Relevant bibliographies by topics / The theory of authoritarian regimes

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
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Academic literature on the topic 'The theory of authoritarian regimes'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "The theory of authoritarian regimes"

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Goldring, Edward, and Sheena Chestnut Greitens. "Rethinking Democratic Diffusion: Bringing Regime Type Back In." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 16, 2019): 319–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019852701.

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Studies of democratic diffusion often emphasize geographic proximity: democratization in a country or region makes democratization nearby more likely. We argue that regime type has been underappreciated; authoritarian breakdown and democratization often diffuse along networks of similar regimes. A regime’s type affects its vulnerability to popular challenge, and regime similarity increases the likelihood that protest strategies developed against one regime are effective against similar regimes. We employ a qualitative case study from China to generate our theory, then test it quantitatively and with out-of-sample cases. We find that regime similarity strongly predicts autocratic breakdown and democratic diffusion, making both outcomes more likely. Including regime similarity significantly reduces the effect of geographic proximity, although geographic proximity may increase the effect of regime similarity. Reinterpreting democratic diffusion as a regime-type phenomenon calls for revision to conventional wisdom on the role of international factors in authoritarian breakdown and democratization.
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Maerz, Seraphine F. "The Many Faces of Authoritarian Persistence: A Set-Theory Perspective on the Survival Strategies of Authoritarian Regimes." Government and Opposition 55, no. 1 (August 2, 2018): 64–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.17.

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AbstractThis article examines how authoritarian regimes combine various strategies of repression, co-optation and legitimation to remain in power. The contribution of the article is two-fold. First, I conceptualize the hexagon of authoritarian persistence as a framework to explain how authoritarian regimes manage to survive. The hexagon is based on Gerschewski’s (2013) three pillars of stability but proposes some crucial modifications. In contrast to the model of the three pillars, the hexagon can grasp the causal complexity of autocratic survival because it is rooted in set theory and accounts for asymmetric causal relations, conjunctural causation and equifinality. Based on this, it illuminates how authoritarian regimes use multiple, mutually non-exclusive survival strategies. The second contribution is an empirical exploration which applies the hexagon and provides a case-oriented analysis of 62 persistent and non-persistent authoritarian regimes (1991–2010). By using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, the findings of this assessment illustrate five configurations of the hexagon – called hegemonic, performance-dependent, rigid, overcompensating and adaptive authoritarianism – as those combinations of strategies which facilitate authoritarian survival.
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Lachapelle, Jean, Steven Levitsky, Lucan A. Way, and Adam E. Casey. "Social Revolution and Authoritarian Durability." World Politics 72, no. 4 (September 3, 2020): 557–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000106.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the causes of authoritarian durability. Why do some authoritarian regimes survive for decades, often despite severe crises, while others collapse quickly, even absent significant challenges? Based on an analysis of all authoritarian regimes between 1900 and 2015, the authors argue that regimes founded in violent social revolution are especially durable. Revolutionary regimes, such as those in Russia, China, Cuba, and Vietnam, endured for more than half a century in the face of strong external pressure, poor economic performance, and large-scale policy failures. The authors develop and test a theory that accounts for such durability using a novel data set of revolutionary regimes since 1900. The authors contend that autocracies that emerge out of violent social revolution tend to confront extraordinary military threats, which lead to the development of cohesive ruling parties and powerful and loyal security apparatuses, as well as to the destruction of alternative power centers. These characteristics account for revolutionary regimes’ unusual longevity.
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Alexander, Marcus. "Democratization and Hybrid Regimes." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 4 (September 8, 2008): 928–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408327634.

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Despite the central place of democratization studies in comparative politics, scholars still lack both theory and empirical evidence to understand institutional change in hybrid regimes (characterized by a collapse of one authoritarian regime and failure to transition to a consolidated democracy). This article makes a contribution to the emerging study of hybrid regimes by developing a middle-range theory for a medium- N set of previously neglected cases in Southeast Europe. It theorizes institutional change as a process initiated by the elites in power but then either accelerated or hampered by structural factors. After decomposing the effects of state capacity, opposition, and international influence in this dynamic and focusing on the process rather than the outcome, it is possible to refine the standard assumptions of democratization paradigm. The study finds that a strong state, a united opposition, and Western assistance can help authoritarian-leaning governments consolidate their coercive power.
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Kosterina, Svetlana. "Ambition, personalist regimes, and control of authoritarian leaders." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816630434.

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Why do elites in some authoritarian regimes but not others remove from power the leaders who harm their interests? We develop a formal theory explaining this. The theory shows how elites’ ambition prevents them from controlling authoritarian leaders. Because ambitious elites are willing to stage coups to acquire power even when the leader is good, ambition renders elites’ claims that the leader’s actions harm them less credible, making the other elites less likely to support coups. We show that the impact of the proportion of competent politicians on personalist regimes is non-monotonic: personalist regimes are most likely to emerge not only when there are few competent politicians but also when there are lots of them. We also provide insight into which elites become coup-plotters. The theory explains the emergence of personalist regimes, the frequency of coups, and why some authoritarian countries enjoy a more competent leadership than others.
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Riedl, Rachel Beatty, Dan Slater, Joseph Wong, and Daniel Ziblatt. "Authoritarian-Led Democratization." Annual Review of Political Science 23, no. 1 (May 11, 2020): 315–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-052318-025732.

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Authoritarian regimes become more likely to democratize when they face little choice or little risk. In some cases, the risk of democratization to authoritarian incumbents is so low that ending authoritarianism might not mean exiting power at all. This article develops a unified theory of authoritarian-led democratization under conditions of relatively low incumbent risk. We argue that the party strength of the authoritarian incumbent is the most pivotal factor in authoritarian-led democratization. When incumbent party strength has been substantial enough to give incumbent authoritarian politicians significant electoral victory confidence, nondemocratic regimes have pursued reversible democratic experiments that eventually culminated in stable, thriving democracies. Evidence from Europe's first wave of democratization and more recent democratic transitions in Taiwan and Ghana illustrate how party strength has underpinned authoritarian-led democratization across the world and across modern history.
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Kadivar, Mohammad Ali. "PREELECTION MOBILIZATION AND ELECTORAL OUTCOME IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-3-293.

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Does preelection protest have an effect on the outcomes of authoritarian elections? Electoral authoritarian regimes use elections to consolidate their power and claim democratic legitimacy. Nonetheless, on some occasions authoritarian incumbents lose elections despite their advantages, and a democratic breakthrough is achieved. I propose that preelection protests contribute to such election results. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on the effectiveness of postelection upheavals, and the effects of preelection protest are still theoretically and empirically understudied. This article proposes a theory for why preelection contention has an independent effect on incumbent defeat of authoritarian regimes and democratization. I present empirical support for the association between preelection protest activities, incumbent defeat, and democratization using data from 190 elections across 65 countries with nondemocratic regimes. The findings of this analysis have important implications for studies of social movements, authoritarian politics, and democratization.
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Munck, Gerardo L. "Democratic Theory afterTransitions from Authoritarian Rule." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 2 (June 2011): 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711000600.

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Recent events across the globe make clear the complexities of the politics of “democratization” and the importance of developing nuanced and compelling understandings of these complexities. In Eurasia, “Color Revolutions” have given way to democratic disappointments and “authoritarian regimes.” In north Africa, an unanticipated upsurge of democratic movements has felled autocrats in Tunisia and Egypt, but the political outcomes of these “transitions” are very much in doubt. Contemporary political science has developed an elaborate vocabulary for understanding such processes. And this vocabulary owes a great deal to a small group of scholars—Juan Linz, Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe Schmitter, Alfred Stepan and Adam Przeworksi—who helped to lay the theoretical foundations of our current understanding of politics around the globe.
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Chen, Jidong, and Yiqing Xu. "Information Manipulation and Reform in Authoritarian Regimes." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 1 (June 23, 2015): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.21.

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We develop a theory of how an authoritarian regime interactively uses information manipulation, such as propaganda or censorship, and policy improvement to maintain social stability. The government can depict the status quo policy more popularly supported than it actually is, while at the same time please citizens directly by enacting a costly reform. We show that the government’s ability of making policy concessions reduces its incentive to manipulate information and improves its credibility. Anticipating a higher chance of policy concessions and less information manipulation, citizens are more likely to believe the government-provided information and support the regime. Our model provides an explanation for the puzzling fact that reform coexists with selective information disclosure in authoritarian countries like China.
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Laruelle, Marlene. "Urban Regimes in Russia’s Northern Cities: Testing a Concept in a New Environment." ARCTIC 73, no. 1 (March 18, 2020): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14430/arctic69933.

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At a time when urbanization represents a major trend in human history and when the majority of the world’s population lives in an urban environment, the urban regime theory, developed by Clarence Stone in the 1980s, offers an insightful framework for discussing how urban stakeholders are compelled to work together to achieve their goals. While research on urban regimes has historically focused mainly on democratic contexts, this article argues that it is time to use urban regime theory in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian countries in order to better understand how urban politics develop. With growing urban activism and huge territorial contrasts, Russia offers a good case study for testing the notion of “urban regime.” This article focuses on three cities in Russia’s Far North—Murmansk, Norilsk, and Yakutsk—that face common sustainability challenges in Arctic or subarctic conditions; it delves into the mechanisms of their urban regimes and categorizes them by type: instrumental, organic, and symbolic.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The theory of authoritarian regimes"

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Alfasi, Kawther Nuri. "Political agency and the symbolic legacy of authoritarian regimes : the case of Libya." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/101760/.

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This thesis examines the emergence of contentious forms of political agency during the Libyan uprising of 2011. The wave of popular protests known as the ‘Arab Spring’ challenged prevailing assumptions about the politics of the region. It was argued that, through their unfettered, claims making practices, Arab publics had undermined authoritarian structures of power, and become imbued with new, empowering self-understandings. Positioning itself within this literature on Middle East politics, the thesis sets out to analyse authoritarianism as a mode of domination, and to investigate the extent to which moments of radical contestation both transform authoritarian regimes and generate new political subjectivities. The analysis is centred on the Libyan uprising, which emerged under Qadhafi’s authoritarian Jamahiriya, yet witnessed widespread protests, civil activism and an armed conflict from February to August 2011. The thesis integrates multi-institutional politics theory with theories of contentious politics in order to conceptualise domination as located in social ‘institutions’ that are simultaneously material and symbolic. In turn, it understands agency as a strategic and symbolic representational practice that is capable of transforming institutional structures. Drawing on interviews with Libyan activists, and on the analysis of social movement discourses, the thesis advances three core arguments. Firstly, it argues that Qadhafi’s Jamahiriya embedded political agency into its system of domination by engendering complicity. Secondly, it argues that in 2011, Libyans undercut the Jamahiriya’s monopoly over meaning and practice by generating mobilising ‘collective action frames’, and by subverting its symbolic and classificatory schemas. Lastly, it indicates that representational practices ultimately struggled to transform authoritarian domination because they were bound up with the strategic logics of collective action, and because they re-inscribed the Jamahiriya’s definitions of power and collectivity. In proffering these arguments, this thesis generates a new body of empirical material on an understudied case, and critically applies, challenges and extends theories of authoritarianism and contentious politics.
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Keller, Franziska Barbara. "Networks of Power. Using Social Network Analysis to Understand Who Will Rule and Who is Really in Charge in an Authoritarian Regime. Theory, Method, and Application on Chinese Communist Elites (1982-2012)." Thesis, New York University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3740801.

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Patronage networks are said to help elites advance into a regime's inner circle or lead to their downfall, as well as influence regime stability and other political outcomes. But researchers have only systematically studied individual patron-client ties instead of taking advantage of the tools provided by social network analysis (SNA). In three related papers, this dissertation evaluates the best method to measure patronage networks, develops a theory of coalition formation along them, and tests it on the members of the Chinese Communist Party's Central Committee from 1982 until 2012.

The first paper argues that informal politics is better conceptualized through networks than factions, and identifies and evaluates two common approaches to measure such networks: the inductive approach, which relies on a qualitative assessment of insider sources, and the deductive approach, which infers the network from publicly available data. The paper evaluates several commonly used approaches to deduce networks among Chinese political elites. Using methods and concepts developed in Social Network Analysis, it finds that coworker networks perform best in these tests, but can be further refined by noting the number of instances of working together, or by taking into account promotions that have occurred while the two individuals were coworkers.

The second paper develops a model in which one or two leaders form their coalitions along network ties connecting the relevant political elites, the selectorate. Simulations on random networks and real-life patronage networks among Chinese elites illustrate how all but the regular (lattice or complete) network lead to power differentials between the members of the selectorate. The model identifies three specific network positions: those that increase the chances of entering the winning coalition, those that enable coalition leaders to remain in charge of the coalition, and those that help a ruler fend off the opposition. It discusses their respective properties, and shows that powerful Chinese elites do indeed hold the corresponding positions. Furthermore, in a model with two competing leaders the network structure provides an endogenous explanation for winning coalition sizes smaller than the bare majority.

The third paper tests the theory on promotion networks - indicating who has been promoted under whom - among the Chinese Communist elite 1982-2012. A hazard analysis demonstrates that direct connections to patrons double the chance of being appointed to the Politburo. But links to current and former subordinates - unlike those to superiors - among the other elite also have a significant positive effect. Finally, network centrality measures can identify current patrons and predict appointments to the inner circles five or ten years later even if the identity of the patrons is unknown. Future Politburo members are found in network positions that capture popularity as a coalition partner (closeness centrality), while patrons hold network positions from which they can preempt opposition from within their coalition (betweenness centrality).

The dissertation thus shows the importance of analyzing informal elite networks instead of just the ties between one specific leader and his or her followers. It also proposes SNA as a new theoretical and empirical approach to the understudied informal institutions of authoritarian regimes, suggesting a more principled, but also more nuanced way of measuring one such institution: political patronage.

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Olar, Roman-Gabriel. "Institutionalization, repression and political instability in authoritarian regimes." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22671/.

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Given that autocrats can be challenged by insiders of their ruling coalition and/or by the citizens of the country they govern, what control strategies can they use in order to minimize the potential for conflict and violence? The current literature on authoritarian politics focuses on the use of co-optation and repression to explain how autocrats mitigate the hazardous conditions under which they rule. The former induce compliance and co-operation by providing social and material benefits, while the latter forces with the threat of physical punishment. While both control strategies received significant attention in the literature, they have been mostly examined separately from each other. Against this background, this thesis contributes to the literature on authoritarian politics and state repression by focusing on the connection between co-optation and repression, on how autocrats use these two control strategies to prevent challenges and how the use of one control strategy impacts the use of the other. This dissertation builds on some of the theoretical and empirical tensions in the current literature and brings several theoretical and empirical contributions to our understanding of authoritarian politics. Theoretically, this dissertation contributes to the literature by offering an actor-oriented theoretical explanation of autocratic repression against social campaigns, an alternative theoretical mechanism on the coup reducing effect of institutions and a transnational theoretical account of autocratic repression. The empirical contribution of this dissertation rests in showing that accounting for actors’ characteristics improves models’ predictive power, that we know very little about the factors that explain coups’ success in autocracies and demonstrates there is a transnational interdependence in autocratic repression. The findings of this dissertation have implications for dissidents mobilizing against autocrats, for professionals and policy makers interested in political (in)stability, and for organizations attempting to improve human rights practices worldwide.
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Frantz, Erica Emily. "Tying the dictator's hands elite coalitions in authoritarian regimes /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1579964161&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Erayja, Salem Ali S. "ICT activism in authoritarian regimes : organisation, mobilisation and contexts." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/16292/.

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The world has witnessed many contentious political situations in recent years, such as the Arab Spring, in which information and communication technologies (ICT) have arguably played a critical role. Although there is wide scholarly agreement that ICT enable fast and low cost activism, their role in creating significant changes offline remains ambiguous. The research to date has focused on a more democratic context; however, in non-democratic contexts, the political and social environment is critically different, which could influence social movements’ use of ICT and their impact. Therefore, online activism in an Arab authoritarian context requires further empirical investigations. Based on 30 semi-structured interviews with activists from six insider and outsider groups, this thesis investigates the role of ICT in the socio-political context of Saudi Arabia, focussing on movements’ activities concerning formation, organisation and mobilisation. It has been found that the socio-political context is critical in shaping both constraints and opportunities for movements’ activities. The repressive political system, the power of religion and social traditions can act as constraints on activism. However, ICT offer significant platforms that enable activists to challenge the reality of the context and turn such constraints into opportunities. The thesis introduces the LOAF model to explain the six stages of progression for online activism formation. In addition, I argue that the decentralised organisational structure of outsider movements, along with the new form of rotated leadership online, can be understood as a strategic response to the repressive context. Insider movements, as less repressed groups, tend to form their organisation in a more bureaucratic way. ICT effectively facilitate activists with an alternative mobilisation tool to recruit elites, raise awareness and challenge the public’s cultural and political understandings. Finally, I conclude that in order to reach more nuanced conclusions, social movement research should consider both the nature of the socio-political environment (authoritarian or otherwise), and the stage of formation that the investigated movement has achieved.
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Haugen, Andreas. "Adapting to Democracy: Voter Turnout Among Immigrants from Authoritarian Regimes." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437702.

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Voting in an election is the most basic and fundamental form of political participation in a democracy. Citizens are given the opportunity to elect legislators that take political decisions on their behalf. As immigration is increasing globally, many immigrants find themselves with this opportunity for the very first time immigrating from authoritarian regimes. Are immigrants from authoritarian regime able to adapt to their new political setting, or is there an observable difference in voter turnout based on the regime-type of the immigrant’s native country? There exist three branches of theories within the theoretical framework of political resocializa-tion: the theory of exposure, the theory of transferability and the theory of resistance. Previous research on the adaptability of immigrants from authoritarian regimes is often single case stud-ies that only analyse one of the three branches or analyse different forms of political participa-tion and have produced somewhat contradicting results. With empirical evidence remaining the relationship between voter turnout and regime-type is yet to be fully comprehended. By using data from the European Value Survey, this study tests all three theories of political resocializa-tion in 34 countries, to further generate insight into this matter. The results show that immigrants from authoritarian regimes are not less likely to vote in the national election of their new host country. The amount of exposure to the new host country, or whether the immigrant spent his “formative years” in the authoritarian regime are not statisti-cally significant to voting. Age, marital status, education and income are shown to be more statistically significant predictors to voter turnout, compared to regime-type.
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Escobar, Ana Margarita Chavez. "From Authoritarian to Democratic regimes : the new role of security intelligence." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA389897.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold. "March 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-143). Also Available online.
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MacDonald, Andrew W. "What is the nature of authoritarian regimes? : responsive authoritarianism in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ea011de5-9231-4f77-9899-2d1bbe5be2a5.

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This work proposes a new theory of authoritarian regimes: responsive authoritarianism. Most existing theories of autocracies take as their point of departure elite politics or the state’s repressive apparatus to explain the rise and fall of regimes. I argue that, for many states, regimes also have to consider the consent of the governed when designing policies. Specifically, when regime legitimacy is low but the central leadership maintains a long time horizon, autocratic regimes are predicted to become more responsive to the needs of citizens. This theory is tested against a number of aspects of the Chinese fiscal system dealing with public goods provision during the period of 2002-2011 and generally finds in favor of the theory. Chapter 4 tests the fiscal transfer system, Chapter 5 tests the fiscal expenditure data, and Chapter 6 tests data on the results of the transfer and expenditure data: actual public goods provision. This theory has a number of implications that suggest that scholars begin to rethink how they conceptualize power dynamics within an authoritarian regime, in particular paying closer attention to the relationship between the ruler(s) and the ruled. It suggests that, at least in the political science literature, power be returned to the people.
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Elakder, Abdurraouf. "Sanctions and the salvation of the authoritarian regimes Libya, Eritrea, and Iraq." Thesis, Western Illinois University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1572923.

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There are studies that have touched on the question of whether sanctions are effective or not. Some argue that sanctions are effective in achieving their goals, while others argue that they are ineffective. Some adopt the opinion that sanctions are effective with other foreign policy tools in specific conditions conducted with them. But there are not many who write about the adverse effects of sanctions on the target country's internal politics after their failure to achieve their goals as a separate subject.

This study highlights the counterproductivity of sanctions imposed on the authoritarian regimes that aim to pressure them into changing their policies or bring them down. The paper goes beyond the ineffectiveness of sanctions to argue that sanctions that target the authoritarian regimes help to strengthen the position of the authoritarian leaders instead of bringing political change. That happens in two different ways: If the sanctions are smart they either provoke the masses or unite them, which in turn shifts the public opinion in favor of the target regime or the target regime led by its charismatic leader will manipulate and exaggerate their effects for the purposes of furthering his power. If sanctions are comprehensive, however, they cause economic crisis and devastation of socioeconomic structures that hit the whole society and ensure the regime's continuity by limiting the capacity of the public to organize. In both situations the imposition of the sanctions would strengthen the sanctioned authoritarian regime. In this study, Libya and Eritrea were selected to examine the hypothesis on smart sanctions on the authoritarian regime while Iraq was chosen to examine the hypothesis on comprehensive sanctions.

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Sigurdh, Lina. "Militarization: A Witch's War Brew? : How military power affects authoritarian regimes' behavior." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430265.

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The effect of regime type on conflict onset is a well-studied phenomenon, and various studies have found that variance in regime type, and within regime types, affects conflict onset. For instance, militarization in autocracies seems to be linked with increased risk of initiating conflict. However, even in the studies that disaggregate types of autocracies, the categorizations are relatively shallow. This thesis aims to create a definition of military dictatorships which captures their complexity more fully, to determine whether militarization truly does increase the risk of conflict onset. Military dictatorships are here defined as a state that achieves and maintains power through threat or actual use of force, is outwardly or effectively controlled by military officers, and places high value on maintaining a powerful armed force to protect constitutional and territorial integrity. The method used is a logistic regression, where the independent variable is military dictatorship, and the dependent variable is directed dyads. The results show that when a state is a military dictatorship, the log odds of it initiating conflict is 0.73; military dictatorships are indeed more likely to initiate conflict than autocracies in general.
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Books on the topic "The theory of authoritarian regimes"

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Simpser, Alberto. Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes. Edited by Tom Ginsburg. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781107252523.

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Michalik, Susanne. Multiparty Elections in Authoritarian Regimes. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-09511-6.

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Cerasi, Laura. Genealogie e geografie dell’anti-democrazia nella crisi europea degli anni Trenta. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-317-5.

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The European responses to the inter-war years crisis were marked by the emergence of fascist and corporatist movements and regimes, combined with the creation of cultural and political networks of the radical right. Their ability to express ultra-nationalist, organicistic, palingenetic communitarian trends, radically hostile to socialist egalitarianism and liberal individualism, aiming at a national, hierarchical, collective new order, posed the ultimate authoritarian threat to European democracy. This book investigates cultural genealogies as well a as national and transnational geographies of such regimes, movements and cultures: for their transversal political nature, they provide a privileged ground for new perspectives in the inter-war crisis of Western culture, and for questioning their legacies to postwar world.
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Dalpino, Catharin E. Deferring democracy: Promoting openness in authoritarian regimes. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 2000.

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The dictator's army: Battlefield effectiveness in authoritarian regimes. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015.

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Hackenesch, Christine. The EU and China in African Authoritarian Regimes. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63591-0.

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Howard, Marc Morjé. Opposition coalitions and political liberalization in competitive authoritarian regimes. Glasgow: University of Strathclyde, 2004.

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M, Ezrow Natasha, ed. The politics of dictatorship: Institutions and outcomes in authoritarian regimes. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2011.

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Ginsburg, Tom, and Tamir Moustafa, eds. Rule by Law: The Politics of Courts in Authoritarian Regimes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511814822.

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Politics of democratization: Changing authoritarian regimes in sub-Saharan Africa. Münster: Lit, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "The theory of authoritarian regimes"

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Hess, Steve. "Personalist Regimes." In Authoritarian Landscapes, 109–19. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6537-9_6.

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Hess, Steve. "Single-Party Regimes." In Authoritarian Landscapes, 41–52. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6537-9_3.

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Herrschel, Tassilo, and Yonn Dierwechter. "Beyond post-authoritarian regimes." In Smart Transitions in City Regionalism, 173–222. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Regions and cities: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315696775-7.

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Lindstaedt, Natasha. "6. Authoritarian Regimes." In Comparative Politics, 103–16. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820604.003.0006.

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For many years, the concept of an authoritarian regime was considered to be one large category, with little understanding of how these regimes differed. The study of authoritarian regimes has come a long way since. Though all authoritarian regimes share in common that there is no turnover in power of the executive, there are considerable differences that distinguish autocracies. Authoritarian regimes today are increasingly attempting to use ‘democratic’ institutions to prolong their rule. This has led to a rise in competitive authoritarian regimes, or hybrid regimes. In spite of these changes, authoritarian regimes are more robust than ever. This chapter explains the different ways in which authoritarian regimes are categorized. The chapter then explains how the different types of authoritarian regimes perform, and what factors make them more durable. As the chapter demonstrates, autocratic regimes have become increasingly better equipped to maintain themselves.
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"A Theory of Polarization in Authoritarian Regimes." In After Repression, 36–56. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvxrpz35.8.

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Nugent, Elizabeth R. "A Theory of Polarization in Authoritarian Regimes." In After Repression, 36–56. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691203058.003.0002.

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This chapter presents the book's argument in detail. It begins by reviewing existing work on three central concepts: polarization, preference formation, and repression. The chapter also highlights insights from social psychology on shared trauma, identity formation, and the causes and consequences of group identification, which are fundamental to understanding where and how the argument builds on existing approaches to polarization. It then outlines the argument that the repressive conditions within an authoritarian regime can help predict polarization levels during a transition period. The nature of the regime's political repression affects how opposition groups come to identify themselves, which in turn shapes differences in affect and preferences among the opposition groups. In this way, the nature of repression in authoritarian systems shapes the levels of political polarization observed during transitions.
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Frantz, Erica. "Authoritarian Regime Types." In Authoritarianism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190880194.003.0005.

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How Do Authoritarian Regimes Differ from One Another? Authoritarian regimes sometimes can seem more different from one another than they are from democracies. As an extreme example, take two authoritarian regimes that have governed in southern Africa for the bulk of the last few decades...
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"2 A Theory of Polarization in Authoritarian Regimes." In After Repression, 36–56. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691203072-006.

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Chen, Weitseng. "Same Bed, Different Dreams." In The Global South and Comparative Constitutional Law, 250–69. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198850403.003.0011.

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This chapter analyses legality in hybrid regimes in Asia, which refers to countries categorized by varying strands of literature as ‘semi-democracy’, ‘competitive authoritarianism’, or ‘electoral authoritarian regimes’. This type of hybrid regime is common in Asia and very much a product of the contemporary world where the functionalities of legality and constitutional law are recognized by not only democratic countries but also authoritarian states. This essay seeks to answer three questions: first, why would authoritarians accept the idea of legality and what exactly do they mean by legality? Second, what makes authoritarian legality functional and stable? Third, what are the factors that provide the conditions for the transition towards a more liberal and democratic system? The experience of East Asian hybrid regimes shows that authoritarian legality and constitutionalism is not only possible but actually exists in many Asian states associated with reputed prosperity. That being said, various limitations exist. It is also theoretically problematic and empirically wrong to assume a linear theory about the trajectory of legality development moving towards democracy.
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Kendall-Taylor, Andrea, Natasha Lindstaedt, and Erica Frantz. "13. The Rise of Populism and Its Impact on Democracy." In Democracies and Authoritarian Regimes, 255–72. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820819.003.0013.

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What is populism? 256 Populist ideology 257 Populist leaders 261 Populist supporters 263 Populism and democracy 265 The drivers of populism 267 Conclusion 271 Key Questions 271 Further Reading 272 Populism is not new. Although there has been a substantial uptick in support for populist parties and leaders in recent years, populism has long been a feature of democratic politics. Since Roman times, almost every type of government holding competitive elections has experienced some form of populism (...
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Conference papers on the topic "The theory of authoritarian regimes"

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Shyles, Len. "Deployment of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in democratic states vs. authoritarian regimes: What difference does it make?" In Annual International Conference on Journalism & Mass Communications (JMComm 2016). Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2301-3710_jmcomm16.45.

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Ozgur, Ayfer, Ramesh Johari, David Tse, and Olivier Leveque. "Information theoretic operating regimes of large wireless networks." In 2008 IEEE International Symposium on Information Theory - ISIT. IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isit.2008.4594973.

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Alfano, Giusi, Maxime Guillaud, and Antonia Tulino. "High and low-SNR regimes for stochastic networks." In 2008 International Symposium on Information Theory and Its Applications (ISITA). IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isita.2008.4895492.

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Berk, Aaron, Yaniv Plan, and Ozgur Yilmaz. "Parameter Instability Regimes in Sparse Proximal Denoising Programs." In 2019 13th International conference on Sampling Theory and Applications (SampTA). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sampta45681.2019.9030982.

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Orhan Nalbantoglu, Ezgi. "Transition in Spaces of Power: An analysis on public buildings in Ankara, Turkey." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.5067.

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Ankara, the capital of Turkey, experienced a fundamental spatial structuring process after the proclamation of the Republic. The vision of modernity and protective economic structure of the Early Republican era determined the spatial configuration of the city and produced public buildings as the icons of the young regime. City planning and architecture had been used as the instruments of the new regime in making itself visible, concrete, and symbolized. The buildings and urban plans transmitting the foundation ideals of Republic together with modernity have contributed to the creation of national sovereignty and a modern society. After the span of eighty years, the new politic-economic climate of Turkey redesigned the urban regime of Ankara and its symbols. One of the most concrete transformations is observed in the public offices which convey the political and economic intents of each period through their spatial and architectural organizations, and symbolic meanings. This study examines the change in the urban symbols with an emphasis on public offices; their spatial organization, their archistar buildings, and their messages conveyed to public with respect to the change in political and economic systems. This article concludes that public offices and their relations with urban space and public are considered as the icons in representing the dominant political power in both the early republican period and post-2000s; the former period benefited them as the visual representations of national sovereignty while the latter used them as the landmarks of the authoritarian and neoliberal political power over the nation.
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Baalrud, Scott D., and Jerome Daligault. "An effective potential theory for transport coefficients across coupling regimes." In 2013 IEEE 40th International Conference on Plasma Sciences (ICOPS). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/plasma.2013.6633307.

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Lee, Si-Hyeon, Vincent Y. F. Tan, and Ashish Khisti. "Streaming data transmission in the moderate deviations and central limit regimes." In 2016 IEEE International Symposium on Information Theory (ISIT). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isit.2016.7541864.

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Slepyan, G. Ya, M. V. Shuba, A. M. Nemilentsau, and S. A. Maksimenko. "Electromagnetic theory of nanodimensional antennas for terahertz, infrared and optical regimes." In 2008 International Conference on Mathematical Methods in Electromagnetic Theory (MEET). IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mmet.2008.4580910.

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Braunmueller, F., J. Genoud, S. Alberti, T. M. Tran, J. Ph Hogge, Q. Vuillemin, and M. Q. Tran. "Experiment-theory comparison of non-stationary and chaotic regimes in gyrotrons." In 2013 38th International Conference on Infrared, Millimeter, and Terahertz Waves (IRMMW-THz 2013). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/irmmw-thz.2013.6665483.

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Gomez-Cuba, Felipe, Sundeep Rangan, and Elza Erkip. "Scaling laws for Infrastructure Single and multihop wireless networks in wideband regimes." In 2014 IEEE International Symposium on Information Theory (ISIT). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isit.2014.6874798.

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Reports on the topic "The theory of authoritarian regimes"

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Terzyan, Aram. State-Building in Belarus: The Politics of Repression Under Lukashenko’s Rule. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-2-2019.

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This paper explores the politics of repression and coercion in Belarus, with a focus on the Belarusian authorities’ brutal responses to dissident activities. While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Belarus has demonstrated, Lukashenko’s effort’s at perpetuating his power have prompted his regime into increasing the role of repressions. Coercion and repression have been critical to suppressing dissent and pluralism across the country. Essentially, successful, mass-based opposition to the ruling elites, that led to 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia served as examples to discontented elements in Belarus. Meanwhile, to shield itself from the diffusion effects of ‘color revolutions’, the Belarusian regime has tended to reinforce its repressive toolkit through suppressing the civil society, coercing the opposition, and preventing the latter from challenging Lukashenko’s rule. This study enquires into the anatomy of repressive governance in Europe’s “last dictatorship.”
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Anderson, Patrick S. US Support for Democracy in Authoritarian Regimes. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada568394.

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Terzyan, Aram. Varieties of Post-Soviet Authoritarian Regimes: The Cases of Belarus and Armenia. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/erd-7-2020.

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Bernard, Michael Lewis. Dynamic Analytical Capability to Better Understand and Anticipate Extremist Shifts Within Populations under Authoritarian Regimes. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), November 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1227235.

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Figueredo, Michael. An Examination of Factors that Catalyze LGBTQ Movements in Middle Eastern and North African Authoritarian Regimes. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2475.

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Sagan, Scott D. Deterring Rogue Regimes: Rethinking Deterrence Theory and Practice. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada586065.

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Hwang, Tim. Shaping the Terrain of AI Competition. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, June 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/20190029.

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How should democracies effectively compete against authoritarian regimes in the AI space? This report offers a “terrain strategy” for the United States to leverage the malleability of artificial intelligence to offset authoritarians' structural advantages in engineering and deploying AI.
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Kolarzik, Nina, and Aram Terzyan. The State of Human Rights and Political Freedoms in Belarus: Was the Crisis Inevitable? Eurasia Institutes, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-4-2020.

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The rule of Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus has created one of the most resilient authoritarian regimes in post-communist Europe. Meanwhile, the turmoil triggered by the 2020 presidential election has put in the spotlight the mounting challenges facing Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule. This paper investigates the state of human rights and political freedoms in Belarus, focusing on the main rationale behind the turmoil surrounding the 2020 presidential election. It concludes that the political crisis following the elections is the unsurprising consequence of Lukashenko’s diminishing ability to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents.
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Terzyan, Aram. The Politics of Repression in Central Asia: The Cases of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/caps-2-2020.

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This paper explores the landscape of repressive politics in the three Central Asian states of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan with an emphasis on the phase of “transformative violence” and the patterns of inconsistent repression. It argues that repressions alone cannot guarantee the longevity of authoritarian regimes. It is for this reason that the Central Asian authoritarian leaders consistently come up with discursive justifications of repression, not least through portraying it as a necessary tool for progress or security. While the new Central Asian leaders’ discourses are characterized by liberal narratives, the illiberal practices keep prevailing across these countries.
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Terzyan, Aram. New President, Old Problems: The Challenges of Post-Nazarbayev State-Building in Kazakhstan. Eurasia Institutes, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-5-2020.

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This paper explores post-Nazarbayev state-building in Kazakhstan, focusing on domestic and foreign policy implications of the power transition. After thirty years of incumbency, President Nursultan Nazarbayev stepped down in 2019, smoothly transferring the power to his nominee, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, and thus plunged the country into a sensitive phase of power transition. This study suggests that the power transition in Kazakhstan has not led to significant improvements in terms of human rights and political freedoms protection, leaving the state of the weak opposition and constrained civil society intact. Kazakhstan keeps maintaining the core features of oil-rich countries, with hydrocarbon-based economy and regime stability stemming from an “authoritarian bargain” between the state and society. Besides, there has been continuity in foreign policy, with Kazakhstan further pursuing a multi-vectoral foreign policy agenda.
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