Journal articles on the topic 'The Swedish condominium ownership model'

According to the Turkish condominium ownership system, 3D physical buildings and its condominium units are registered to the condominium ownership books via 2D survey plans. Currently, 2D representations of the 3D physical objects, causes inaccurate and deficient implementations for the determination of the land shares. Condominium ownership and easement right are established with a clear indication of land shares (condominium ownership law, article no. 3). So, the land share of each condominium unit have to be determined including the value differences among the condominium units. However the main problem is that, land share has often been determined with area based over the project before construction of the building. The objective of this study is proposing a new approach in terms of value-based land share calculations of the condominium units that subject to condominium ownership. So, the current approaches and its failure that have taken into account in determining the land shares are examined. And factors that affect the values of the condominium units are determined according to the legal decisions. This study shows that 3D BIM models can provide important approaches for the valuation problems in the determination of the land shares.

Unit costs for low-volume road construction and maintenance are low compared with those for higher-level roads. The problem is that in many countries this network is vast, and the total cost requirements to ensure minimum access are enormous. This problem is a particular challenge in developing countries where more than two-thirds of the poor reside in rural areas. The option of private ownership and financing of low-volume roads is proposed. It is argued that the Swedish model for low-volume road management and financing is simple and efficient and can easily be adapted to a variety of circumstances in both rich and poor countries. In Sweden, private road associations manage two-thirds of the road network at less than half the cost and with better results than do the government road agencies. This model is based on a well-structured institutional framework for private ownership of low-volume roads that includes a law on private roads and financial and technical incentives. The government provides legal and financial incentives for local property owners to associate and assume responsibility for their roads. The result is a private–public partnership in which government subsidizes road costs with grants from the budget. Increasing efficiency and effectiveness of public expenditures and working in partnership with the private sector are highly relevant goals in both developed and developing countries.

Without experiences of electric buses, public transport authorities and bus operators have faced questions about how to implement them in a cost-effective way. Simple cost modelling cannot show how costs for different types of electric buses differ between different routes and timetables. Tools (e.g., HASTUS, PtMS, and optibus) which can analyse such details are complicated, time consuming to use, and provide insufficient insights into the mechanisms that influence the cost. This paper therefore proposes a method for how to calculate total cost of ownership, for different types of electric buses, in a way which can predict how the cost varies based on route and timetable. The method excludes factors which cause minor cost variations in an almost random manor, in order to better show the fundamental mechanisms influencing different costs. The method will help in finding ways to reduce the cost and help to define a few cases which deserve a deep analysis with more complete tools. Testing of the method in a Swedish context showed that the results are in line with other theoretical and practical studies, and how the total cost of ownership can vary depending on the variables.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse the current status of ownership of patient information from a Lockean perspective and then present Datenherrschaft (German for “mastery over information”) as a new model for patient ownership of patient information. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is theoretical in approach. It is based on arguments derived from Locke’s Two Treatises of Government. Legal examples of the current situation are derived from Finnish, UK and Swedish legislation. Findings – Current legislation concerning patient information is not clearly formulated and so recognising a new right on the part of the patient, Datenherrschaft, would be an ethically justifiable way of remedying the issue. Research limitations/implications – The legal analysis was limited to Finland, the UK and Sweden, and so other legislation should be looked at in future research. Datenherrschaft is used as an example of an ethically justified way of regulating patient information ownership and should be analysed further. Originality/value – Patient information ownership is an issue that is not unambiguously solved in many countries, nor has it, in our view, been ethically justified. The potential solution presented in this paper is clear and has strong ethical justifications.

Straipsnio tikslas – trumpai apžvelgti Latvijos žiniasklaidos privatizacijos ir koncentracijos procesus, sąlygotus užsienio investicijų. Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Skandinavijos, daugiausia Švedijos, kapitalo įtaka redakciniam autonomiškumui, naujų redakcinių instrumentų įdiegimui, siekiant žurnalistikos kokybės ir profesionalumo, o taip pat tokioms žurnalistikos struktūroms, kaip: profesinės sąjungos, žurnalistų rengimas ir mokymas bei žiniasklaidos tyrimai.Straipsnyje teigiama, jog pastarųjų metų Latvijos žiniasklaidos raidą atitinka Šiaurės/Vidurio Europos arba demokratinis-korporacinis žiniasklaidos sistemos modelis, suformuluotas mokslininkų Daniel C. Hallin ir Paolo Mancini trijų žiniasklaidos modelių ir politikos koncepcijoje.The role of Scandinavian investments for the re-integration of Latvian media in the North/Central European model of media systemAinārs Dimants SummaryThe aim of the paper is to give a brief overview about the development and concentration of Latvian media ownership since privatization, from the point of view of the impact of foreign investment. The paper examines the impact of Scandinavian, mainly Swedish, capital on editorial autonomy, on establishing editorial instruments to increase the quality and professionalism of journalism as well as on journalistic infrastructures such as professional unions, training and education and media research.The paper suggests that the North/Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model of media system described by Daniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini in their concept of three models of media and politics corresponds to the Latvian media development in the present and in the past.Key words: Latvian media system, models of media system, social history, history of communication, transparency of media ownership, investments, editorial autonomy, journalistic cultures, journalistic infrastructures, professional standards of journalism

This paper reviews the approaches to multiple objective landscape planning that have developed in Swedish forestry in the 1990s. The objectives of such planning include primarily timber production and maintenance of biodiversity, but also aspects such as aesthetics and recreation. The variety of approaches and models that have emerged is caused by regional differences in land-use history, forest conditions, recreation pressure, and ownership. We distinguish three approaches: The species approach and the naturalness approach integrate conservation aspects, while the multiple aspects approach integrates several aspects (biological, social, economic, spiritual, etc.) into commercial timber-producing forestry. The species approach is exemplified by the key habitat - corridor model in which key habitats and corridors are preserved to support certain species. The natural landscape model illustrates an example of the naturalness approach, as it integrates natural forest features from a fire-disturbed landscape and gives examples of management implications at the landscape as well as at the stand level. The multiple aspects approach combines several objectives and defines important structures rather loosely. This approach was developed in areas where private nonindustrial forestry dominates. Nontimber and nonconservation aspects therefore become relevant to forest management. The supportive feature model exemplifies an application of that approach.

Purpose This paper aims to examine tenure choice in the Swedish housing market with explicit consideration of households’ credit constraints in combination with age and ethnic background. Design/methodology/approach Observations of some 940,000 households were used to analyse the Stockholm housing market in 2008, prior to the implementation of the mortgage cap. The tenure choice models were estimated using a two-stage instrument variable (IV) logit and probit model with ownership or renting as outcome. Findings The results suggest, as expected, that being financially restricted is negatively related to owning. In particular, financial restriction is more binding for young households and households with a foreign background than for other types of households. These two sub-groups are also known to have difficulties establishing themselves in the rental housing market, and are therefore specifically vulnerable to further financial constraints such as borrowing restrictions or amortization requirements. Originality/value The government in Sweden has become concerned with the rapid growth in household indebtedness. As a response, a 0.85 loan-to-value ratio mortgage cap was introduced in 2010. However, critics are concerned with the effects this may have on the possibility for certain households to purchase a dwelling.

As an integrated social and ecological system, the forest landscape includes multiple values. The need for a landscape approach in land use planning is being increasingly advocated in research, policy and practice. This paper explores how institutional conditions in the forest policy and management sector can be developed to meet demands for a multifunctional landscape perspective. Departing from obstacles recognised in collaborative planning literature, we build an analytical framework which is operationalised in a Swedish context at municipal level. Our case illustrating this is Vilhelmina Model Forest, where actual barriers and opportunities for a multiple-value landscape approach are identified through 32 semi-structured interviews displaying stakeholders’ views on forest values, ownership rights and willingness to consider multiple values, forest policy and management premises, and collaboration. As an opportunity to overcome the barriers, we suggest and discuss three key components by which an integrated landscape planning approach could be realized in forest management planning: the need for a landscape coordinator (broker), the need for a collaborative forum (arena), and the development of the existing forest management plan into an advanced multifunctional landscape plan (tool).

Abstract Abstract 1125 Background and Objectives: Congenital Factor XIII (FXIII) deficiency is a rare, autosomal recessive bleeding disorder, with a significant majority of patients showing defects in the FXIII-A subunit. The disease is caused by a variety of F13A1 gene mutations resulting in a severe quantitative FXIII-A type I deficiency. Here, we report a wide spectrum of mutations identified in 41 severe Factor XIII-A deficiency patients (≥6 years of age, mean, 26.4; range, 7–60). Patients and Methods: A total of 41 patients were recruited in a multinational (23 centers, 11 countries), open-label, single-arm, phase 3, prophylaxis trial for the evaluation of the efficacy and safety of a novel recombinant FXIII (rFXIII). Eleven of the 41 patients (Israel [n=8], Switzerland [n=2] and Italy [n=1]) already had established genetic backgrounds and carried previously reported F13A1 mutations. Mutational screening in the remaining 30 patients who had unknown genetic status was done using direct sequencing on an ABI Prism 3130TL (Applied Biosystems, Weiterstadt, Germany). For two patients with splice-site mutations, cDNA analysis was done with RT-PCR (Quiagen One-step RT-PCR kit). The crystallographic model of the recombinant human cellular coagulation FXIIIA zymogen (EC: 2.3.2.13, resolution solved to 2.1Å) was downloaded from the Protein Data Bank (data file 1F13) for viewing, analysis and graphical rendering using YASARAver11.11.2. Classic molecular dynamic simulation approaches were used on the FXIII-A crystal structure to evaluate the effect of the novel missense mutations on protein structure. Results and Discussion: In total, 31 distinct mutations in 41 patients have been identified revealing 13 missense mutations, seven small deletions, six splice-site mutations, three nonsense mutations, one large deletion and one small insertion. Amongst this cohort of mutations, 16 mutations were novel. In one patient, a heterozygous missense mutation was detected in spite of severe deficiency symptoms shown by the patient. We assume that the other mutation could not be detected within the scope of our screening set up. The IVS5–1G>A (c.691–1G>A) splice-site mutation was the most commonly occurring (n=9 [21.9%]) mutation in this cohort. Two siblings carried a missense mutation in F13A1 gene (Ser295Arg) and in combination with a novel variant in F13B gene (Ser634Phe). This variant does not seem to significantly affect the B-subunit stability, since it is located in the terminal part of the molecule. Missense mutations are of special interest since they help to better understand the structure and function of FXIII A-subunit. The MD simulation of four novel missense mutations predicted a damaging effect on the protein structure for three of the missense mutations (Glu229Arg, Leu275Phe, and Arg703Trp) based on changes in bonding patterns, free energy calculations, change in local secondary structure etc. The Leu588Gln located on the surface of barrel 1 domain was not observed to cause a significant change in local structure, nevertheless, owing to its surface presentation it might influence the interaction with FXIII B-subunit. The analysis for the two novel splice-site mutations (IVS7+1G>A, IVS12+1G>A) did not show any aberrant mRNA product. Inhibitor development is the most undesirable side-effect of treatment with plasma-derived or rFXIII products. Overall, the incidence of inhibitors in patients with congenital FXIII deficiency is unknown, but is expected to be much lower compared with other coagulopathies, e.g. hemophilia A. In the present study, none of the patients treated with rFXIII (a mean treatment period of 322 days) developed FXIII neutralizing antibodies. Four patients developed transient low-titer anti-rFXIII antibodies that had no neutralizing activity. Interestingly, two patients (male and female) were siblings carrying the same common splice-site mutation in intron 5 (IVS5-1 G>A). The third patient was compound heterozygous for two missense mutations (Gln229Arg; Ser413Leu). The fourth patient was also found to be compound heterozygous for two missense mutations (Arg77His; Leu275Phe). Conclusion: To conclude, the identified mutations, including 16 novel mutations, are implicated in the causality of severe FXIII deficiency. However, none of these mutations were associated with the development of inhibitory antibodies in the context of treatment with rFXIII. Disclosures: Tehranchi: Novo Nordisk: Employment, Equity Ownership. Oldenburg:Biogen Idec, Swedish Orphan Biovitrum: Honoraria; Baxter, Bayer, Biotest, CSL Behring, Grifols, Inspiration, Novo Nordisk, Octapharma, Pfizer: Honoraria, Research Funding.

Abstract Background: APL is a highly curable malignancy with reported survival above 90% in many co-operative group studies. However these spectacular results are not evident in the general population. US SEER data and other population based studies from Swedish Cancer Registry and Brazil showed that early deaths (ED) can be as high as 30%, leading to a considerably lower survival compared to clinical trials where ED is around 5-10%. Decreasing ED remains a global challenge and the highest priority at all leukemia treatment centers and will result in population wide survival in this most curable leukemia. We report results of our prospective trial using a set of simplified treatment guidelines along with expert support designed to decrease ED. Methods: A network of leukemia treatment centers was established in Georgia, South Carolina and neighboring states. An aggressive outreach effort was made by visiting most of the leukemia treatment centers to publicize the concept and educate treating physicians in the community about ED in APL. The protocol provides a simplified two page treatment algorithm that emphasizes quick diagnosis, prompt initiation of therapy and proactive and aggressive management of the major causes of death during induction. Expert and treating physician communication was established very early when a diagnosis of APL was suspected and was maintained until the completion of induction. Study was approved by local IRBs (if applicable) and funded by the Lymphoma Leukemia Society (LLS). Informed consent was obtained upon confirmation of a diagnosis of APL and there were no exclusion criteria. Patient accrual was initiated in July 2013 and continued till May 2016 when the accrual goal of 120 was met on an intent to treat basis. Statistics are descriptive. Results: Between 7/2013 and 5/2016, 120 patients were enrolled at 5 large leukemia centers (n=54, 45%) and 24 community hospitals (n=66, 55%). Only 3 hospitals treated more than 3 APL patients/year. Median age was 54 years (range 21-84 years). 68 were male. 84% were low risk (WBC < 10,000/mm3) and median WBC count was 4.3 (range 0.3-170,000/mm3). ATRA was initiated at suspicion of APL diagnosis in 100% of patients and was the only treatment in 2(1.5%) patients. Arsenic was combined with ATRA in 93 (81.5%) patients while the other 17% received chemotherapy. 15(13%) had bleeding complications at presentation. Treatment course was complicated by infection and differentiation syndrome (DS) in 31(28%) and 40(34%) patients respectively. There were 12 early deaths, of which 1 was a Jehovah's Witness who declined transfusions and 1 who enrolled 12 days after diagnosis while in multi-organ failure. Incidence of ED was 10/118 (8.5%). The cause of death was disseminated intravascular coagulation (DIC) (n=4), DS (n=2), infection (n=1), anemia (n=1), multi-organ failure (n=4). With a median follow-up of 10.6 months, 2 low risk patients relapsed: I due to non-compliance 1 year after diagnosis and 1 with CNS relapse 3 months after completing consolidation. With a median follow up of 320 days (range 1-965) overall survival (Figure 1) was 87%. There were four late deaths; relapse (n=1), second cancer (n=1) and non-APL related comorbidities (n=2). Conclusions: Results of this prospective trial showed that a simplified treatment algorithm along with support from experts and co-management with treating physicians in the community decreased induction mortality (8.5%) and improved survival (87%) compared to SEER data (1 year relative survival of 71%). We believe our experience warrants large scale implementation and is presently approved as an ECOG/ACRIN trial (EA9131). This model can be applicable to other cancers and life-threatening diseases. Figure Overall Survival Figure. Overall Survival Disclosures Jillella: Leukemia Lymphoma Society: Research Funding. Heffner:AbbVie: Research Funding; Pharmacyclics: Research Funding; Celgene: Research Funding; Millennium: Research Funding. Stuart:Astellas: Research Funding; Celator: Research Funding; Sunesis: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel, Accomodations, Expenses, Research Funding; Agios: Research Funding; Bayer: Research Funding; Incyte: Research Funding. Gerber:Seattle Genetics: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Spectrum: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Alexion: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Janssen: Research Funding. Grunwald:Medtronic: Equity Ownership; Incyte Corporation: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding; Alexion: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Ariad: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Forma Therapeutics: Research Funding; Amgen: Research Funding; Janssen: Research Funding. Kota:Pfizer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Ariad Pharmaceuticals: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Leukemia Lymphoma Society: Research Funding; Incyte: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees.

AbstractEngland was one of the first countries to install a Compact to regulate the relationship between state and civil society and since then several other countries have followed and initiated national Agreements, Charters or Concordats. Despite a growing academic interest into such national Compact models we have insufficient knowledge of how such ideas ‘from abroad’ are adapted and molded to fit with ‘domestic’ legacies, institutions and power disparities. The purpose of this article is to analyze the translation of the English Compact into a Swedish context and above all how domestic Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) acted to adjust such an international model to a national context. The article draws upon studies of written documents and interviews with key actors (politicians and CSO representatives) and two main conclusions are being presented. First, the article demonstrates that CSOs played an important role as translation agents as they identified the Compact idea long before key decision makers did, yet that the complete translation of the Compact model into a Swedish context was dependent upon the political will and ownership of central decision-makers. Second, the article demonstrates that the translation process was not as ordered as sometimes depicted within the translation literature and instead chains of translation processes was detected. These findings address a need to open up the translation perspective for the analysis of multiple types of translation agents and to understand translation as a nested process, in which one translation process might very well be interrelated with other parallel translation processes.

From the 1970s through the 1990s, Scandinavian work-life, especially in Sweden, was an international role model for work organization and industrial relations. Practices such as job enrichment, teamwork in semi-autonomous groups, multi-skilling, and long work cycles were commonplace. This article investigates if and how such practices, the Socio-Technical Systems model (STS), are still followed in Sweden after the arrival of lean production. The study was conducted at Scania, a Swedish heavy truck and bus manufacturer well-known for its innovative work organization and its previous use of a socio-technical work design. The study finds that as this production and management model has been substantially marginalized, a new model has emerged. The new model, inspired by the Toyota Production System and lean, is characterized by a line organization design, standardized work processes, daily control, all shorter cycle-times, permanent team leader positions, position ownership, and continuous improvement with rotation possibilities. This new model, Scania Production System (SPS), has enjoyed considerable success. Yet challenges remain with respect to employee commitment to work and their boredom with highly-paced, repetitive work, leading to an advocacy for more of a hybrid model between the SPS and the STS models. Although the study is performed in only one company it is an exemplar company in Sweden which has been highly influential also beyond the transportation industry. The article also expands the scientific knowledge of production systems by the help of a novel stakeholder model. The article’s contribution is its demonstration of current work organization practices and to what extent these represent continuity or new trajectories. Lean production has had a vigouous reception in Scania but there are problematic features that are distinct from a stakeholder model perspective.

Introduction: Socialism – from Eternal Reality to Passing DreamThe Year of Revolutions in 1989 presaged the end of the Cold War. For many people, it must have felt like the end of the Twentieth Century, and the 1990s a period of waiting for the Millennium. However, the 1990s was, in fact, a period of profound transformation in the post-Socialist world.In early representations of Socialism’s end, a dominant narrative was that of collapse. Dramatic events, such as the dismantling of the Berlin Wall in Germany enabled representation of the end as an unexpected moment. Senses of unexpectedness rested on erstwhile perceptions of Socialism as eternal.In contrast, the 1990s came to be a decade of revision in which thinking switched from considering Socialism’s persistence to asking, “why it went wrong?” I explore this question in relation to former-Yugoslavia. In brief, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was replaced through the early 1990s by six independent nation states: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia. Kosovo came much later. In the states that were significantly ethnically mixed, the break-up was accompanied by violence. Bosnia in the 1990s will be remembered for an important contribution to the lexicon of ideas – ethnic cleansing.Revisionist historicising of the former-Yugoslavia in the 1990s was led by the scholarly community. By and large, it discredited the Ancient Ethnic Hatreds (AEH) thesis commonly held by nationalists, simplistic media commentators and many Western politicians. The AEH thesis held that Socialism’s end was a consequence of the up-swelling of primordial (natural) ethnic tensions. Conversely, the scholarly community tended to view Socialism’s failure as an outcome of systemic economic and political deficiencies in the SFRY, and that these deficiencies were also, in fact the root cause of those ethnic tensions. And, it was argued that had such deficiencies been addressed earlier Socialism may have survived and fulfilled its promise of eternity (Verdery).A third significant perspective which emerged through the 1990s was that the collapse of Socialism was an outcome of the up-swelling of, if not primordial ethnic tensions then, at least repressed historical memories of ethnic tensions, especially of the internecine violence engendered locally by Nazi and Italian Fascist forces in WWII. This perspective was particularly en vogue within the unusually rich arts scene in former-Yugoslavia. Its leading exponent was Slovenian avant-garde rock band Laibach.In this article, I consider Laibach’s career and methods. For background the article draws substantially on Alexei Monroe’s excellent biography of Laibach, Interrogation Machine: Laibach and NSK (2005). However, as I indicate below, my interpretation diverges very significantly from Monroe’s. Laibach’s most significant body of work is the cover versions of Western pop songs it recorded in the middle part of its career. Using a technique that has been labelled retroquotation (Monroe), it subtly transforms the lyrical content, and radically transforms the musical arrangement of pop songs, thereby rendering them what might be described as martial anthems. The clearest illustration of the process is Laibach’s version of Opus’s one hit wonder “Live is Life”, which is retitled as “Life is Life” (Laibach 1987).Conventional scholarly interpretations of Laibach’s method (including Monroe’s) present it as entailing the uncovering of repressed forms of individual and collective totalitarian consciousness. I outline these ideas, but supplement them with an alternative interpretation. I argue that in the cover version stage of its career, Laibach switched its attention from seeking to uncover repressed totalitarianism towards uncovering repressed memories of ethnic tension, especially from WWII. Furthermore, I argue that its creative medium of Western pop music is especially important in this regard. On the bases of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Bosnia (University of Melbourne Human Ethics project 1544213.1), and of a reading of SFRY’s geopolitical history, I demonstrate that for many people, Western popular cultural forms came to represent the quintessence of what it was to be Yugoslav. In this context, Laibach’s retroquotation of Western pop music is akin to a broader cultural practice in the post-SFRY era in which symbols of the West were iconoclastically transformed. Such transformation served to reveal a public secret (Taussig) of repressed historic ethnic enmity within the very heart of things that were regarded as quintessentially and pan-ethnically Yugoslav. And, in so doing, this delegitimised memory of SFRY ever having been a properly functioning entity. In this way, Laibach contributed significantly to a broader process in which perceptions of Socialist Yugoslavia came to be rendered less as a reality with the potential for eternity than a passing dream.What Is Laibach and What Does It Do?Originally of the industrial rock genre, Laibach has evolved through numerous other genres including orchestral rock, choral rock and techno. It is not, however, a rock group in any conventional sense. Laibach is the musical section of a tripartite unit named Neue Slowenische Kunst (NSK) which also encompasses the fine arts collective Irwin and a variety of theatre groups.Laibach was the name by which the Slovenian capital Ljubljana was known under the Austrian Habsburg Empire and then Nazi occupation in WWII. The choice of name hints at a central purpose of Laibach and NSK in general, to explore the relationship between art and ideology, especially under conditions of totalitarianism. In what follows, I describe how Laibach go about doing this.Laibach’s central method is eclecticism, by which symbols of the various ideological regimes that are its and the NSK’s subject matter are intentionally juxtaposed. Eclecticism of this kind was characteristic of the postmodern aesthetics typical of the 1990s. Furthermore, and counterintuitively perhaps, postmodernism was as much a condition of the Socialist East as it was the Capitalist West. As Mikhail N. Epstein argues, “Totalitarianism itself may be viewed as a specific postmodern model that came to replace the modernist ideological stance elaborated in earlier Marxism” (102). However, Western and Eastern postmodernisms were fundamentally different. In particular, while the former was largely playful, ironicising and depoliticised, the latter, which Laibach and NSK may be regarded as being illustrative of, involved placing in opposition to one another competing and antithetical aesthetic, political and social regimes, “without the contradictions being fully resolved” (Monroe 54).The performance of unresolved contradictions in Laibach’s work fulfils three principal functions. It works to (1) reveal hidden underlying connections between competing ideological systems, and between art and power more generally. This is evident in Life is Life. The video combines symbols of Slovenian romantic nationalism (stags and majestic rural landscapes) with Nazism and militarism (uniforms, bodily postures and a martial musical arrangement). Furthermore, it presents images of the graves of victims of internecine violence in WWII. The video is a reminder to Slovenian viewers of a discomforting public secret within their nation’s history. While Germany is commonly viewed as a principal oppressor of Slovenian nationalism, the rural peasantry, who are represented as embodying Slovenian nationalism most, were also the most willing collaborators in imperialist processes of Germanicisation. The second purpose of the performance of unresolved contradictions in Laibach’s work is to (2) engender senses of the alienation, especially as experienced by the subjects of totalitarian regimes. Laibach’s approach in this regard is quite different to that of punk, whose concern with alienation - symbolised by safety pins and chains - was largely celebratory of the alienated condition. Rather, Laibach took a lead from seminal industrial rock bands such as Einstürzende Neubauten and Throbbing Gristle (see, for example, Walls of Sound (Throbbing Gristle 2004)), whose sound one fan accurately describes as akin to, “the creation of the universe by an angry titan/God and a machine apocalypse all rolled into one” (rateyourmusic.com). Certainly, Laibach’s shows can be uncomfortable experiences too, involving not only clashing symbols and images, but also the dissonant sounds of, for example, martial music, feedback, recordings of the political speeches of totalitarian leaders and barking dogs, all played at eardrum-breaking high volumes. The purpose of this is to provide, as Laibach state: “a ritualized demonstration of political force” (NSK, Neue Slowenische Kunst 44). In short, more than simply celebrating the experience of totalitarian alienation, Laibach’s intention is to reproduce that very alienation.More than performatively representing tyranny, and thereby senses of totalitarian alienation, Laibach and NSK set out to embody it themselves. In particular, and contra the forms of liberal humanism that were hegemonic at the peak of their career in the 1990s, their organisation was developed as a model of totalitarian collectivism in which the individual is always subjugated. This is illustrated in the Onanigram (NSK, Neue Slowenische Kunst), which, mimicking the complexities of the SFRY in its most totalitarian dispensation, maps out in labyrinthine detail the institutional structure of NSK. Behaviour is governed by a Constitution that states explicitly that NSK is a group in which, “each individual is subordinated to the whole” (NSK, Neue Slowenische Kunst 273). Lest this collectivism be misconceived as little more than a show, the case of Tomaž Hostnik is instructive. The original lead singer of Laibach, Hostnik committed ritual suicide by hanging himself from a hayrack, a key symbol of Slovenian nationalism. Initially, rather than mourning his loss, the other members of Laibach posthumously disenfranchised him (“threw him out of the band”), presumably for his act of individual will that was collectively unsanctioned.Laibach and the NSK’s collectivism also have spiritual overtones. The Onanigram presents an Immanent Consistent Spirit, a kind of geist that holds the collective together. NSK claim: “Only God can subdue LAIBACH. People and things never can” (NSK, Neue Slowenische Kunst 289). Furthermore, such rhetorical bombast was matched in aspiration. Most famously, in one of the first instances of a micro-nation, NSK went on to establish itself as a global and virtual non-territorial state, replete with a recruitment drive, passports and anthem, written and performed by Laibach of course. Laibach’s CareerLaibach’s career can be divided into three overlapping parts. The first is its career as a political provocateur, beginning from the inception of the band in 1980 and continuing through to the present. The band’s performances have touched the raw nerves of several political actors. As suggested above, Laibach offended Slovenian nationalists. The band offended the SFRY, especially when in its stage backdrop it juxtaposed images of a penis with Marshal Josip Broz “Tito”, founding President of the SFRY. Above all, it offended libertarians who viewed the band’s exploitation of totalitarian aesthetics as a route to evoking repressed totalitarian energies in its audiences.In a sense the libertarians were correct, for Laibach were quite explicit in representing a third function of their performance of unresolved contradictions as being to (3) evoke repressed totalitarian energies. However, as Žižek demonstrates in his essay “Why Are Laibach and NSK Not Fascists”, Laibach’s intent in this regard is counter-totalitarian. Laibach engage in what amounts to a “psychoanalytic cure” for totalitarianism, which consists of four envisaged stages. The consumers of Laibach’s works and performances go through a process of over-identification with totalitarianism, leading through the experience of alienation to, in turn, disidentification and an eventual overcoming of that totalitarian alienation. The Žižekian interpretation of the four stages has, however been subjected to critique, particularly by Deleuzian scholars, and especially for its psychoanalytic emphasis on the transformation of individual (un)consciousness (i.e. the cerebral rather than bodily). Instead, such scholars prefer a schizoanalytic interpretation which presents the cure as, respectively collective (Monroe 45-50) and somatic (Goddard). Laibach’s works and pronouncements display, often awareness of such abstract theoretical ideas. However, they also display attentiveness to the concrete realities of socio-political context. This was reflected especially in the 1990s, when its focus seemed to shift from the matter of totalitarianism to the overriding issue of the day in Laibach’s homeland – ethnic conflict. For example, echoing the discourse of Truth and Reconciliation emanating from post-Apartheid South Africa in the early 1990s, Laibach argued that its work is “based on the premise that traumas affecting the present and the future can be healed only by returning to the initial conflicts” (NSK Padiglione).In the early 1990s era of post-socialist violent ethnic nationalism, statements such as this rendered Laibach a darling of anti-nationalism, both within civil society and in what came to be known pejoratively as the Yugonostagic, i.e. pro-SFRY left. Its darling status was cemented further by actions such as performing a concert to celebrate the end of the Bosnian war in 1996, and because its ideological mask began to slip. Most famously, when asked by a music journalist the standard question of what the band’s main influences were, rather than citing other musicians Laibach stated: “Tito, Tito and Tito.” Herein lies the third phase of Laibach’s career, dating from the mid-1990s to the present, which has been marked by critical recognition and mainstream acceptance, and in contrasting domains. Notably, in 2012 Laibach was invited to perform at the Tate Modern in London. Then, entering the belly of what is arguably the most totalitarian of totalitarian beasts in 2015, it became the first rock band to perform live in North Korea.The middle part in Laibach’s career was between 1987 and 1996. This was when its work consisted mostly of covers of mainstream Western pop songs by, amongst others Opus, Queen, The Rolling Stones, and, in The Final Countdown (1986), Swedish ‘big hair’ rockers. It also covered entire albums, including a version of Andrew Lloyd Webber’s rock opera Jesus Christ Superstar. No doubt mindful of John Lennon’s claim that his band was more popular than the Messiah himself, Laibach covered the Beatles’ final album Let It Be (1970). Highlighting the perilous hidden connections between apparently benign and fascistic forms of sedentarism, lead singer Milan Fras’ snarling delivery of the refrain “Get Back to where you once belong” renders the hit single from that album less a story of homecoming than a sinister warning to immigrants and ethnic others who are out of place.This career middle stage invoked critique. However, commonplace suggestions that Laibach could be characterised as embodying Retromania, a derivative musical trend typical of the 1990s that has been lambasted for its de-politicisation and a musical conservatism enabled by new sampling technologies that afforded a forensic documentary precision that prohibits creative distortion (Reynolds), are misplaced. Several scholars highlight Laibach’s ceaseless attention to musical creativity in the pursuit of political subversiveness. For example, for Monroe, the cover version was a means for Laibach to continue its exploration of the connections between art and ideology, of illuminating the connections between competing ideological systems and of evoking repressed totalitarian energies, only now within Western forms of entertainment in which ideological power structures are less visible than in overt totalitarian propaganda. However, what often seems to escape intellectualist interpretations presented by scholars such as Žižek, Goddard and (albeit to a lesser extent) Monroe is the importance of the concrete specificities of the context that Laibach worked in in the 1990s – i.e. homeland ethno-nationalist politics – and, especially, their medium – i.e. Western pop music.The Meaning and Meaningfulness of Western Popular Culture in Former YugoslaviaThe Laibach covers were merely one of many celebrations of Western popular culture that emerged in pre- and post-socialist Yugoslavia. The most curious of these was the building of statues of icons of screen and stage. These include statues of Tarzan, Bob Marley, Rocky Balboa and, most famously, martial arts cinema legend Bruce Lee in the Bosnian city of Mostar.The pop monuments were often erected as symbols of peace in contexts of ethnic-national violence. Each was an ethnic hybrid. With the exception of original Tarzan Johnny Weismuller — an ethnic-German American immigrant from Serbia — none was remotely connected to the competing ethnic-national groups. Thus, it was surprising when these pop monuments became targets for iconoclasm. This was especially surprising because, in contrast, both the new ethnic-national monuments that were built and the old Socialist pan-Yugoslav monuments that remained in all their concrete and steel obduracy in and through the 1990s were left largely untouched.The work of Simon Harrison may give us some insight into this curious situation. Harrison questions the commonplace assumption that the strength of enmity between ethnic groups is related to their cultural dissimilarity — in short, the bigger the difference the bigger the biffo. By that logic, the new ethnic-national monuments erected in the post-SFRY era ought to have been vandalised. Conversely, however, Harrison argues that enmity may be more an outcome of similarity, at least when that similarity is torn asunder by other kinds of division. This is so because ownership of previously shared and precious symbols of identity appears to be seen as subjected to appropriation by ones’ erstwhile comrades who are newly othered in such moments.This is, indeed, exactly what happened in post-socialist former-Yugoslavia. Yugoslavs were rendered now as ethnic-nationals: Bosniaks (Muslims), Croats and Serbs in the case of Bosnia. In the process, the erection of obviously non-ethnic-national monuments by, now inevitably ethnic-national subjects was perceived widely as appropriation – “the Croats [the monument in Mostar was sculpted by Croatian artist Ivan Fijolić] are stealing our Bruce Lee,” as one of my Bosnian-Serb informants exclaimed angrily.However, this begs the question: Why would symbols of Western popular culture evoke the kinds of emotions that result in iconoclasm more so than other ethnically non-reducible ones such as those of the Partisans that are celebrated in the old Socialist pan-Yugoslav monuments? The answer lies in the geopolitical history of the SFRY. The Yugoslav-Soviet Union split in 1956 forced the SFRY to develop ever-stronger ties with the West. The effects of this became quotidian, especially as people travelled more or less freely across international borders and consumed the products of Western Capitalism. Many of the things they consumed became deeply meaningful. Notably, barely anybody above a certain age does not reminisce fondly about the moment when participation in martial arts became a nationwide craze following the success of Bruce Lee’s films in the golden (1970s-80s) years of Western-bankrolled Yugoslav prosperity.Likewise, almost everyone above a certain age recalls the balmy summer of 1985, whose happy zeitgeist seemed to be summed up perfectly by Austrian band Opus’s song “Live is Life” (1985). This tune became popular in Yugoslavia due to its apparently feelgood message about the joys of attending live rock performances. In a sense, these moments and the consumption of things “Western” in general came to symbolise everything that was good about Yugoslavia and, indeed to define what it was to be Yugoslavs, especially in comparison to their isolated and materially deprived socialist comrades in the Warsaw Pact countries.However, iconoclastic acts are more than mere emotional responses to offensive instances of cultural appropriation. As Michael Taussig describes, iconoclasm reveals the public secrets that the monuments it targets conceal. SFRY’s great public secret, known especially to those people old enough to have experienced the inter-ethnic violence of WWII, was ethnic division and the state’s deceit of the historic normalcy of pan-Yugoslav identification. The secret was maintained by a formal state policy of forgetting. For example, the wording on monuments in sites of inter-ethnic violence in WWII is commonly of the variety: “here lie the victims in Yugoslavia’s struggle against imperialist forces and their internal quislings.” Said quislings were, of course, actually Serbs, Croats, and Muslims (i.e. fellow Yugoslavs), but those ethnic nomenclatures were almost never used.In contrast, in a context where Western popular cultural forms came to define the very essence of what it was to be Yugoslav, the iconoclasm of Western pop monuments, and the retroquotation of Western pop songs revealed the repressed deceit and the public secret of the reality of inter-ethnic tension at the heart of that which was regarded as quintessentially Yugoslav. In this way, the memory of Yugoslavia ever having been a properly functioning entity was delegitimised. Consequently, Laibach and their kind served to render the apparent reality of the Yugoslav ideal as little more than a dream. ReferencesEpstein, Mikhail N. 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Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Žižek, Slavoj. “Why Are Laibach and NSK Not Fascists?” 3 Sep. 2018 <www.nskstate.com/appendix/articles/why_are_laibach.php.>