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Journal articles on the topic 'The Slovak National Uprising'
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1
Syrný, Marek. "The Slovak National Uprising 1944." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-24-29.
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The article describes the Slovak National Uprising and its role in defeat of nazi Germany. It is shown that after the so-called Munich Treaty and creation of (First) Slovak Republic the majority of population was satisfied with state of affairs. The bombings of Bratislava by US Air Force in June 1944 caused increasing of local Resistance groups. This situation triggered off the decision of the Germans to occupy Slovakia. It is spoken in detail about course of the uprising. Author proposes the division of uprising into three phases depends on activities from both sides. Attention is given to the role of the USSR support to insurgents and reinforcing of Slovak Communist Party and other left parties. Despite of defeat of uprising this movement had positive consequences in politics, economy and culture of Slovakian territory. The author comes to conclusion that Slovak National Uprising was political victory which gave acceptable position towards President E. Beneš and Moscow.
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Żarna, Krzysztof. "Selected aspects of historical policy towards the Slovak National Uprising in the Slovak Republic." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 2 (December 2020): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.2.8.
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The Slovak Republic is a state that was formed as a result of the disintegration of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic in 1993. Slovaks do not have rich traditions of their own statehood. For nearly a thousand years, the Slovak lands were within the sphere of influence of Hungary and they formed a common state with the Czechs, although the latter had a dominant position. The only period of owning one’s own statehood was during 1939- 1945, i.e. the functioning of the Slovak State / Slovak Republic. However, it was a country under the influence of the Third Reich. The article concerns selected aspects of the historical policy towards the Second World War appearing in the political discourse in the Slovak Republic. Issues that evoke extreme emotions have been analyzed: the Slovak National Uprising and the Slovak State / Slovak Republic. The activities of the People’s Party – Our Slovakia, which was the only one that refers to the tradition of the Slovak state in 1939-1945 and attacks the Slovak National Uprising were also analyzed. Transcripts were analyzed from meetings of the Slovak National Council, press articles and programs of individual political parties as well as statements of politicians with particular emphasis on the People’s Party – Our Slovakia. The article uses a comparative method and a case study.
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V. Parkhimovich. "The 75th Anniversary of the Slovak National Uprising." International Affairs 66, no. 001 (February 29, 2020): 213–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.57888951.
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Švecova, Martina. "Regime Preferences in Communist Czechoslovakia and the Narrative on the Slovak National Uprising." Political Preferences, no. 27 (December 10, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2020.27.79-94.
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Most of the participants in the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) were fighting for the ideals of democracy and freedom, for the defeat of fascism and Nazism and for the new Czechoslovak Republic with equal status for the Slovak people within it. They could not have foreseen that communist totalitarianism would be established after the war, one that would try to use the Uprising as a precursor for the socialist revolution (Fremal 2010: 359). The Communist Party, with the support of historians, utilised the legacy of the SNP to justify its political actions. Czechoslovak identity was also constructed through the image of the SNP, whose annual celebrations provided the communists with the opportunity to interpret the legacy of the SNP in various forms. This work deals with the way the communists interpreted the SNP in order to convince the public that this was a people's Uprising intended to lead to social equality and the eventual acceptance of communism in Czechoslovakia in the years 1947,1948 and 1954.
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Radonic, Ljiljana. "Slovak and Croatian invocation of Europe: the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising and the Jasenovac Memorial Museum." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 3 (May 2014): 489–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.867935.
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Even though self-critical dealing with the past has not been an official criterion for joining the EU, the founding of the Task Force for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance, and Research and the Holocaust conference in Stockholm at the beginning of 2000 seem to have generated informal standards of confronting and exhibiting the Holocaust in the context of “Europeanization of Memory.” Comparative analysis shows that post-Communist museums dealing with the World War II period perform in the context of those informal standards. Both the Jasenovac Memorial Museum in Croatia and the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banská Bystrica were founded in the Communist era and played an important role in supporting the founding myths of the two countries. Both were subjected to historical revisionism during the 1990s. In the current exhibitions from 2004/2006, both memorial museums stress being part of Europe and refer, to “international standards” of musealization, while the Jasenovac memorial claims to focus on “the individual victim.” But stressing the European dimension of resistance and the Holocaust obscures such key aspects as the civil war and the responsibility of the respective collaborating regime.
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Naxera, Vladimír, and Petr Krčál. "Oslavy výročí Slovenského národního povstání jako platforma pro vytváření obrazů nepřátel Slovenska." Czech Journal of International Relations 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1640.
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The focus of this study lies in the instrumental use of history as a tool for the legitimization of political claims. Our paper is related to the Slovak National Uprising, which plays a crucial role in the national mythology of Slovakia. This role is a reason why the annual celebrations of this historical event are one of the most important political occasions in the country. Many politicians use the celebrations as an opportunity to highlight many political issues and address a broad audience. Using semi-participant observation, we analysed five anniversary celebrations of the event (2015–2019) and the securitization strategies inherited in the speeches of politicians at the celebrations. We showed that not only topics related to the legacy of the anti-fascist uprising (e.g. contemporary right-wing extremism) are securitized or serve as objects of the creation of moral panic during these events. Some other, unrelated actors/phenomena are securitized or labelled as a threat as well – especially immigration and the politics of the EU. This fact notwithstanding, the legacy of the SNU was always used for the legitimization of securitization/creation of moral panic.
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Škvarna, Dušan. "Polacy w słowackiej publicystyce i polityce od lat 30. do 60. XIX wieku." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 2 (2020): 211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.012.12466.
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Poles in Slovak journalism and politics from the 1830s to the 1860s This paper sheds light on the perception of the Polish people, Polish politics, and their issues in Slovak journalism between 1830 and 1872. On the whole, the views were limited by the social opinions voiced by Slovak nationalists as well as by their interests and the general weakness of their National Movement. Slovak nationalists refused to accept political concepts that, on the one hand, supported the creation of nation states (by “large”nations such as Poland), and on the other hand, called for the assimilation of “small”nations living within them. This would spell the end of the Slavs and Romanians settled in Hungary, as Hungary would reform into one single national Hungarian state. Among all Austro-Slavs, the fear of “Magyarisation”contributed to the most intense and widespread Slavic solidarity and Russophilia in the Slovak-speaking environment. It also determined the difficult approach to the Polish issues. The Slovak nationalists sympathised with the Polish fate, however, at the same time, they had difficulties with accepting the Poland-Russia conflict. That is why we can find quite varied opinions of Poles and Polish issues. Idealising the Poles, Polonophilia, sympathising with Poles as regards their problems, careful and neutral views of those problems, efforts to limit the Poland-Russia conflict, and critical views of Poles were all entwined. For example, pro-Polish sympathies dominated in the Slovak National Movement in the 1830s, whereas in the 1840s the sympathies shifted towards Russia, despite the fact that some nationalists supported the Poles and their Uprising in Halych. The real Slovak-Polish co-operation can be seen particularly during the revolution in 1848–1849. Out of the Slovak political ideology emerged the Pan-Slavic work Slovanstvo a svet budúcnosti [Slavdom and the world of the future] by Ľ. Štúr, which combined the Slav perspective with the connections to Russia. The Polish issues were mainly present in the 1860s. During that time, the more conservative political wing, “Stará škola”[The Old School], was looking for support in the imperial Vienna, showing strong Russophilism and critical attitude to the Polish uprising. In contrast, the more liberal political line, “Nová škola”[The New School], striving for co-operation with Hungarian political parties, showed understanding for the Polish aversion and was critical of the imperial Russia. After the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the Slovak politics and culture considerably weakened. The interest in glossing over the problems of the northern neighbour also declined. The Polish issues re-entered Slovak journalism again after the 1890s in connection with analysing new geo-political affairs on the continent and polarisation of the European superpowers.
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Naxera, Vladimír, and Petr Krčál. "“How to Sustain National Security”: A Case Study of the Celebrations of the Slovak National Uprising as a Securitization Platform." Social Sciences 9, no. 11 (October 30, 2020): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9110194.
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This paper focuses on the ways in which political actors make use of historical legacies to present their own determination to sustain their country’s national security. We use the example of the annual celebrations of the anniversary of the Slovak National Uprising (SNU) to demonstrate the ways in which similar celebrations can become a platform for political actors to express requests and address their audience. Using semi-participant observation, we have analyzed six years of these celebrations (2015–2020) and the securitizing strategies and moral panic creation strategies contained in the speeches of participating politicians. Our analysis shows that securitization is taking place, and labels of threat sources are being given not only to topics that are naturally linked to the celebrated event, but also topics that are in no way related to SNU. Despite this fact, politicians use the legitimacy of the event to manifest their own attempts at sustaining security.
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Porubský, Stefan. "Application and Misapplication of the Czechoslovak STP Cipher During WWII." Tatra Mountains Mathematical Publications 70, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 41–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tmmp-2017-0019.
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Abstract Lieutenant colonel Karol Cigáň (1921-2005), head of the cryptographic unit of the Czechoslovak Ministry of National Defence in the period 1949-1958 was after discharging from this position in Prague relocated to an insignificant and substandard command position at a district military administration in Slovakia. His cryptographic experience was of no use in his new position. To profit from his previous experience as a high qualified cryptographer he started to study the accessible literature and archive materials about the usage of the Czechoslovak cipher systems during the WWII. The result of this his activity were some manuscripts where he deciphered and analyzed some Czechoslovak military wireless telegrams. His critical analysis and his conclusions did not meet an understanding or a positive response of historians and were nor accepted for publication. He had no other chance as to send them to archives. Unfortunately only one (in two copies) and a collection of small notes survived. The aim of this paper is to make decisive technical parts of manuscript [K. Cigáň: Impacts of the decryption of the cipher system of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Defence in London from the years 1940-1945 on the resistance movement. Archive of the Slovak National Uprising, Banská Bystrica, Slovakia, Document collection (Fond) V, manuscript no. S36/90, 46 pp.] about the usage of the socalled STP cipher accessible. Thereby we complement the paper [Š. Porubský: STP cipher of the Czechoslovak in-exile Ministry of Defence in London during WWII, in: Proc. of EuroHCC’17, 3rd European Historical Ciphers Colloq., Smolenice Castle, Slovakia, 2017 (J. von zur Gathen et al., eds.), Slovak Univ. of Technology in Bratislava, 2017, pp. 47-66] where the part of this manuscript containing Cigáň’s method for solving STP cipher which he calls “mathematical” is published. To put Cigáň’s analysis and comment into their historical framework we briefly outline the history of Czechoslovak military intelligence activities with emphasis on their cryptological component.
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Onderco, Michal. "The provision of private goods and the emergence of armed rebellion: the case of the Slovak National Uprising 1944–1945." Journal of International Relations and Development 19, no. 1 (August 7, 2015): 76–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jird.2015.30.
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Junek, Marek. "Výstavní politika oddělení novodobých českých dějin v letech 1973–1989." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 72, no. 3-4 (2020): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnph.2018.014.
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The National Museum started increasingly to engage in exhibitions devoted to twentieth-century history, subsequent to the foundation of the Department of modern Czech history. Until then, it had left this subject area to the Party museums in Prague. Individual exhibitions were particularly devoted to anniversaries marking the emergence of KSČ (the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia), the Slovak national uprising, the end of the War, the year 1948 and building socialism. They varied in standard, and were based on ideas from the document “Lessons from the evolution of the crisis in the party and society after the 13th KSČ congress of 1970” and on the associated museological methodologies. However, at the same time they were conceived in a manner that reflected the acquisition conception of the Department, and sought to present political as well as cultural, economic and social topics. They also endeavoured to portray everyday life. All these exhibitions may thus be considered a preparatory stage that culminated in the permanent exhibition on the history of the twentieth century.
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Radonic, Ljiljana. "“People of Freedom and Unlimited Movement”: Representations of Roma in Post-Communist Memorial Museums." Social Inclusion 3, no. 5 (September 29, 2015): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v3i5.229.
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The “universalization of the Holocaust” and the insistence on Roma rights as an EU accession criteria have changed the memory of the Roma genocide in post-communist countries. This article examines how Roma are represented in post-communist memorial museums which wanted to prove that they correspond with “European memory standards”. The three case studies discussed here are the <em>Museum of the Slovak National Uprising</em>, the <em>Jasenovac Memorial Museum</em> and the <em>Holocaust Memorial Center</em> in Budapest. I argue that today Roma are being represented for the first time, but in a stereotypical way and through less prominent means in exhibitions which lack individualizing elements like testimonies, photographs from their life before the persecution or artifacts. This can only partially be explained by the (relative) unavailability of data that is often deplored by researchers of the Roma genocide.
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Buława, Adam. "„WĘGIERSKI ŚLAD”.Z WIOSNY LUDÓW (1848-1849) NA OBSZARZE KORONY ŚW. STEFANA DO POLSKIEGO POWSTANIA (1863-1863), CZ. I." Saeculum Christianum 23 (September 22, 2017): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2016.23.15.
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During the Spring of Nations in the lands of the Crown of St. Stefan (1848-1849) traditional ties of friendship, with the possibility of a military confrontation occurring with one, two invaders attracted a large crowd of Polish volunteers for the formation of the Hungarian honveds. About 4,000 Poles were fighting directly in the ranks of the revolutionary army, and enrolled to the national legions under the command of Generals Joseph Wysocki alongside the Transylvanian Army Fieldmarshal Joseph Bem. Among them, about 20 individuals who will be later on commanders of the guerrilla armed troops of the January Uprising (1863-1864). For this reason, it is worth recalling the experience that the military group acquired during the battles for the Hungarian Plain, Slovakia, Bukovina, Moldavia, Banat, Backa and Transylvania.
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Daniš, Miroslav. "The Uprising of Francis Rákóczi the Second in the Сontext of Russian Diplomacy." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 3 (2020): 865–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.310.
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The uprising of Francis II Rákóczi in 1703–1711 is a frequently debated topic in European historiographies (especially in Hungarian, Slovak and Polish). For the Slovak historiography (since its beginning), anti-Habsburg uprisings in the 17th and early 18th centuries has been a key issue. There is a number of works that deal with the last anti-Habsburg uprising in Hungary in detail. The aim of this study is to examine the mentioned events through the prism of a different historical source, the Russian newspaper “Vedomosti”, which in 1703 to 1711 captured relatively detailed information about the uprising of Francis II Rákóczi. The first report about the anti-Habsburg uprising in Russian Journal “Vedomosti” was published in October 1703. Most reports describe military operations on the Slovak territory, which makes their content interesting for Slovak historiography. The study analyses the problems of international relations and political interests of the Imperial Russian court with regard to Francis II Rákóczi in the context of sources, scholarly literature as well as information from the newspaper itself. Reports of the Francis II. Rákóczi’s uprising in the Russian periodical from 1703–1711 may not be of key importance to the scholarly research of the uprising itself, but they demonstrate the interest of the Russian diplomacy in the events in Central Europe and Hungarian anti-Habsburg rebellions in the context of European policy in the early 18th century. After the conclusion of the treaty of Satmár, Francis II Rákóczi remained interesting for European politics, even in a different context. After 1711, Tsar Peter the Great invited F.Rákóczi and his supporters to immigrate to Russia. However, such an option was unacceptable to F.Rákóczi himself.
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Price, Cindy. "A National Uprising." American Journal of Nursing 100, no. 12 (December 2000): 75–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-200012000-00047.
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Price, Cindy. "Issues Update: A National Uprising." American Journal of Nursing 100, no. 12 (December 2000): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3522198.
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Katuščák, Dušan. "The Slovak National Library." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 19, no. 2 (August 2007): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095574900701900203.
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The origins of the Slovak National Library lie in the programme for national awakening elaborated by Enlightenment figures, such as Anton Bernolák, at the turn of the eighteenth to the nineteenth century. The article describes the private libraries that eventually, under the care of the cultural institution Matica slovenská, came to form the basis of the national library's collections. The national library itself, although it existed in a non-governmental form from 1941 to 1953 and its functions were then subsumed within Matica slovenská, finally was established as an autonomous state institution in 2000. The library has assumed a leadership role in relation to Slovakia's library network and has prepared for the Government the Strategy for Development of Slovak Librarianship for 2007–13. Having obtained extensive extra-budgetary funding it is driving a number of projects aimed at building and supporting the Information Society in Slovakia.
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Tomský, Alexander. "Levoča — the Slovak national shrine." Religion in Communist Lands 13, no. 1 (March 1985): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637498508431175.
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Garaj, J., L'ubomir Šutek, and Marian Weidlich. "The Slovak National Accreditation System." Accreditation and Quality Assurance 2, no. 5 (July 25, 1997): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s007690050144.
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Ramme, Jennifer. "Women’s Uprising in Poland." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 28, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2019.280111.
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In 2016 a legislative proposal introducing an abortion ban resulted in female mass mobilisations. The protests went along with frequent claims of Polish as well as European belonging. Next to this, creative appropriations of patriotic symbols related to national movements, fights and uprisings for independence and their transformation into a sign of female bodily sovereignty could be observed all over the country. The appearance of bodies needs to be looked at in relation to the concrete political context and conditions in which bodies materialise (Butler 2015). Bodies are in this sense always relational, but they also depend. The article argues that the constitution of ‘European bodies’ can serve to empower people exposed to and oppressed by nationalist biopolitics. In such cases a ‘European body’ might be constituted in distinction to the nation/nationalism and its claim of ownership on female bodies (the ‘national body’) and by performing multiple belongings extending national belonging.
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Mihálová, Lucia. "Theatrical Reflections of the Slovak Republic (1939 – 1945) in the 21st Century." Slovenske divadlo /The Slovak Theatre 66, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 176–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sd-2018-0011.
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Abstract The study deals with forms of the Slovak Republic (1939 – 1945) in Slovak theatre after the year 2000. We currently observe a strong dramaturgical tendency to bring to the stages the reflection of historical events from various historical periods, one of the most depicted being the period of World War II. Its thematics are found in the productions of the original theatrical plays as well as in the dramatisations of literary works. The first part of the study is devoted to delineation of the Slovak Republic (1939 – 1945) in the productions after 2000 (Tiso [Tiso], Stalo sa prvého septembra [It Happened on 1st September], Rabínka [The Female Rabbi], Holokaust [Holocaust], Povstanie [Uprising], Obchod na korze [The Shop on the Parade], Polnočná omša [Midnight Mass], Tichý bič [The Silent Whip], Kým kohút nezaspieva [Until the Cock Sings]). The second part is focused on the analysis of the selected thematic elements offered by the productions falling within this circle and which appear in the new optics of the so-called second generation.
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O’Donnell, Stephen. "The “Slovakization” of 19th-Century Migrants from Upper Hungary to the United States: A Case Study in the Politics of Language Use." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 840–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.50.
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AbstractUse of the Slovak literary language was central to the Slovak nationalist political movement in the Kingdom of Hungary before 1918. Yet beyond a Slovak nationalist intelligentsia of just 1,000 or so individuals, this idea had little purchase among the claimed nation of two million Slovak-speakers living in “Upper Hungary”—who Slovak nationalists typically understood as lacking sufficient “national consciousness” to support their political aims. As mass, transatlantic migration led to nearly half a million Slovak-speakers leaving Upper Hungary for the United States between 1870 and 1914, these linked issues of language use and “national consciousness” were carried over to the migrant colony. Rather than being a widely held sentiment among migrants from Upper Hungary, this article shows how Slovak national consciousness was generated within the Slovak American community in the final decades of the 19th century. This case study shows how a small group of nationalist leaders consciously promoted literary Slovak as the “print language” of the migrant colony to instill the idea of a common, Slovak nationhood among migrants living on the other side of the Atlantic—a project that helped in turn to create a Slovak national homeland in central Europe after the First World War.
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Kolesnikov, B. V. "M.R. ЉTEFANIK AND THE SLOVAK NATIONAL MOVEMENT." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 24, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2018-24-2-33-38.
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Taranenkova, Ivana. "Identity at Intersection of Cross-National Relations (Ukrainian Issue in Polemics with Cultural Vision of S. Hurban-Vajanský)." Слово і Час, no. 4 (April 24, 2019): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33608/0236-1477.2019.04.64-73.
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The paper focuses on the ways of interpreting the Ukrainian issue (manifestations of independent Ukrainian national identity) by representatives of the Slovak national movement. At the late 19th and early 20th century this issue became a part of polemics between two opposite strategies of contemporary Slovak culture.
On the one hand, there were prominent figures of the national life whose activities were connected to Martin, contemporary Slovak cultural center. On the other hand, there were representatives of a young generation who proposed their own solutions for improving the Slovak political and cultural situation. The journal “Hlas” provided coverage of their activities. The periodical was launched with the help of Czech politic and philosopher Tomáš Garique Masaryk. His ideas influenced the members of the Slovak cultural movement who called themselves ‘hlasisti’. Above all, they were opposed to the cultural and ideological views of Svetozár Hurban Vajanský who was the key figure of Slovak national movement in the last two decades of the 19th century. His vision was deeply influenced by the idea of Slavic unity and conservative rusophilia. Ukrainian issue questioned the legitimacy of the idea of a unified Slavonic world with accepted hegemony of Russia. It revealed contemporary antagonisms between Slavic nations that were ignored by the earlier generations of the Slovak national movement. The impulses from Czech cultural background, where emancipation of Ukrainian nation was discussed with more attention at the end of the 19th century, played a crucial role in this differentiation of the Slovak national life. The main point was the refusal to identify own national identity with a common Slavic one. The key figures of the Czech national movement had an uncertain and critical approach to social and political circumstances of contemporary Russia. In Slovak and Czech context, the reflection of Ukrainian efforts to reach national emancipation gave an opportunity to clarify questions connected to their own national and cultural identity.
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Sobirov, Doniyorbek Murodjon Ugli. "The History Of People’s Rebellions In Ferghana Region (Based On Materials Of The National Archive Of Uzbekistan)." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, no. 04 (April 30, 2021): 344–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue04-51.
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The article deals with the people’s uprisings, which played an important role in Uzbek historiography, in particular, the uprising against the unjust verdict in Ferghana region on August 31, 1898, its origin, historical circumstances, the participants scientifically analyzed of the uprising using materials from the National Archives of Uzbekistan.
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Giger, Markus. "Loss of Congruence in Slovak Possessive Resultative Constructions (Evidence from the Slovak National Corpus)." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 67, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jazcas-2017-0013.
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Abstract Possessive resultative constructions containing a HAVE-verb and a past passive participle have been used in West Slavic languages for centuries without showing a rapid grammaticalisation into a perfect (cf. evidence from Polish and Czech). The same holds for Slovak, where examples can be found at least from the 17th century on without rapidly changing on the grammaticalisation chain. At the same time, Krupa demonstrated in 1960 a loss of congruence between object and past passive participle in possessive resultatives in colloquial Slovak distinguishing different types. Loss of congruence is often considered to be an important grammaticalisation step for emerging participial perfects. A sought in the Slovak National Corpus brought some evidence for such constructions in journalistic texts and from the Internet (the same types as used by Krupa), but their frequency is very low so far.
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Kysová, Šárka Havlíčková. "Miloš Wasserbauer’s Work at the Slovak National Theatre in the 50s and Early 60s of the 20th Century." Slovenske divadlo /The Slovak Theatre 66, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 362–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sd-2018-0022.
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Abstract The article examines the work of opera director Miloš Wasserbauer during the 50s and at the beginning of the 60s of the 20th century in the Slovak National Theatre. Focusing on the staging of new Slovak operas Ján Cikker’s Juro Jánošík and Beg Bajazid, and Eugen Suchoň’s Svätopluk. The author analyses Wasserbauer’s approach to the productions and Slovak staging tradition from the perspective of the Czech director and the critical reflection of the performances. Special attention is paid to the conceptualisation of Slovak national feeling in the corpus of archive materials.
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Konarski, Marcin. "REFLECTIONS ON THE REFORM OF THE LEGAL SITUATION OF PEASANTS DURING THE KOŚCIUSZKO UPRISING OF 1794." Review of European and Comparative Law 35, no. 4 (June 16, 2019): 41–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.4809.
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The aim of this article is to analyse issues related to the reform of the legal status of the rural population during the Kościuszko Uprising, which was the first Polish national uprising. The analysis concerns the fundamental reform of the legal situation of peasants introduced by the uprising authorities in 1794, whose aim was to make this social group join the Uprising. The Commander-in-Chief – Tadeusz Kościuszko – announced the reduction of serfdom loathed by Polish peasants and lifted the ban on leaving the land without the permission of the owner. The defeat of the Uprising destroyed peasants’ hopes to be liberated from serfdom. However, it fostered their awareness of being members of the Polish Nation, contrary to the claims of the nobility and the magnates, who considered only their estate to be the Polish Nation and peasants to be their subjects, refusing them the attribute of being Polish.
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McCORD, EDWARD A. "Ethnic Revolt, State-Building and Patriotism in Republican China: The 1937 West Hunan Miao Abolish-Military-Land Resist-Japan Uprising." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 6 (February 17, 2011): 1499–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000096.
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AbstractThis paper examines how an ethnic Miao uprising in West Hunan in 1937 became the site for the interaction of a broad range of competing local, provincial, and national interests. The target of the uprising was a tuntian system formed from confiscated Miao lands in the early nineteenth century to support a military system defending against Miao disturbances. Surviving anachronistically into the twentieth century, the military land rents of this system formed a base for warlord power on Hunan's western frontier. The uprising arose opportunistically in the context of a struggle over the resources of this system between the warlord of West Hunan and a provincial governor whose provincial state-building project sought to end the region's long political autonomy. The uprising consequently drew the attention of Nationalist Party factions who saw it as an opportunity to use the uprising to undermine the provincial governor in the interest of their own centralizing state-building project. Finally, the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War allowed uprising leaders to recast the uprising as a patriotic movement, seeking equality for the Miao of West Hunan by the abolition of the tuntian system and offering the mobilization of uprising forces for service at the front once this goal was achieved. In the end, the uprising functioned as a palimpsest upon which the multiple motivations and desires of its participants, in their broad social, political and personal contexts, were written and overwritten.
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Klimek, Libor. "Does the Slovak Republic Fulfil European Requirements on Recognition of Foreign Decisions on Custodial Sentences?" International and Comparative Law Review 20, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2020-0025.
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Summary Mutual recognition of judicial decisions in criminal matters permits decisions to move from one European State to another. It is a key element for the development of judicial co-operation in criminal matters in the European Union. Its implementation, including recognition of judgments on custodial sentences, was one of the main areas of European Union activity regarding criminal justice. The Slovak Republic has implemented European requirements. The question which begs consideration is whether Slovak national law fulfils such requirements and if they are applicable in Slovak legal practice. The assessment of national implementation of European requirements on recognition of judgments on custodial sentences and its applicability in Slovak legal practice is therefore needed. The paper analyses relevant literature, legislation, case-law and related official documents of the European Union. Moreover, it compares Slovak national law with European requirements. At the outset it briefly assets historical background of the mechanism. In principle, the system works, but there is the possibility for its enhancement..
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Myhovych, Iryna. "Slovak System of Higher Education in its Connection to Society’s Transformations: Transition from Medieval Times to XXI Century European Integration." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 7, no. 1 (April 21, 2020): 134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.7.1.134-143.
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The article represents an attempt to investigate the development of the national higher education system of Slovak Republic (as part of former Czechoslovakia) starting from the first known data of the medieval times up to the beginning of the XXI century when the period of intense Europeanization and internationalization started. Considerable attention has also been paid to the development of higher education in Slovak Republic after 1989 with the emphasis on relevant legislation, students’ enrollment numbers, overall institutional setting. The aim of the paper is to present theoretical review of the Slovak national higher education system development as determined by the processes of socio-political transformations in the country, including the final stage integration to the European Union and European Higher Education Area (EHEA). Theoretical provisions of the paper are supported with relevant statistical data on the number of higher education institutions and the number of students, including the number of those who participate in mobility schemes within EHEA (statistical indicators are gender-sensitive). Attention has also been paid to development of the country’s higher education legislation system after the so-called disintegration of Czechoslovakia to Czech and Slovak Republics, which allowed for the establishment and development of private sector within national higher education system. The research is based on the comprehensive analysis of original sources – open-accessed national legal framework for higher education, as well as theoretical and practical research works by Slovak scholars. The topicality of research is determined by the similarity of the Slovak and Ukrainian national systems of higher education at the end of the XX century, which allows to state that consideration of the Slovak context is relevant to the current reforming Ukrainian national higher education system.
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Finikovskyi, Yurii. "PARTICIPATION OF DANYLO SHUMUK IN THE NORILSK UPRISING." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 30 (November 30, 2020): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-30-98-104.
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The Norilsk uprising was a major strike by Gulag inmates in Gorlag, a special camp mostly for political prisoners, in the summer of 1953, shortly after Joseph Stalin’s death. About 70% of inmates were Ukrainians, many of whom had been sentenced for 25 years to the so-called «Bandera Standard». It was the first major revolt within the Gulag system in 1953-1954. Between May 26 and August 4, 1953, the inmates of the Gorlag-Main camp went on strike, which lasted 69 days. This was the longest uprising in the history of the Gulag. The preconditions for the uprising can be seen as the following: the arrival of waves of prisoners to the Gorlag, who had participated in the uprisings of 1952, the death of Stalin on March 5, 1953 and the fact that the amnesty that followed his death only applied to (non-political) criminals and convicts with short prison terms, the percentage of which was very low in Gorlag. All categories of inmates took part in the uprising, with the leading roles played by former military men and participants of national liberation movements of western Ukraine, Georgia and the Baltics. Norilsk uprising combined various forms of protest – hunger strike, resignation, riot, armed uprising. One of the leaders of the uprising was Danylo Shumuk, a former employee of one of the UPA’s political divisions. The article describes the participation of a Ukrainian political prisoner, a participant in the national liberation movement in Volyn during World War II, Danylo Shumuk in the organization of the Norilsk Uprising of Political Prisoners (June-August 1953). The process of creating a conspiratorial formation by an activist – a «Selfhelp organization», the goals, composition, methods of activity of its members, the relationship between them are shown. On the basis of domestic and foreign sources, the forms of protest of prisoners and their demands were analyzed. The main results of the struggle of political prisoners and their future fate are highlighted. It is evidence-based the Ukrainian central role in Norilsk uprising, which was one of the strongest in the history of the Gulag, and resulted its reformation.
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Nováková, Renata, Jana Šujanová, and Natália Nováková. "Improving Quality Management - the Way Toward Economic Prosperity and Quality of Life." Production Engineering Archives 24, no. 24 (September 1, 2019): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.30657/pea.2019.24.03.
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Abstract The National Quality Programme of the Slovak Republic for 2017-2021 strongly emphasises the primary objectives and priorities of the Quality Improvement Strategy. This should be one of the main priorities of the Slovak Government in the upcoming period. The Quality Improvement Strategy should, in general, lead to an improvement in the quality of life. The aim of the paper is to point out the opportunities for improvement by applying indicators aimed at defining the excellence of organisations within the national economy of the Slovak Republic.
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Panocová, Renáta. "Attitudes towards Anglicisms in Contemporary Standard Slovak." International Journal of Lexicography 33, no. 2 (April 14, 2020): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijl/ecaa006.
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Abstract The extensive spread of anglicisms in the last decades is a tendency that can be observed in a number of languages, including Slovak. This situation immediately raises concerns about the possible effects on national languages. In Slovakia, the attitudes to borrowings from English find their place between two poles of a continuum. On one hand, there are Slovak users (not only linguists) who are strongly against borrowings and especially anglicisms. Some even consider them a serious threat to Slovak as a national language which is part of Slovak identity. On the other hand, some users are keen to use English words in their Slovak. Then many Slovak speakers are confused as to what is acceptable and seek help from an official authority. The authority is represented by Jazykovedný ústav Ľudovíta Štúra Slovenskej akadémie vied (Ľudovít Štúr Institute of Linguistics of the Slovak Academy of Science). The Institute has set up a Linguistic Advice Service to answer questions about correct use. There is a database of the questions and answers which can be searched by key words or browsed in alphabetical order. The analysis focuses on the queries concerning anglicisms. The results of the analysis show how different attitudes to anglicisms in Slovak correlate with the lexicographic treatment of the words.
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Ahmad, Araz Ramazan, and Nazakat Hussain Hamasaeed Hussain Hamasaeed. "The Role of Social Media in the ‘Syrian Uprising’." Journal of Economic Development, Environment and People 4, no. 2 (June 24, 2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26458/jedep.v4i2.105.
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This paper, which is entitled ‘The Role of Social Media in the ‘Syrian Uprising’ aimed to report on survey research conducted which identify the role of played by social media in the ‘Syrian Uprising’ Currently social media tools were good mediums of electronic communication among protesters in Syria. Further, it was a vital medium for spreading information such as photos, videos and documents about the revolution for national, regional and international spheres. This paper looked at the impact and relationship between protesters and Syrian people who used social media ,technology and the nature of its role in the ‘Syrian Uprising ‘ as well as the study has made a controversial argument between different views of scholars about the subject and its case. This paper has interviewed 30 protesters inside Syria through a survey.This study, demonstrate the appeal that social media can have both positive and negative points in the ‘Syrian uprising’.
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Atlagić, Marko, and Aleksandar Martinović. "The foundation of the modern Serbian state in the First Serbian uprising 1804-1813." Bastina, no. 53 (2021): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-31654.
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Already in the first year of the First Serbian uprising, there was a need to establish certain authorities in the area liberated from the Turks. For that purpose, the Governing Council (Praviteljstvujšći sovjet) was established, it would later grow into the Government and all other executive bodies in the local self-government. Local assemblies and the National Assembly were established as the highest legislative body of the First Serbian uprising. The foundations were laid for the courts, as the third branch of government during the uprising. At that time, the foundations were laid for the Serbian army, which had its own uniform and oath. The police and intelligence services were formed, as well as the budget. All these branches of government developed and improved during the 19th and 20th centuries. In the First Serbian uprising, the foundations of the modern Serbian state were laid.
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Dobrovodský, Róbert. "Der Schutz des Schwächeren im slowakischen Zivilrecht." osteuropa recht 66, no. 1 (2020): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2020-1-104.
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This article raises questions about the protection of the weaker party in the Slovak civil law, and emphasizes the most significant legislative steps aimed at strengthening the social function of civil law rules in the Slovak Republic. The author analyses the national and European rules, and describes each instrument adopted by the national Slovak legislator during the last fifteen years. A good example of the instrument of the protection of the weaker party was the enshrinement of usury in 2014. This step can be considered as one of the most significant legislative steps aimed at strengthening the social function of civil law rules in the Slovak Republic. The enshrinement was not only motivated by the protection of the party in consumer relationships.
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Apendiyev T.A., and Satov E.Z.,. "SOME MATERIALS RELATED TO THE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE OF KENESARҮ KHAN'S MOVEMENT." BULLETIN 6, no. 388 (December 15, 2020): 348–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2020.2518-1467.217.
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The personality of the last khan of the three zhuzes, Kenesary Kasymuly, his managerial abilities, ingenuity in military tactics, foresight and diplomatic position in the political arena are reflected in the works of professional historians, government officials and local poets and writers who arrived in Kazakhstan by the tsarist decree. In Soviet times, a group of scientists headed by one of the professional historians Yermukhan Bekmakhanov, domestic historians of independent Kazakhstan and Russian scientists, not indifferent to the personality of Khan Ken, also dedicated a number of their works to the personality. The main mission of Kenesary, a descendant of Genghis Khan, was to overthrow the reforms of the first quarter of the 19th century as a chain of colonial expansion, to restore the former Khanate, unite the three dynasties and achieve freedom. Despite many obstacles on the way to such a bold step, Kenesary Khan tried to use his personal intuition and high authority in the country. Important information about the events that took place against the giant empire, which united its forces with the khanates of Central Asia, did not go unnoticed in this article. Kenesary Kasymov managed to gather around him advisers and heroes, the most influential and active citizens of the people against colonial oppression. In the struggle for the return of the lands seized by the tsarist government, Kenesary relies on the experience of the Central Asian khanates in organizing troops. He divided his army into hundreds and thousands and appointed captains and commanders. Violators of military discipline were severely punished. The main goal of Kenesary's foreign policy was the creation of an independent Kazakh Khanate. To achieve this goal, he sought the support of the Central Asian khanates, interfering in their internal affairs and trying to win over their rulers. He sent ambassadors to the khan of Khiva and the emir of Bukhara to establish contacts. This will increase trade with the countries of Central Asia and purchase the necessary weapons and ammunition from them. The works of scientists contain valuable information that Kenesary refused to negotiate with the Kokand Khanate, which put pressure on the Kazakhs in the lower reaches of the Syr Darya, maintained friendly relations with the Emir of Bukhara and sometimes supplied him with ammunition and weapons. Kenesary was captured and killed during the Kazakh-Kyrgyz confrontation on the Kekilik mountain, inscribed by Russian troops. As the struggle of Kenesary for independence, so his expectation of a positive result by the combined efforts of the Turkic peoples clearly shows that he is a politician with a broad vision and far-sighted strategist. The authors focus on the preconditions for the national liberation uprising of 1837-1847 and the circumstances that led to the historical event. The death of his brother Sarzhan Sultan and father Kasym at the hands of the Kokand people in 1836 gave an impetus to Kenesary to take immediate measures. The article says that Kenesary Khan established close ties with the Orenburg administration through correspon-dence and thus tried to establish strong relations with the royal government. The features of the national liberation uprising are revealed and reference concepts are made. The uprising of Kenesary Kasymuly, known as the last khan of the Alash people, gave impetus to the local uprising of the Kazakhs of the Syr Darya. A number of facts about the historical significance of the uprising were presented, showing that imperial colonialism weakened the iron chain. Іn the pre-revolutionary period, there was a lot of research about Kenesary Kasymovich. Historical works, geographical works, political and diplomatic correspondence, written on the direct orders of the tsarist (royal) government and government officials, directly or indirectly declared a national liberation uprising. In Soviet times, many professional historians wrote about the uprising, despite the government's ban on publicity and comprehensive research. After ascending the rostrum of independence, secret information about Kenesary was revealed, and complex studies are expanding. With the direct support of the authorities, the name of the last khan of the three zhuzes reached high fame and historical justice among the people.
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Saskova-Pierce, Mila, and Norma Rudinsky. "Incipient Feminists: Women Writers in the Slovak National Revival." Slavic and East European Journal 37, no. 4 (1993): 590. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/308478.
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Husovec, M. "Slovakia ∙ Slovak Constitutional Court Annuls National Data Retention Provisions." European Data Protection Law Review 1, no. 3 (2015): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21552/edpl/2015/3/12.
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Bevzyuk, Evgen. "Slovak National Idea During the Revolution of 1848-1849." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 28 (December 5, 2019): 192–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2019.28.192.
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Krištofová, Katarína. "The next 10 years of the Slovak National Library." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 29, no. 3 (November 14, 2019): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0955749019885675.
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Danish, Miroslav, and Galina V. Rokina. "Archival Rossica in Slovakia: Documents on the History of Slovak-Russian Contacts in the Archive of the Slovak Matica." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 543–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-543-554.
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The article traces the process of formation of archival Rossica in one of the oldest archives of the Slovak Republic. The authors analyze documentary materials on the history of the Slovak-Russian contacts in the 19th century, the period when ties between Slovak and Russian scientists and public figures were most intense. It was at this time that the process of national identity formation of the Slovaks took place. The article is to investigate the content of documents from the standpoint of methodology of historical memory and that of principles of historicism. Despite the fact that the history of the Slovak-Russian relations has been in the focus of attention of national and foreign scientists for many years, there are no special scientific studies in which archival materials on this issue would be systematized. In the modern historiographic situation, as there continues a “revision” of previous assessments of the history of the Slovak-Russian relations, the role of archival heritage increases, and yet its significant part has not been introduced into scientific use. In historical science, the most important archive for reconstruction of the history of the Slovak-Russian contacts in the 19th century is the archive of the Slovak Matica. This organization was created by order of the Austro-Hungarian authorities in Martin, city in the East of Slovakia. In the 19th century the Slovak Matica was a center of social life of the Slovaks and played an important role in the formation of the Slovak nation. The article details the complex history of the formation of the archival Rossica collection in the archive of Martin and all stages of its emergence and development. The archive of the Slovak Matica has undergone significant organizational changes over a century and a half of its existence. It is currently called the Archives of Literature and Art of the Slovak National Library (ALI SNB). The authors systematize the archival Rossica in the ALI SNB by the nature of documents and problems. The article provides an overview of the main groups of archival collections and fonds that preserve the historical evidence on nature and intensity of the Slovak-Russian contacts in the 19th century. An analysis of archival materials has shown that these relations developed mainly at the level of personal contacts between Slovak and Russian scientists, writers, and public figures. The authors of the article conclude that the Rossica in the archives of Slovakia still remains an incompletely developed topic for researchers, primarily for Russian ones. Study of the archival Rossica acquires special significance in modern humanities, as there continues a revision of previous assessments of historical events, facts, and actions of national movements leaders.
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Skinner, Barbara. "Borderlands of Faith: Reconsidering the Origins of a Ukrainian Tragedy." Slavic Review 64, no. 1 (2005): 88–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3650068.
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Critiquing prevalent secular explanations for the cossack-led uprising called Koliivshchyna that erupted in the Ukrainian borderlands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1768, this article identifies religion as the root cause of the uprising. Traditional nationalist and socioeconomic arguments explain Ukrainian violence against Poles and Jews, but do not account for Ukrainian violence against Ukrainians, which set this uprising apart from previous cossack-led disturbances. Increasing conflict between Uniate and Orthodox parishes along the newly reinforced Polish- Russian border on the Dnepr River at the time of Catherine II set the stage for the uprising. As Uniate religious practices had become more Latinized while Orthodoxy in this region drew ever closer into dependence on the Russian Orthodox Church, confessional tensions also reflected opposing Polish or Russian political allegiances. This article reaches beyond the context of Ukrainian national history to bring this event into current discourse on borderland regions and on overlapping political and religious identity.
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Dubitska, Tetyana. "Approaches to the review of the Khotyn Uprising in 1919 in soviet and contemporary Ukrainian historiography." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 50 (December 16, 2019): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.50.55-63.
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The Khotyn Uprising was an event that became one of the most striking pages in the history of the region in the XX century. Considerable attention was paid to the study of the history of this issue during the Soviet period, but interpretation of the rebellion has changed several times because of the increasing influence of ideology on the research of Soviet scientists. With the proclamation of Ukraine's Independence, it became possible to objectively cover these events, which led to a process of rethinking the scientific works of Soviet researchers. The presence of different approaches in covering this issue necessitates a detailed analysis of the transformations that took place in the interpretation of the Khotyn uprising.
The article explores the specific features of the main approaches to the coverage of the Khotyn uprising in Soviet and contemporary Ukrainian scientific historical literature.
It is established that in the 20th – 40th of the XX century the Khotyn uprising was reported as a spontaneous peasant rebellion against the Romanian invaders. According to the Representatives of this approach, one of the main causes of the defeat of uprising was the absence of a Bolshevik insurgency organisation.
It is revealed that 50th of the XX century became a transitional period between the previous interpretation of the Khotyn uprising and the new coverage of events, as scientists still emphasized that the uprising was peasantry, but began to provide a significance to revolutionary elements among them.
Since the 60th of the XX century the situation is changed: ideology has become a decisive element in research of the uprising and, therefore, all events related to the uprising have been covered in according to the ideology. Thus, the Khotyn uprising is reported as prepared by the communist-led committee, had a well-planned commencement and aimed at restoring Soviet power in the Khotyn region.
It is established that with the proclamation of Ukraine's Independence in the coverage of the uprising, there are dramatic changes related to the nature and purpose of the uprising, the political orientations of its leaders, etc. In contemporary Ukrainian science, for example, the Bolshevik character of the uprising and the struggle for power of the Soviets is refuted; instead, the emphasis was made on national liberation; it was confirmed the thesis about the orientation of some of the organizers of the uprising to the Ukrainian People's Republic in Kiev. The neutrality of the UPR’s Directory is explained because of the threat of war with Romania.
Keywords: Khotyn uprising, Soviet historiography, contemporary Ukrainian historiography.
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Katarina, Kristofova. "Coronavirus pandemic in Slovakia – The National Library’s experience." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 30, no. 2-3 (August 2020): 197–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09557490211002094.
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Kalvoda, Josef. "National Minorities Under Communism: The Case of Czechoslovakia." Nationalities Papers 16, no. 1 (1988): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408065.
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After its establishment in 1918–1919, Czechoslovakia was a multinational state and some of its minorities protested against their being included into it. The nationality problem was related to the collapse of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1938 and the loss of some of its territories to Germany, Poland, and Hungary. It may be pointed out that the 1920 Constitution did not recognize a separate Slovak national identity and that the Czechs and Slovaks were termed “Czechoslovaks.” The post-Munich Second Republic recognized a separate Slovak nationality; however, the state came to its end in March 1939. In 1945, after its reestablishment as a national state of the Czechs and Slovaks, the country's government attempted to liquidate the national minorities' problem in a drastic manner by transfer (expulsion) of Germans and Hungarians.
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KLÁTIK, JAROSLAV, and LIBOR KLIMEK. "IMPLEMENTATION OF ELECTRONIC MONITORING OF SENTENCED PERSONS IN THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC." Sociopolitical sciences 10, no. 5 (October 30, 2020): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-5-59-75.
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The work deals with implementation of electronic monitoring of sentenced persons in the Slovak Republic. It is divided into eight sections. The first section introduces restorative justice as a prerequisite of electronic monitoring in criminal proceedings. While the second section points out at the absence of legal regulation of electronic monitoring of sentenced persons at European level, the third section points out at recommendations of the Council of Europe addressed to European States. The fourth section analyses relevant alternative punishments in Slovak criminal justice. The fifth section introduces early beginnings of implementation of concerned system - the pilot project “Electronic Personnel Monitoring System” of the Ministry of Justice of the Slovak Republic. While the sixth section is focused on Slovak national law regulating electronic monitoring of sentenced persons - the Act No. 78/2015 Coll. on Control of the Enforcement of Certain Decisions by Technical Instruments, the seventh section is focused on further amendments of Slovak national law - namely the Act No. 321/2018 Coll. and the Act No. 214/2019 Coll. The last eight section introduces costs of system implementation and its operation.
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Demmel, József. "Zrod kanibala Slovákov:Verejný a súkromý život Bélu Grünwalda vo Zvolenskej župe (1867–1874)." Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 64, no. 2 (February 6, 2021): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/060.2019.64204.
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Prvá etapa verejného pôsobenia Bélu Grünwalda, obdobie pôsobenia vo funk- cii hlavného notára (1867–1871) a prvé podžupanské obdobie (1871–1874), je za- streté rovnako ako jeho mladosť. Ak však chceme pochopiť slovensko-maďarské národné konflikty po roku 1874, ktorých hlavnou postavou sa stal, musíme odkryť aj túto etapu jeho života, keďže jeho stanoviská k národnostným otázkam sa kryš- talizovali práve v týchto rokoch.The first era of Béla Grünwald’s (Szentantal, Hungary, 1839 – Courbevoie, France, 1891) public career, his life stage as notary (1867–1871) and as subcounty governor (1871–1874) in Zvolen County are almost unknown. However, if we want to understand the Slovak– Hungarian national conflicts after 1874, of which he became the main character, we must also reveal this stage of his life, as his views on national struggle crystallized in those years. Based on a note from Zvolen County dated 4 July 1867, the Minister of Culture József Eötvös removed the “Pan-Slavic” teachers from the grammar schools in Banská Bystrica. Grünwald’s biography highlights the central role of the new notary in this matter. Never- theless, this conflict did not provoke Grünwald’s struggle with the “Pan-Slavs” but was part of the power conflicts between the “Hungarian” and “Slovakian”, Catholic and Lutheran elites of Zvolen County. At the end of 1865, it was even one of the most important “battle- fields” where the local Hungarian and Slovak networks represented by Antal Radvánszkyand Štefan Moyses met.In April 1873, the first issue of the periodical Svornosť, Grünwald’s personal project, was published in Banská Bystrica. Grünwald’s primary goal was to push Slovak enthusiast periodicals from the Slovak public sphere. Therefore, after 1873, Grünwald became the number one enemy of the Slovak national movement and at the same time its target.At the end of 1873, the leader of the Slovak national movement Viliam Pauliny-Tóth published a text mocking Grünwald in the political newspaper of the Slovak national move- ment Národné noviny. Though Grünwald was represented by a pseudonym, it was easily recognizable to anyone. The attack and scandal had very serious effects not only on Grün- wald’s dislike of the Slovaks but also of his entire life. Pauliny-Tóth exposed Grünwald’s private life and love affairs to the public, destroying Grünwald’s social prestige down to the ground. Grünwald gave a political response to the attack: not long after, he managed to get the Hungarian government to close the three Slovak grammar schools and the Matica slovenská.
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Weber, Nora. "Feminism, Patriarchy, Nationalism, and Women in Fin-de-Siècle Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 1 (March 1997): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408489.
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The association of nationalist consciousness and feminist ideology in Slovakia in the late nineteenth century was a protracted and uneven process. This conclusion rests upon the results of this study which examines the feminist and nationalist views of Slovak women intelligentsia who were at the forefront of Slovak nationalist efforts. It explores responses of leading Slovak women to the following issues of nationalist concern: traditional Slovak patriarchy, women's education, and Western feminism. It demonstrates that in Slovakia, gender was not the primary factor determining women's loyalties; there were other connecting allegiances and loyalties to the nation and the community. Slovak women developed their own unique concept of gender equality that aided Slovak nationalist efforts. In doing so they employed the language of motherhood, domestic duties, and religious commitment.Around the turn of the century, a small group of Slovak women intelligentsia attempted to reconcile their own agenda with contemporary nationalist, social, and political currents. Spurred by nationalist efforts of the Slovak male intelligentsia, middle-class women tried to determine what type of new nationalist woman should replace the traditional woman. This question was answered by five women, in four very distinct ways: (1) Ľudmila Ríznerová-Podjavorinská portrayed the goals of Western feminism as a danger to Slovaks; (2) Elena Maróthy-Šolthésová and Terézia Medvecká Vansová encouraged the growth of Christian feminism; (3) Marína Ormisová-Maliaková favored the introduction of pragmatic feminism in Slovak nationalist efforts; and (4) Hana Lilge-Gregorová argued for the establishment of Western feminism as the basis of social and national development. Although the personal lives of these five women represent the social and national distress of the Slovak people, they also show women's fight for the acceptance of new ideas which would improve the fate of their sisters and their nation. Yet this small collection of feminist intellectuals could not and did not effect Slovak public opinion in any substantial way. Their influence, except perhaps that of Hana Lilge-Gregorová, did not stretch beyond the Slovak urban middle-class milieu.