Books: 'The theory of authoritarian regimes'

1

Simpser, Alberto. Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes. Edited by Tom Ginsburg. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781107252523.

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Michalik, Susanne. Multiparty Elections in Authoritarian Regimes. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-09511-6.

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Cerasi, Laura. Genealogie e geografie dell’anti-democrazia nella crisi europea degli anni Trenta. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-317-5.

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The European responses to the inter-war years crisis were marked by the emergence of fascist and corporatist movements and regimes, combined with the creation of cultural and political networks of the radical right. Their ability to express ultra-nationalist, organicistic, palingenetic communitarian trends, radically hostile to socialist egalitarianism and liberal individualism, aiming at a national, hierarchical, collective new order, posed the ultimate authoritarian threat to European democracy. This book investigates cultural genealogies as well a as national and transnational geographies of such regimes, movements and cultures: for their transversal political nature, they provide a privileged ground for new perspectives in the inter-war crisis of Western culture, and for questioning their legacies to postwar world.

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4

Dalpino, Catharin E. Deferring democracy: Promoting openness in authoritarian regimes. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 2000.

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5

The dictator's army: Battlefield effectiveness in authoritarian regimes. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015.

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6

Hackenesch, Christine. The EU and China in African Authoritarian Regimes. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63591-0.

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7

Howard, Marc Morjé. Opposition coalitions and political liberalization in competitive authoritarian regimes. Glasgow: University of Strathclyde, 2004.

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8

M, Ezrow Natasha, ed. The politics of dictatorship: Institutions and outcomes in authoritarian regimes. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2011.

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9

Ginsburg, Tom, and Tamir Moustafa, eds. Rule by Law: The Politics of Courts in Authoritarian Regimes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511814822.

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10

Politics of democratization: Changing authoritarian regimes in sub-Saharan Africa. Münster: Lit, 1995.

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11

Ruijgrok, Kris. Internet Use and Protest in Malaysia and other Authoritarian Regimes. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68325-2.

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12

Non-democratic regimes: Theory, government, and politics. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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13

Malou, Innocent, ed. Perilous partners: The benefits and pitfalls of America's alliances with authoritarian regimes. Washington, D.C: Cato Institute, 2015.

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14

Gordon, Uri. Anarchy Alive!: Anti-authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory. London: Pluto Press, 2007.

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15

Dual transitions from authoritarian rule: Institutional regimes in Chile and Mexico, 1970-2000. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008.

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16

Hackenesch, Christine. The EU and China in African Authoritarian Regimes: Domestic Politics and Governance Reforms. Basingstoke: Springer Nature, 2018.

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17

Islamist opposition in authoritarian regimes: The Party of Justice and Development in Morocco. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2011.

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18

Economic crises and the breakdown of authoritarian regimes: Indonesia and Malaysia in comparative perspective. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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19

Gržinić, Marina, Aneta Stojnić, and Miško Šuvaković, eds. Regimes of Invisibility in Contemporary Art, Theory and Culture. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-55173-9.

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20

Jeanne, Olivier. Noise trading and exchange rate regimes. Wellington, New Zealand: Reserve Bank of New Zealand, 1999.

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21

Jeanne, Olivier. Noise trading and exchange rate regimes. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1999.

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22

Kamiński, Antoni Z. An institutional theory of communist regimes: Design, function, and breakdown. San Francisco, Calif: ICS Press, 1992.

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23

Saravanamuttu, J. Industrialization and the institutionalization of authoritarian political regimes: The consequences of NICdom in Malaysia and Singapore. Yokohama, Japan: PRIME, International Peace Research Institute Meigaku, 1991.

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24

Forbes, H. D. Nationalism, ethnocentrism, and personality: Social science and critical theory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985.

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25

Brooker, Paul. 6. Authoritarian regimes. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the concept of an authoritarian regime. Aside from the fact that they are not democracies, authoritarian regimes have little in common and are considerably diverse: from monarchies to military regimes, from clergy-dominated regimes to communist regimes, and from seeking a totalitarian control of thought through indoctrination to seeking recognition as a multiparty democracy through using semi-competitive elections. The chapter first traces the historical evolution of authoritarian regimes, with particular emphasis on the three-phase modernization of dictatorship in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It then explores the key questions of who rules an authoritarian regime, why they rule (their claim to legitimacy), and how they rule (their mechanisms of control). Finally, it considers two differing perspectives on the past and future of authoritarianism: the extinction interpretation and the evolution interpretation.

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26

Ferdinand, Peter. 13. Democracies, Democratization, and Authoritarian Regimes. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198704386.003.0014.

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This chapter focuses on democracies, democratization, and authoritarian regimes. It first considers the two main approaches to analysing the global rise of democracy over the last thirty years: first, long-term trends of modernization, and more specifically economic development, that create preconditions for democracy and opportunities for democratic entrepreneurs; and second, the sequences of more short-term events and actions of key actors at moments of national crisis that have precipitated a democratic transition — also known as ‘transitology’. The chapter proceeds by discussing the different types of democracy and the strategies used to measure democracy. It also reviews the more recent literature on authoritarian systems and why they persist. Finally, it examines the challenges that confront democracy in the face of authoritarian revival.

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27

Koesel, Karrie, Valerie Bunce, and Jessica Weiss, eds. Citizens and the State in Authoritarian Regimes. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190093488.001.0001.

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This volume compares the two most powerful authoritarian states in global politics today: Russia and China. For all their power and money, both regimes have faced difficult trade-offs in seeking both political stability and reliable information about society while confronting the West and its international influence. They have also made different choices: Russia today is a competitive authoritarian regime, while China is a non-competitive authoritarian regime. Despite the different paths taken after the tumultuous events of 1989, both regimes have returned to a more personalized form of authoritarian rule. By placing China and Russia side by side, this volume examines regime-society relations and produces new insights, including what strategies their rulers have used to stay in power while forging political stability and gathering information; how societal groups have resisted, complied with, or responded to these strategies; and what costs and benefits, both anticipated and unexpected, have accompanied the bargains political leaders and their societies have struck. The essays in this volume change the way we understand authoritarian politics and expand the terrain of how we analyze regime-society relations in authoritarian states. On the societal side, this book looks not just at society as a whole but also at the specific roles of public opinion, labor politics, political socialization, political protests, media politics, environmental movements, and nongovernmental organizations. On the regime side, this study is distinctive in examining not just domestic threats and the general strategies rulers deploy in order to manage them but also international threats and the rationale behind and impact of new laws and new policies, both domestic and international.

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28

Reny, Marie-Eve. Containment across Authoritarian Landscapes. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190698089.003.0007.

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The value of a concept lies in large part in its ability to travel and explain dynamics across settings. Authoritarian regimes other than China have contained informal religious organizations. This chapter explains why, and to some extent how, the Mukhabarat has contained jihadi Salafists in post-Zarqawi Jordan, starting in 2006. Similarly, it accounts for why and how President Sadat contained the Muslim Brotherhood in 1970s Egypt, following the earlier regime’s attempt to eradicate the organization. As in China, state actors in these two cases contained informal religious groups, as their interests did not conflict with authoritarian regime resilience and the networks they were part of were incohesive.

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29

Krzywdzinski, Martin. Theory and State of the Research. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198806486.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the state of the current research on workplace consent in authoritarian states. It reviews the existing empirical studies of factory regimes in Russia and China and existing theories of workplace consent. The core of the chapter focuses on developing the theoretical approach used in the study. This approach centers on three consent-generation mechanisms: socialization, incentives, and participation. Taken together, these mechanisms are referred to as the factory regime. Based on the assumption that participation mechanisms are absent or underdeveloped in authoritarian societies, the chapter develops the thesis that, to generate consent and compensate for the lack of participation, authoritarian societies need to rely on very intensive organizational socialization processes (including social engineering) and material incentives.

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30

Volpi, Frédéric. Redrawing Contention and Authoritarian Practices. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190642921.003.0005.

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This chapter focuses on the routinization of the interpretations and behaviors initiated by the protest episodes. It details the new dynamics of protest mobilization and their implications for preexisting practices of governance. The analysis illustrates how the self-reflective construction of “revolutionary” practices fundamentally reframed government and opposition interactions. The modalities of mobilization and the role played by violence are flagged up as the factors that shaped most decisively the strategic choices of the protesters and the regimes at that stage of the uprisings. Growing protest momentum is only one of the possible outcomes of the protests. The chapter also outlines how the routinization of protest can lead instead to the entrenchment of non-system-challenging forms of mobilization. In those cases, the interactions between pro- and anti-regime actors progressively reaffirm the repertoires of contention and techniques of governance already established in the polities.

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31

Meierhenrich, Jens. Authoritarian Rule of Law. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814412.003.0009.

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What for many years was seen as an oxymoron—the notion of an authoritarian rule of law—no longer is. Instead, the phenomenon has become a cutting edge concern in law-and-society research. In this concluding chapter, I situate Fraenkel’s theory of dictatorship in this emerging research program. In the first section, I turn the notion of an authoritarian rule of law into a social science concept. In the second section, I relate this concept to that of the dual state and both to the political science literature on so-called hybrid regimes. Drawing on this synthesis, the third section makes the concept of the dual state usable for comparative-historical analysis. Through a series of empirical vignettes, I demonstrate the contemporary relevance of Fraenkel’s institutional analysis of the Nazi state. I show why it is essential reading for anyone trying to understand the legal origins of dictatorship, then and now.

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32

Cheibub, José Antonio, and James Raymond Vreeland. Modernization Theory. Edited by Carol Lancaster and Nicolas van de Walle. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199845156.013.26.

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This article examines the link between economic development and democracy. Drawing on modernization theory, it considers whether democracy is more likely to emerge in a country that modernizes economically. After discussing various criticisms against modernization theory, the article reviews statistical evidence to determine whether economic modernization gives rise to democracy. It argues that the correlation between economic development and democracy stems from the survival of democracy and that a poor authoritarian regime is not likely to turn into a democracy even if it receives economic assistance, either in the form of foreign aid or access to markets through trade. The article highlights the correlation between economic level and survival, rather than between economic growth and survival, noting that economic growth can be helpful only if it is sustained.

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33

Obydenkova, Anastassia V., and Alexander Libman. Authoritarian Regionalism in the World of International Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198839040.001.0001.

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The post-Cold War world has witnessed the extensive development of regional international organizations world-wide. The realtionship between their membership and democratization remains a topic of intense scholarly debate. This book opens up a new aspect of the debate by examining regional organization as set up by autocracies (e.g. Iran, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Russia, and China)—referring to them as “non-democratic regional organizations.” How do these newly emerged organizations counteract and confront the democratization process in their own member states and beyond their borders? How and why do the political regimes, the economic development and the cultures of their member states impac the foundation and development of these organizations? What influence do these organizations have on migration, trade, conflicts, and democratization? The book addresses these questions by developing a new theory of authoritarian regionalism. Employing quantitative analysis of authoritarian regionalism world-wide and its historical development since the 1950s, as well as analysing case studies of post-Soviet Eurasia, the book argues that authoritarian regionalism is a new phenomenon in world politics and that modern non-democratic organizations differ from their historical predecessors and that their influence has radically increased in terms of geographic scope and intensity in the last few years. As such, authoritarian regionalism is an important addition to studies of comparative regionalism and the international dimension of authoritarianism. From the policy perspective, non-democratic regional organizations pose a challenge for Western actors in promoting democracy around the world.

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34

Frantz, Erica. Authoritarianism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190880194.001.0001.

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Despite the spread of democratization following the Cold War’s end, all signs indicate that we are currently seeing a resurgence of authoritarianism. Around forty percent of the world’s people live under some form of authoritarian rule, and authoritarian regimes govern about a third of the world’s countries. In Authoritarianism: What Everyone Needs to KnowRG, Erica Frantz guides us through today’s authoritarian wave, explaining how it came to be and what its features are. She also looks at authoritarians themselves, focusing in particular on the techniques they use to take power, the strategies they use to survive, and how they fall. As she demonstrates, understanding how politics works in authoritarian regimes and recognizing the factors that either give rise to them or trigger their downfall, remains as important as ever. This book paves the ways for such an understanding. Authoritarianism is a clear and concise overview that provides readers with a context for making sense of one of the most important-and most worrying-developments in contemporary world politics.

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35

Schlumberger, Oliver. Authoritarian Regimes. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935307.013.18.

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This article first discusses the term “authoritarian regimes” and makes a claim for studying such regimes. An overview of the young but burgeoning research on authoritarian regimes structures the field in eight thematic clusters: (1) typological efforts and regime characteristics such as coalition formation and origins, (2) institutionalist approaches, (3) state-society relations beyond formal institutions, (4) repression, (5) political economy approaches, (6) international dimensions, (7) performance, and (8) linking the concepts of regimes and states. Although this wave of research has been extremely prolific, it still remains unsystematic and disparate in various regards. It is therefore necessary for this field of research to consolidate and thereby to contribute to genuine knowledge accumulation.

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36

Weiss, Meredith L. The Roots of Resilience. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.001.0001.

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This book examines governance from the ground up in the world's two most enduring electoral authoritarian or “hybrid” regimes—Singapore and Malaysia—where politically liberal and authoritarian features are blended to evade substantive democracy. Although skewed elections, curbed civil liberties, and a dose of coercion help sustain these regimes, selectively structured state policies and patronage, partisan machines that effectively stand in for local governments, and diligently sustained clientelist relations between politicians and constituents are equally important. While key attributes of these regimes differ, affecting the scope, character, and balance among national parties and policies, local machines, and personalized linkages—and notwithstanding a momentous change of government in Malaysia in 2018—the similarity in the overall patterns in these countries confirms the salience of these dimensions. As the book shows, taken together, these attributes accustom citizens to the system in place, making meaningful change in how electoral mobilization and policymaking happen all the harder to change. This authoritarian acculturation is key to the durability of both regimes, but, given weaker party competition and party–civil society links, is stronger in Singapore than Malaysia. High levels of authoritarian acculturation, amplifying the political payoffs of what parties and politicians actually provide their constituents, explain why electoral turnover alone is insufficient for real regime change in either state.

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37

Linz, Juan J. Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000.

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38

Democracies and Authoritarian Regimes. Oxford University Press, 2019.

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39

Hans, Binnendijk, Nalle Peggy, Bendahmane Diane B, and Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs (U.S.), eds. Authoritarian regimes in transition. Washington, D.C: Foreign Service Institute, U.S. Dept. of State, 1987.

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40

Ginsburg, Tom. Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes. Cambridge University Press, 2013.

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41

Ginsburg, Tom, and Alberto Simpser. Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2014.

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42

Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000.

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43

Constitutions In Authoritarian Regimes. Cambridge University Press, 2014.

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44

Hans, Binnendijk, Nalle Peggy, Bendahmane Diane B, and Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs (U.S.), eds. Authoritarian regimes in transition. Washington, D.C: Foreign Service Institute, U.S. Dept. of State, 1987.

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45

Hans, Binnendijk, Nalle Peggy, Bendahmane Diane B, and Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs (U.S.), eds. Authoritarian regimes in transition. Washington, D.C: Foreign Service Institute, U.S. Dept. of State, 1987.

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46

Kendall-Taylor, Andrea, Natasha Lindstaedt, and Erica Frantz. Democracies and Authoritarian Regimes. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820819.001.0001.

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Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,...

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47

Attila Hoare, Marko. Yugoslavia and its Successor States. Edited by R. J. B. Bosworth. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199594788.013.0023.

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Yugoslavia and its successor states have produced a myriad of regimes and movements that were ‘fascist’ in one sense or another. Under the inter-war Yugoslav kingdom, regimes and movements appeared that were inspired by or resembled the Nazi and Italian fascist regimes and movements. They reached their apogee in the Second World War under the umbrella of the Axis powers that occupied Yugoslavia in 1941. Following the Second World War defeat of the pro-Axis and collaborationist forces, Yugoslavia was under Communist rule until 1990. This article examines these events against the backdrop of the historical periods in which they appeared. It defines fascism as ‘revolutionary anti-liberal chauvinism’: the ideology and practice of mobilizing chauvinism on a popular basis in order to assault liberal values, bring down a liberal order, cement in power an authoritarian regime, and/or territorially expand.

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48

Llewellyn, Matthew P., and John Gleaves. “Ambassadors in Tracksuits”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040351.003.0005.

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This chapter details the expanding globalization and commercialization of the Olympics in the 1930s. Emerging from the economic ruins of the Great Depression, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes in Europe, Asia, and Latin America spurred a substantial rise in governmental involvement in international sport. Though the British were among the first to forge the linkage between competitive sport and national interests, their Fascist and militaristic rivals fully exploited the value of physical culture by positioning sport as the centerpiece of their foreign policy. The appropriation of elite, international sport by authoritarian regimes heightened the popularity and legitimacy of the Olympic Games. After successfully defending amateurism against the threat posed by broken-time payments, International Olympic Committee chiefs embraced the support of powerful right-wing governments. However, their initial hope soon turned to despair as it grew apparent that their authoritarian “allies” had transformed the Olympics into a ruthless game of realpolitik.

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49

Krawatzek, Félix. Youth in Regime Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826842.001.0001.

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How do political regimes respond to the challenges emanating from youth mobilization? This book seeks to understand regime resilience and breakdown by analysing the public meaning of youth, as well as the physical mobilization of young people. Mobilization by young people is a key component in understanding the stabilization of the authoritarian regime structures in contemporary Russia, but the Russian experience makes sense only if placed in its broader historical context. Three comparative cases—the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union, the breakdown of the democratic Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968—highlight how regimes which lacked popular support have compensated for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilize youth symbolically and politically. This book illustrates the symbolic significance of youth and its role in regime crisis by analysing a new dataset of newspaper articles with a new method of discourse analysis. The combination of qualitative interpretation and quantitative network analysis enables a deeper and more systematic understanding of discursive structures about youth. Through this methodological innovation the book contributes to the way we define the categories of youth, generation, and crisis. It makes the case that our conceptualization should reflect the way terms are being used—usages that can be captured in a systematic way with new methods of discourse analysis.

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50

Loxton, James. Conservative Party-Building in Latin America. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197537527.001.0001.

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Where do strong conservative parties come from? While there is a growing scholarly awareness about the importance of such parties for democratic stability, much less is known about their origins. In this groundbreaking book, James Loxton takes up this question by examining new conservative parties formed in Latin America between 1978 and 2010. The most successful cases, he finds, shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. Through a comparative analysis of failed and successful cases in Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, and Guatemala, Loxton argues that this was not a coincidence. The successes inherited a range of resources from outgoing authoritarian regimes that, paradoxically, gave them an advantage in democratic competition. He also highlights the role of intense counterrevolutionary struggle as a source of party cohesion. In addition to making an empirical contribution to the study of the Latin American right and a theoretical contribution to the study of party-building, Loxton advances our understanding of the worldwide phenomenon of “authoritarian successor parties”—parties that emerge from authoritarian regimes, but that operate after a transition to democracy. A major work, Conservative Party-Building in Latin America will reshape our understanding of politics in contemporary Latin America and the realities of democratic transitions everywhere.

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Books on the topic 'The theory of authoritarian regimes'

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