultural products on the Czech market, and regarding consequences of implemented price intervention programs. If a subsidy is directed to large-scale producers as well as to geographically unfavourably situated small-scale producers, it can not only miss its own target, but even deepen the existing problem. It is now becoming apparent that prospering large companies have an overall bigger profit from each crown of the subsidized price than small farms, which were originally the reason to implement the subsidies. The size structure of agricultural companies in the Czech Republic has so far been relatively favourable with respect to subsidies. After 2013, a reform of the Common agricultural politics of EU is planned and the amounts of direct payments for agriculture from the EU budget will be newly set. However, the European Parliament supports a proposal of limiting subsidies according to size of farms. Along with that, there is a real threat of growing prices of agricultural products on the market. Results of statistical analyses of source materials have revealed the largest proportion of subsidies in the outputs of Czech agricultural companies in the last years as compared to our neighbours, and also in up to now balance of subsidy level and aid in terms of economic size of the companies. The European Parliament’s support of limiting direct payments for agriculture from the EU budget based on size of companies is unfavourable for the Czech Republic and will impact the price level of agricultural products.
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Malacka, Michal. "Victims of crime and harmonization of the legal regulation of their rights in the EU and the Czech Republic." International and Comparative Law Review 20, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2020-0021.
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Summary This study reflect the international sources of law and documents relating to the protection and support of crime victims from the global and European point of view following the global and European Union concept and the importance of the Directive 2012/29/EU of the European Parliament and of the European Council of 25 October 2012. Establishing minimum rules on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime. This study will also introduce the most important sources of law and international context related to the victims of crime as an existing category of victims in general. The EU member states are obliged to reflect the views and needs of victims, to respect human dignity and the right to privacy, enable the possibility to receive fair compensation from the perpetrator or other sources, and to provide victims with material, medical, psychological and social assistance from state and non-governmental organizations. Concerning the other documents, what is also essential for victims to access their rights and influenced national Victims of Crime Acts is especially the Council Directive 2004/80/EC of 29 April 2004, relating to compensation to crime victims and Directive 2012/29/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 25 October 2012 establishing minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime to be mentioned.
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Shumilin, Aleksandr. "France: Republic against «Political Islam» (Part I)." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120215461.
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On February 16, 2021, the French National Assembly (lower house of parliament) approved a draft law on countering separatism. On March 30, this document is to be discussed by members of the Senate. The degree of public discussions around him began to grow immediately after the speech of President E. Macron on October 2, 2020 and the subsequent publication in the press of the main provisions of the project. In fact, the document is aimed at preventing the radicalization of the Muslim community of France, at its more thorough adaptation to the socio-political conditions and basic values of the Republic. Most of the Muslim community and the clergy of France approved the proposals of the president and the government, while about a third of Muslim organizations opposed them. The last, as a rule, are linked to the international Islamist association «Muslim Brotherhood», which seeks to expand its cells and network in France, and in Europe as a whole. Organizations operating legally in the Turkish communities of the Old World articulate especially clearly the attitudes of the «brothers». In fact, at the religious level, they reproduce and continue the loud verbal confrontation between Macron and Turkish President R.T. Erdogan in October-November last year. The article examines the strategy of the French government to counter the attempts of radical Islamists to legalize the phenomenon of «political Islam». This problem, aggravated after the terrorist attacks in a number of European countries in October 2020, has become no less acute for France today than the fight against the pandemic.
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Viera, Žúborová. "Newcomers in Politics? The Success of New Political Parties in the Slovak and Czech Republic after 2010?" Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0020.
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Abstract The last election in the Slovak and Czech Republic was special. It not only took place before the official electoral period (pre-elections), but new political parties were “again” successful. The article focuses not only on both elections in the last two years in a comparative perspective, but it analyses the opportunity structure of success as well, including types of new political parties (according to Lucardie). The article seeks to answer the question: why are new political parties electorally successful, able to break into parliament and even become part of a coalition government? We assume that the emergence and success of new political parties in both countries relied on the ability to promote “old” ideas in a new fashion, colloquially referred to as “new suits” or “old” ideological flows in new breeze.
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Brunnerová, Olga. "It’s Getting Personal: Personalisation of political campaigns in four Prague districts during the 2018 Czech Senate elections." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0018.
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AbstractIn October 2018 Senate elections were held in the Czech Republic. In the capital city of Prague, 41 candidates – both party members and independents – contested for the votes of the electorate of four districts. The goal of this article is to analyse the electoral campaigns which were conducted within these four districts in the online sphere of the social media site Facebook. Through complementary quantitative and qualitative methods, this text focuses its attention on the communication of the candidates themselves, but also on the reactions of the electorate in the environment of social media. Employing qualitative content analysis of the topics addressed by the candidates, sentiment analysis of user commentaries and quantitative analysis of posting frequency and followership, this article examines whether the candidates who led an active personalised campaign were more successful than the candidates who communicated with the public only sporadically and with less personalisation. The aim is to explore how the campaigns of successful candidates were conducted and to accentuate that social media is becoming more important in the campaigns of individual candidates, but that they are not a panacea for non-partisan candidates without an established supporter base and financial resources.
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Otavová, Milena, and Jana Gláserová. "The Impact of Changes in Accounting Regulations on Agricultural Entities and Their Business Accounts Since 2016." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 65, no. 2 (2017): 689–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201765020689.
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Financial accounting in the European Union is harmonized through directives. In 2013 Directive 2013/34/EU of the European Parliament and the Council was issued. It aims to improve the performance of micro and small entities by reducing their administrative burden. The primary requirement of the Directive is to introduce entity size classification. The paper identifies the impact of the transposition of the Directive on the size distribution of agricultural enterprises in the V4 countries and some other countries of the European Union using data from the Amadeus database. In the Czech Republic obligations which are part of financial reporting are determined for agricultural enterprises and their impact on fundamental accounting principles is detected. The implementation of the Directive in the Czech Republic significantly influenced valuation, accounting for and specially reporting of inventories of a company’s own activity and capitalization, which are typical for agricultural enterprises. A comparison of the regulation effective until the end of 2015 with the new regulation showed the impact on the amount of profit and turnover, which are also quantified. The degree of harmonization with IAS/IFRS is also examined.
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Kudrna, Jan. "Volný mandát člena parlamentu v ústavním vývoji Československa a České republiky." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 51, no. 2 (August 10, 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2021.20.
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This article deals with the issue of the matter of the mandate of members of parliament in the constitutional history of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic. Namely the article is dedicated to the problem, whether and when in the years 1918–2020 the mandate of the members of parliament was free or imperative. The detailed description shows, that in Czechoslovakia strongly prevailed the imperative mandate, irrespective of character of the political regime. The pre-war Czechoslovak constitution adopted in 1920 expressly declared the mandate as a free one and members of parliament should use them regardless of any instructions or commands. Nonetheless very quickly, in 1923, through the decision of the Election Court, the first deputies were deprived of their functions as a sanction for leaving their party policy. Thus, even in the democratic regime the mandate was transformed into the imperative form. After the WWII, the political circumstances in Czechoslovakia changed and the regime turned into a totalitarian form under the hegemony of the communist party. In these circumstances the deputies should serve as servants of the voters, to follow their instructions and they could be recalled, if not fulfilling the will of the (working) people. Nonetheless the recall system based on the public meetings of the voters was not very practical and it could fulfil the estimations only when the communist party has the situation fully under its control. In some critical moments other tools for recall had to be adopted, as it happened in the year 1969, when the political situation after the Prague Spring suppression needed to be consolidated and the will of the voters was different of the will of the conservative communist leaders. The last recalls appeared after the Velvet Revolution when democracy was re-established in Czechoslovakia. Thus, the free parliamentary mandate existed hardly in 8 years from 75 years of existence of Czechoslovakia. The last 30 years of its existence in the constitution of the Czech Republic and political practice is still quite an uncommon period in the Czechoslovak constitutional tradition.
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Šiková, Zuzana. "Implementation of Directive 2011/61/Eu of the European Parliament and of the Council of 8 June 2011 on Alternative Investment Fund Managers Into Czech Legal System." Financial Law Review, no. 21 (1) (2021): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/22996834flr.21.004.13287.
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This contribution deals with the implementation of Directive 2011/61/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 8 June 2011 on Alternative Investment Fund Managers and amending Directives 2003/41/EC and 2009/65/EC and Regulations (EC) No 1060/2009 and (EU) No 1095/2010 into Czech legal system. The main aim of the contribution is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that entity in Section 15 of Act no. 240/2013 Coll, on Investment Companies and Investment Funds, as amended, is an alternative fund according to the Directive 2011/61/EU and that Directive 2011/61/EU was not transposed in Czech Republic properly. Author used to confirm or disprove above mentioned hypothesis scientific methods, especially comparison, induction and deduction. This contribution also looks at the Directive 2011/61/EU evaluation of its effectiveness and possible development of regulation in this area.
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Zych, Radosław. "Rozważania o społecznej szkodliwości czynu na podstawie art. 497a Kodeksu wyborczego. Teoria i praktyka." Przegląd Sejmowy 1(162) (2021): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2021.08.
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The purpose of this article is to answer the question whether the assessment of the degree of social harm of offences against elections can be determined by their hierarchy established on the basis of the systematics of the specific part of the Penal Code. The aim of the study is to show the phenomenon of carrying away ballot papers and to assess the degree of social harm of the act. The reports of the National Electoral Commission on the 2019 elections to the European Parliament and on the 2019 elections to the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland were examined with regard to improper handling of the ballot papers. In addition, the decision of the Supreme Court of 2019 resolving the electoral protest based on the allegation of violation of Article 497a of the Electoral Code was analysed.
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Mamojka, Mojmír, and Jacek Dworzecki. "Development of Commercial Law in the Slovak Republic - Outline of problems." Internal Security 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2016): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/20805268.1231517.
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The article concerns the issue of trade law in the context of its evolution and the current realities of its being in force in Republic of Slovakia. In the paper the authors present an historical view of the creation of legal regulations about trade from ancient times to present days. In the first part of the paper the political system and its components are discussed. The reader will be able to acquaint themselves with the functioning of the apparatus of executive power (the government and ministries), legislative power (the parliament consisting of 150 members) and judiciary (independent courts and prosecutors) in the Republic of Slovakia. Moreover, this part of the article provides information about practical aspects of the creation of selected components of the constitutional legal order (e.g. parliamentary elections). In the second part, the paper covers the evolution of trade law over the centuries, approaches to regulations in Mesopotamia, based on, inter alia, the Code of Hammurabi, and also in ancient Egypt and Greece. Tracing the development of trade law over the centuries, the authors also present the evolution of legal regulations in this field in the XIX century, with particular reference to France, Germany and Austria-Hungary (especially the territory which today forms the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic). In the last part of the article, the forming of regulations of trade law in Czechoslovakia from 1918 and during subsequent periods which created the history of that country, to the overthrow communism and the peaceful division of the state in 1993 into two separate, independent state organisms – the Czech Republic and Slovakia - is approached.
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Šafář, V., J. Karas, P. Černota, and J. Pospíšil. "COMPARISON OF METHODS TO MAP SELECTED TRAFFIC MARKINGS ON FIRST CLASS ROADS IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-1 (September 26, 2018): 371–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-1-371-2018.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The article presents conclusions of a comprehensive analysis of pilot data collection using four mapping methods. To validate mapping methods and procedures, we selected three ten-kilometer sections of the first class roads with different geomorphological, vegetative and transportation properties. All sections were measured by aerial photogrammetry using GSD<span class="thinspace"></span>=<span class="thinspace"></span>4<span class="thinspace"></span>cm, mobile laser scanning equipment linked with cameras, by geodetic surveying methods, and one section was also measured by UAV. The tested methods mapped selected features of vertical and horizontal traffic markings on the first class roads. The traffic marking measuring sets were analyzed from the perspectives of personnel, time, data, costs, and technological and organizational aspects. All the mapping methods were verified as mentioned above starting from work preparation phase, its terrain realization, captured data processing and detailed analysis, concluding with stating the advantages and disadvantages for each mapping method. One of the analysis outputs was proposals to change and refine road administrator’s regulations. The mapping methods were compared with geodetic measurements. Analyses were also carried out in the context of creating digital data in 3D for the realization of BIM (Building Information Modeling) digital data in connection with the concept of the European Parliament and Council Directive 2014/24<span class="thinspace"></span>/<span class="thinspace"></span>EU on Public Procurement, and Czech Government Decree 682 on the Concept of Implementation of the BIM Method in the Czech Republic of 25 September 2017 and Decree 958 of the Government of the Czech Republic of 2 November 2016 on the importance of BIM for the construction engineering and proposal of further steps to introduce it in the Czech Republic.</p>