Dissertations / Theses: 'The theory of authoritarian regimes'

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Alfasi, Kawther Nuri. "Political agency and the symbolic legacy of authoritarian regimes : the case of Libya." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/101760/.

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This thesis examines the emergence of contentious forms of political agency during the Libyan uprising of 2011. The wave of popular protests known as the ‘Arab Spring’ challenged prevailing assumptions about the politics of the region. It was argued that, through their unfettered, claims making practices, Arab publics had undermined authoritarian structures of power, and become imbued with new, empowering self-understandings. Positioning itself within this literature on Middle East politics, the thesis sets out to analyse authoritarianism as a mode of domination, and to investigate the extent to which moments of radical contestation both transform authoritarian regimes and generate new political subjectivities. The analysis is centred on the Libyan uprising, which emerged under Qadhafi’s authoritarian Jamahiriya, yet witnessed widespread protests, civil activism and an armed conflict from February to August 2011. The thesis integrates multi-institutional politics theory with theories of contentious politics in order to conceptualise domination as located in social ‘institutions’ that are simultaneously material and symbolic. In turn, it understands agency as a strategic and symbolic representational practice that is capable of transforming institutional structures. Drawing on interviews with Libyan activists, and on the analysis of social movement discourses, the thesis advances three core arguments. Firstly, it argues that Qadhafi’s Jamahiriya embedded political agency into its system of domination by engendering complicity. Secondly, it argues that in 2011, Libyans undercut the Jamahiriya’s monopoly over meaning and practice by generating mobilising ‘collective action frames’, and by subverting its symbolic and classificatory schemas. Lastly, it indicates that representational practices ultimately struggled to transform authoritarian domination because they were bound up with the strategic logics of collective action, and because they re-inscribed the Jamahiriya’s definitions of power and collectivity. In proffering these arguments, this thesis generates a new body of empirical material on an understudied case, and critically applies, challenges and extends theories of authoritarianism and contentious politics.

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Keller, Franziska Barbara. "Networks of Power. Using Social Network Analysis to Understand Who Will Rule and Who is Really in Charge in an Authoritarian Regime. Theory, Method, and Application on Chinese Communist Elites (1982-2012)." Thesis, New York University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3740801.

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Patronage networks are said to help elites advance into a regime's inner circle or lead to their downfall, as well as influence regime stability and other political outcomes. But researchers have only systematically studied individual patron-client ties instead of taking advantage of the tools provided by social network analysis (SNA). In three related papers, this dissertation evaluates the best method to measure patronage networks, develops a theory of coalition formation along them, and tests it on the members of the Chinese Communist Party's Central Committee from 1982 until 2012.

The first paper argues that informal politics is better conceptualized through networks than factions, and identifies and evaluates two common approaches to measure such networks: the inductive approach, which relies on a qualitative assessment of insider sources, and the deductive approach, which infers the network from publicly available data. The paper evaluates several commonly used approaches to deduce networks among Chinese political elites. Using methods and concepts developed in Social Network Analysis, it finds that coworker networks perform best in these tests, but can be further refined by noting the number of instances of working together, or by taking into account promotions that have occurred while the two individuals were coworkers.

The second paper develops a model in which one or two leaders form their coalitions along network ties connecting the relevant political elites, the selectorate. Simulations on random networks and real-life patronage networks among Chinese elites illustrate how all but the regular (lattice or complete) network lead to power differentials between the members of the selectorate. The model identifies three specific network positions: those that increase the chances of entering the winning coalition, those that enable coalition leaders to remain in charge of the coalition, and those that help a ruler fend off the opposition. It discusses their respective properties, and shows that powerful Chinese elites do indeed hold the corresponding positions. Furthermore, in a model with two competing leaders the network structure provides an endogenous explanation for winning coalition sizes smaller than the bare majority.

The third paper tests the theory on promotion networks - indicating who has been promoted under whom - among the Chinese Communist elite 1982-2012. A hazard analysis demonstrates that direct connections to patrons double the chance of being appointed to the Politburo. But links to current and former subordinates - unlike those to superiors - among the other elite also have a significant positive effect. Finally, network centrality measures can identify current patrons and predict appointments to the inner circles five or ten years later even if the identity of the patrons is unknown. Future Politburo members are found in network positions that capture popularity as a coalition partner (closeness centrality), while patrons hold network positions from which they can preempt opposition from within their coalition (betweenness centrality).

The dissertation thus shows the importance of analyzing informal elite networks instead of just the ties between one specific leader and his or her followers. It also proposes SNA as a new theoretical and empirical approach to the understudied informal institutions of authoritarian regimes, suggesting a more principled, but also more nuanced way of measuring one such institution: political patronage.

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Olar, Roman-Gabriel. "Institutionalization, repression and political instability in authoritarian regimes." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22671/.

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Given that autocrats can be challenged by insiders of their ruling coalition and/or by the citizens of the country they govern, what control strategies can they use in order to minimize the potential for conflict and violence? The current literature on authoritarian politics focuses on the use of co-optation and repression to explain how autocrats mitigate the hazardous conditions under which they rule. The former induce compliance and co-operation by providing social and material benefits, while the latter forces with the threat of physical punishment. While both control strategies received significant attention in the literature, they have been mostly examined separately from each other. Against this background, this thesis contributes to the literature on authoritarian politics and state repression by focusing on the connection between co-optation and repression, on how autocrats use these two control strategies to prevent challenges and how the use of one control strategy impacts the use of the other. This dissertation builds on some of the theoretical and empirical tensions in the current literature and brings several theoretical and empirical contributions to our understanding of authoritarian politics. Theoretically, this dissertation contributes to the literature by offering an actor-oriented theoretical explanation of autocratic repression against social campaigns, an alternative theoretical mechanism on the coup reducing effect of institutions and a transnational theoretical account of autocratic repression. The empirical contribution of this dissertation rests in showing that accounting for actors’ characteristics improves models’ predictive power, that we know very little about the factors that explain coups’ success in autocracies and demonstrates there is a transnational interdependence in autocratic repression. The findings of this dissertation have implications for dissidents mobilizing against autocrats, for professionals and policy makers interested in political (in)stability, and for organizations attempting to improve human rights practices worldwide.

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Frantz, Erica Emily. "Tying the dictator's hands elite coalitions in authoritarian regimes /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1579964161&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Erayja, Salem Ali S. "ICT activism in authoritarian regimes : organisation, mobilisation and contexts." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/16292/.

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The world has witnessed many contentious political situations in recent years, such as the Arab Spring, in which information and communication technologies (ICT) have arguably played a critical role. Although there is wide scholarly agreement that ICT enable fast and low cost activism, their role in creating significant changes offline remains ambiguous. The research to date has focused on a more democratic context; however, in non-democratic contexts, the political and social environment is critically different, which could influence social movements’ use of ICT and their impact. Therefore, online activism in an Arab authoritarian context requires further empirical investigations. Based on 30 semi-structured interviews with activists from six insider and outsider groups, this thesis investigates the role of ICT in the socio-political context of Saudi Arabia, focussing on movements’ activities concerning formation, organisation and mobilisation. It has been found that the socio-political context is critical in shaping both constraints and opportunities for movements’ activities. The repressive political system, the power of religion and social traditions can act as constraints on activism. However, ICT offer significant platforms that enable activists to challenge the reality of the context and turn such constraints into opportunities. The thesis introduces the LOAF model to explain the six stages of progression for online activism formation. In addition, I argue that the decentralised organisational structure of outsider movements, along with the new form of rotated leadership online, can be understood as a strategic response to the repressive context. Insider movements, as less repressed groups, tend to form their organisation in a more bureaucratic way. ICT effectively facilitate activists with an alternative mobilisation tool to recruit elites, raise awareness and challenge the public’s cultural and political understandings. Finally, I conclude that in order to reach more nuanced conclusions, social movement research should consider both the nature of the socio-political environment (authoritarian or otherwise), and the stage of formation that the investigated movement has achieved.

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Haugen, Andreas. "Adapting to Democracy: Voter Turnout Among Immigrants from Authoritarian Regimes." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437702.

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Voting in an election is the most basic and fundamental form of political participation in a democracy. Citizens are given the opportunity to elect legislators that take political decisions on their behalf. As immigration is increasing globally, many immigrants find themselves with this opportunity for the very first time immigrating from authoritarian regimes. Are immigrants from authoritarian regime able to adapt to their new political setting, or is there an observable difference in voter turnout based on the regime-type of the immigrant’s native country? There exist three branches of theories within the theoretical framework of political resocializa-tion: the theory of exposure, the theory of transferability and the theory of resistance. Previous research on the adaptability of immigrants from authoritarian regimes is often single case stud-ies that only analyse one of the three branches or analyse different forms of political participa-tion and have produced somewhat contradicting results. With empirical evidence remaining the relationship between voter turnout and regime-type is yet to be fully comprehended. By using data from the European Value Survey, this study tests all three theories of political resocializa-tion in 34 countries, to further generate insight into this matter. The results show that immigrants from authoritarian regimes are not less likely to vote in the national election of their new host country. The amount of exposure to the new host country, or whether the immigrant spent his “formative years” in the authoritarian regime are not statisti-cally significant to voting. Age, marital status, education and income are shown to be more statistically significant predictors to voter turnout, compared to regime-type.

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Escobar, Ana Margarita Chavez. "From Authoritarian to Democratic regimes : the new role of security intelligence." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA389897.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold. "March 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-143). Also Available online.

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MacDonald, Andrew W. "What is the nature of authoritarian regimes? : responsive authoritarianism in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ea011de5-9231-4f77-9899-2d1bbe5be2a5.

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This work proposes a new theory of authoritarian regimes: responsive authoritarianism. Most existing theories of autocracies take as their point of departure elite politics or the state’s repressive apparatus to explain the rise and fall of regimes. I argue that, for many states, regimes also have to consider the consent of the governed when designing policies. Specifically, when regime legitimacy is low but the central leadership maintains a long time horizon, autocratic regimes are predicted to become more responsive to the needs of citizens. This theory is tested against a number of aspects of the Chinese fiscal system dealing with public goods provision during the period of 2002-2011 and generally finds in favor of the theory. Chapter 4 tests the fiscal transfer system, Chapter 5 tests the fiscal expenditure data, and Chapter 6 tests data on the results of the transfer and expenditure data: actual public goods provision. This theory has a number of implications that suggest that scholars begin to rethink how they conceptualize power dynamics within an authoritarian regime, in particular paying closer attention to the relationship between the ruler(s) and the ruled. It suggests that, at least in the political science literature, power be returned to the people.

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Elakder, Abdurraouf. "Sanctions and the salvation of the authoritarian regimes Libya, Eritrea, and Iraq." Thesis, Western Illinois University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1572923.

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There are studies that have touched on the question of whether sanctions are effective or not. Some argue that sanctions are effective in achieving their goals, while others argue that they are ineffective. Some adopt the opinion that sanctions are effective with other foreign policy tools in specific conditions conducted with them. But there are not many who write about the adverse effects of sanctions on the target country's internal politics after their failure to achieve their goals as a separate subject.

This study highlights the counterproductivity of sanctions imposed on the authoritarian regimes that aim to pressure them into changing their policies or bring them down. The paper goes beyond the ineffectiveness of sanctions to argue that sanctions that target the authoritarian regimes help to strengthen the position of the authoritarian leaders instead of bringing political change. That happens in two different ways: If the sanctions are smart they either provoke the masses or unite them, which in turn shifts the public opinion in favor of the target regime or the target regime led by its charismatic leader will manipulate and exaggerate their effects for the purposes of furthering his power. If sanctions are comprehensive, however, they cause economic crisis and devastation of socioeconomic structures that hit the whole society and ensure the regime's continuity by limiting the capacity of the public to organize. In both situations the imposition of the sanctions would strengthen the sanctioned authoritarian regime. In this study, Libya and Eritrea were selected to examine the hypothesis on smart sanctions on the authoritarian regime while Iraq was chosen to examine the hypothesis on comprehensive sanctions.

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Sigurdh, Lina. "Militarization: A Witch's War Brew? : How military power affects authoritarian regimes' behavior." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430265.

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The effect of regime type on conflict onset is a well-studied phenomenon, and various studies have found that variance in regime type, and within regime types, affects conflict onset. For instance, militarization in autocracies seems to be linked with increased risk of initiating conflict. However, even in the studies that disaggregate types of autocracies, the categorizations are relatively shallow. This thesis aims to create a definition of military dictatorships which captures their complexity more fully, to determine whether militarization truly does increase the risk of conflict onset. Military dictatorships are here defined as a state that achieves and maintains power through threat or actual use of force, is outwardly or effectively controlled by military officers, and places high value on maintaining a powerful armed force to protect constitutional and territorial integrity. The method used is a logistic regression, where the independent variable is military dictatorship, and the dependent variable is directed dyads. The results show that when a state is a military dictatorship, the log odds of it initiating conflict is 0.73; military dictatorships are indeed more likely to initiate conflict than autocracies in general.

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Wood, Holly. "Political participation in authoritarian regimes elections and demonstrations as catalysts for regime change /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.

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Gordon, Alissa Emily. "Collapse of the Arab Spring democratization and regime stability in Arab authoritarian regimes /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/643074722/viewonline.

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Hu, Kuo-Chien. "Policy networks in democratic and authoritarian regimes : the cases of Britain and Taiwan." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270742.

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Repnikova, Maria. "Limited political liberalisation in authoritarian regimes : critical journalists and the state in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d4673810-ca89-4642-a463-851ca50627f0.

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This dissertation examines the process of limited political liberalisation in China by analysing the coexistence between critical journalists and the party-state under the Hu-Wen leadership. In contrast to the scholarship on authoritarianism and Chinese politics, which tends to analyse the perspectives of societal actors and the state separately from one another, this study brings the two together, unveiling the intricacies of their interactions. In the past decade, critical journalists and the party-state maintained a partnership which can be best described by a jazz ensemble metaphor. The players—critical journalists and the party-state—share a common purpose: improving their performance or governance within the existing political system. They overcome the limitations on their collaboration with ad hoc creative adjustments made in response to one another. The party-state acts as a band leader, setting the key by establishing a framework within which creative manoeuvring can take place. The study is based on unique access to politically sensitive material, including 120 in-depth interviews with critical journalists, media and crisis management experts, and government officials. It also includes multilayered textual analysis of the Chinese Communist Party journal, Qiushi, and investigative reports in two outspoken media outlets, Caijing and Nanfang Zhoumo. The data is employed to analyse the boundaries for limited political liberalisation of the media as well as how it manifests itself during major crisis events. More broadly, the dissertation draws the attention of both China and authoritarianism scholars to the significant yet neglected feature of interactive improvisation as a force that can sustain coexistence between critical actors and authoritarian states. It shows that by engaging in actor-driven analysis and illuminating the process of their interactions, we can better grasp the dynamics of authoritarianism in China and beyond. A step is made towards applying the analytical framework distilled in the China case on other authoritarian regimes by including a limited comparison to media–state relations under Gorbachev and under Putin. It shows that the variables of collaboration and improvisation are useful in explaining the different outcomes of political liberalisation reform.

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Hellmeier, Sebastian [Verfasser]. "The Causes and Consequences of Pro-Government Mobilization in Authoritarian Regimes / Sebastian Hellmeier." Konstanz : KOPS Universität Konstanz, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1226665322/34.

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Vaca, Daza Jhanisse. "HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS TO INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES IN SOUTH AMERICA." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1464432307.

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Loxton, James Ivor. "Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070023.

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Beginning in the late 1970s, with the onset of the third wave of democratization, a host of new conservative parties emerged in Latin America. The trajectories of these parties varied tremendously. While some went on to enjoy long-term electoral success, others failed to take root. The most successful new conservative parties all shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. They were "authoritarian successor parties," or parties founded by high-level incumbents of authoritarian regimes that continue to operate after a transition to democracy. What explains variation in conservative party-building outcomes in Latin America since the onset of the third wave, and why were the most successful new conservative parties also authoritarian successor parties? This study answers these questions by developing a theory of "authoritarian inheritance." It argues that, paradoxically, close links to former dictatorships may, under some circumstances, be the key to party-building success. This is because authoritarian successor parties sometimes inherit resources from the old regime that are useful under democracy. The study examines five potential resources: party brand, territorial organization, clientelistic networks, business connections and a source of cohesion rooted in a history of joint struggle. New conservative parties that lack such inheritance face a more daunting task. Such parties may have better democratic credentials, but they are likely to have worse democratic prospects. This argument is developed through an analysis of four parties: Chile's Independent Democratic Union (UDI), Argentina's Union of the Democratic Center (UCEDE), El Salvador's Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and Guatemala's Party of National Advancement (PAN). Drawing on interview and archival data gathered during 15 months of fieldwork in five countries, this study contributes to three literatures. First, as the first book-length comparison of conservative parties in Latin America, it contributes to the literature on Latin American politics. Second, by developing a new theory of how successful new parties may emerge--the theory of authoritarian inheritance--it contributes to the literature on party-building. Third, by developing the concept of authoritarian successor parties, it sheds light on a common but underappreciated vestige of authoritarian rule and, in this way, contributes to the literature on regimes.
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Zhou, Yingnan Joseph. "Authoritarian governance in China." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2174.

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What determines governance quality in authoritarian settings? The existing literature on governance concentrates on democratic governance and provides no ready answer. By focusing on the world’s largest authoritarian country, China, this study delineates an authoritarian model of governance quality. In the model, I argue that in order for good governance to occur, an authoritarian government must have both the ability and the desire to govern well, and the current authoritarian government in China has both. Specifically, its ability to govern well comes from 1) its sovereignty within the territory, 2) its fiscal resources, and 3) its party-state structure blended with decentralization, term and age limits, and performance-based promotion. Its desire to govern well comes from 1) the regime’s need for political legitimacy; 2) good governance as an important source of political legitimacy; 3) the decay of alternative sources of legitimacy; 4) the double uncertainty of authoritarian politics that compels leaders to highly active in delivering good governance. I formulate key hypotheses and test them with a variety of original datasets. The Chinese County Governance Data are collected from county government websites. The data on county-level public opinion are constructed through Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) based on the 2010 Chinese General Social Survey and the 2000 national census data. County leader characteristics are collected from Database of Local Officials. The empirical analysis general supports the model. My study reveals an authoritarian logic of governance which centers on the party state’s top-down control and the regime’s insecurity about political legitimacy. My study also demonstrates that China’s model of governance is not shared by most authoritarian countries today.

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Kornreich, Yoel. "Unorthodox approaches to participation in authoritarian regimes : the making of China's recent healthcare reforms." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/38163.

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In recent years, non-democratic regimes have introduced a host of participatory forums. This paper asks why, given the absence of binding constitutional or institutional designs, authoritarian governments introduce, at their own initiative, participatory forums? To respond to this question, the paper suggests three theoretical possibilities: fragmented authoritarianism, enhancing legitimacy and information-gathering. Looking at the drafting of China’s recent healthcare reforms--where the government enacted various forums of participation--the paper tests these theories. Its findings indicate that these theories are not mutually exclusive, as each could explain the causes for the introduction particular participatory forums. This paper argues that this analytical framework could extend beyond the scope of China’s healthcare reform, and be applied to other episodes of policymaking both in China, and other non-democratic regimes.

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Teng, Koytry. "Clientelism and Party Institutionalization in Post-Authoritarian/Post-Conflict Regimes: The Case of Cambodia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1430869960.

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Sun, Yushuang. "Sanction Success and Domestic Dissent Groups." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/628.

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Despite the low success rate indicated by scholarly assessments, economic sanctions remain a commonly used foreign policy tool. Why do policymakers often turn to economic sanctions with great hope and enterprise in spite of their unimpressive success record? What determines a sanction outcome? Does the internal political dynamic of target matter in this case? How does it relate to different regime type? Hence this thesis examines the conditional relationship between the presence of domestic political opposition in the target state and sanction success conditional on the regime type by using data covering 763 US-imposed sanctions from 1945 to 2006. The findings suggest authoritarian regimes are more vulnerable to sanctions than their democratic counterparts in the presence of internal dissent groups in most cases. General Strikes are the best strategy to aid sanctions and coerce policy changes in authoritarian regimes. The presence of Guerrilla Warfare has the greatest substantive and statistical impact on sanction success. Consistent and organized internal dissent groups pose treats to the authority by weakening domestic stability or partnering with sender countries to push for policy changes.

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Kuthy, Daniel W. "The Effect of State Capacity on Democratic Transition and the Survival of New Democracies." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/20.

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This dissertation investigates the effect of state capacity on the probability for democratic transition and the survival of democracies. I seek to answer these quesitons through the use of both quantitative and qualitative analysis. In my statistical models, I make use of Cox Proportional Hazard Models. These are supplemented by two case studies involving South Korea and the Philippines. My expectation, which is supported by the results presented in this study, is that higher levels of state capacity will make authoritarian regimes more stable and thus make democratic transitions less likely, but if democratic transitions take place, higher levels of state capacity will make new democratic regimes more likely to survive.

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Demers, Simon. "An ounce of loyalty for a pound of cleverness: allegiance and competence in authoritarian regimes /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2092.

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Park, Kisung. "Military authoritarian regimes and economic development the ROK's economic take-off under Park Chung Hee." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FPark.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-57). Also available in print.

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Kalēja, Ance [Verfasser], and Michael [Akademischer Betreuer] Haus. "Economic and Social Rights in Authoritarian Regimes: Rights, Well-Being and Strategies of Authoritarian Rule in Singapore, Jordan and Belarus / Ance Kaleja ; Betreuer: Michael Haus." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1177695510/34.

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Chan, Evelyn. "Elections in authoritarian regimes : an endogenous story of elite dynamics in post reform Vietnam and China." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28005.

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The study of elections in authoritarian states has predominantly focused on whether elections help sustain or undercut the regime. Elections can either placate or embolden the opposition. However in the context of single party Leninist states, elections play a different role. Given that the Vietnamese Communist Party and the Chinese Communist Party have a monopoly of power in the political arena and tremendous control over society, there is no significant opposition force. Yet the two states hold elections. Furthermore, despite the two country’s similar trajectories of political and economic reform, both states undertake semi-competitive elections differently. China chooses to maintain a relatively closed system at the top, while creating a dynamic and competitive system at the local level; while Vietnam opts for a more open system at the top and keeps electoral institutions closed at the local level. This paper raises several questions; 1) why do Single Party Leninist States hold elections? 2) What is the significance of holding national versus sub-national elections? 3) why do China and Vietnam hold different types of elections given their similar regime-type? I propose an endogenous story to explain the varied outcomes in electoral institutions in China and Vietnam. Authoritarian elections and election-types are an institutional choice and a function of how the regime is constrained by elite pluralism. Comparing Vietnam and China and how they liberalize and cede power to institutions at different levels, demonstrates how elite divide shape the type of elections undertaken.

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Chimange, Alexander [Verfasser], and Reinhart [Akademischer Betreuer] Kößler. "The electoral authoritarian regimes and election violence: the case of Manicaland communities in Zimbabwe 2008-2013." Freiburg : Universität, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1119899621/34.

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Figueredo, Michael Anthony. "An Examination of Factors that Catalyze LGBTQ Movements in Middle Eastern and North African Authoritarian Regimes." Thesis, Portland State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1599585.

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Citizens’ increased access to the internet is transforming political landscapes across the globe. The implications for civil society, culture, religion, governmental legitimacy and accountability are vast. In nations where one does not typically expect “modern” or egalitarian ideals to be prevalent among highly religious and conservative populations, those with motivations to unite around socially and culturally taboo causes are no longer forced to silently acquiesce and accept the status quo. The internet has proven to be an invaluable tool for those aiming to engage in social activism, as it allows citizens in highly oppressive authoritarian regimes to covertly mobilize and coordinate online protest events (such as hashtag campaigns, proclamations via social media, signing of petitions, and even DDoS attacks) without the fear of repression.

What catalyzes lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) equality movements in authoritarian regimes, specifically with respect to the Middle East and North African region? This thesis argues that gay rights movements are more likely to emerge in politically repressive, more conservative states when new political opportunities—namely access to the internet for purposes of political organization—become available. This master’s thesis identifies why LGBTQ movements emerged in Morocco and Algeria, but not in Tunisia until after it underwent democratization. These states will be analyzed in order to gauge the strength of their LGBTQ rights movements and, most importantly, to identify which variables most cogently explain their existence altogether.

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Lindsey, James. "The Relationship of the Authoritarian Personality & Social Identity Theory." TopSCHOLAR®, 1993. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2538.

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Since social identity theory and authoritarian personality theory have been presented as opposing theories of discrimination, the present experiment explored whether authoritarianism could explain discrimination in social identity theory's minimal group paradigm. High, high average, low average, and low authoritarians were given three measures of in-group favoritism in minimal groups (two point -distribution tasks and a group -rating task). An authoritarianism main effect and an authoritarianism by order interaction on the point -distribution tasks indicated that authoritarianism significantly enhanced discrimination, but only when these tasks followed the group-rating measure. This interaction indicates that authoritarianism has greater influence on discrimination as in-group/out-group distinctions are made more salient. Authoritarianism did not influence discrimination in group ratings. Social identity theory proposes that individuals use discrimination to enhance their self-esteem, but only high authoritarians appeared to do so in this study.

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Kotsovilis, Spyridon. "Six degrees of revolution: political networks, diffusion mechanisms and mobilization in collective action against competitive authoritarian regimes." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=114184.

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This research rests on the nexus between domestic and transnational social movements, mobilization theories and regime transitions. Specifically, this dissertation studies recent episodes of democratization-related mass protests and mobilizations against competitive authoritarian regimes from a networks perspective. In it I postulate that different ways in which political groups organize and diffuse information, behavior and human and material resources affect their mobilizational capabilities, and thus their chances at success in their goals. This theoretical proposition of structure and dynamics of diffusion is empirically tested by looking at four in-depth cases in Serbia (1996-7, 2000) and Ukraine (2000-1, 2004), via a mixed methodological approach centered on the study of networks. Based on a combination of qualitative and quantitative work (extensive field interviews, archival research tracing the protests, design and execution of respondent-driven sampling survey, mapping and formal network analysis, comparison and computer simulations), my results suggest that specific configurations of networks-what the study terms composite ones-are better-suited for political groups and movements seeking to mobilize. Often neglected and seldom proven in conjunction with opposition groups, the same holds true for regimes and their counter-mobilization potential. In other words, the findings indicate that how one and their political opponents are connected matters in how they diffuse their resources and coordinate their action before and during mobilization. My conclusion also points to that the corollaries of this study in extra-legal contests to protect the legality of elections extend beyond the space of the color revolutions, to protesting against competitive authoritarian regimes and to promoting democratic practice all around the globe, both during and outside regular election cycles.
Les protestations sociales et les « révolutions électorales » sont des actions collectives qui se caractérisent par des processus de mobilisation. Ces évènements politiques complexes sont fréquemment à l'origine de résultats inattendus comme le déclanchement de la participation en masse qui provoque une action décisive. La diffusion d'information et l'appel à l'action collective sont des facteurs clés dans ce processus qui sont facilités par des connections au réseau d'activistes. L'étude systématique de ces mécanismes peut contribuer à repérer le point de basculement de l'action collective. Celle-ci est souvent atteinte lorsque des événements à plus petite échelle sont liés et déclenchent soudainement des retombées de grande envergure. De récentes recherches et la mise au point de nouveaux outils méthodologiques permettent d'étudier comment les propriétés statiques et dynamiques de ces réseaux peuvent affecter, freiner ou amplifier la diffusion de ces facteurs. Ce projet étudie les processus de diffusion d'information et d'appel à l'action collective au cours de récentes révolutions électorales en Serbie et Ukraine. De plus, il examine les propriétés des réseaux d'activistes et de leurs adversaires, et observe l'effet cascade des interactions parmi et entre les acteurs et ces évènements.

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Buera, Anas Abubakr Mustafa. "Why and how authoritarian regimes produce narratives of governance : discourse and policy narratives in Libya (2003-2010)." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/18896.

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This thesis starts from a basic intellectual curiosity: why would an authoritarian regime care about the ‘governance change’? What would governance possibly mean for a regime heavily sanctioned by the United Nations? And assuming that an authoritarian leader is forced to accept some notions of ‘improving on governance’; what specific dimensions of governance would be targeted for reform? How would they be ‘narrated’ to the domestic and international audience? The main purpose of this thesis is to explore the communication of policy change in authoritarian regimes through a new lens on the policy process. This original lens is based on the combination of discursive institutionalism and the narrative policy framework. At the outset, we argue that authoritarian regimes are interested in ‘good governance’ as defined by international organizations, but very selectively and with strategic intentions connected to the different internal audiences and international audience costs. We also argue that these regimes use narratives to support their strategic intentions and that their discourse is contingent on the institutional context – which shapes coordinative and communicative elements of policy discourse. Theoretically, our aim is to integrate Discursive Institutionalism and the Narrative Policy Framework, and apply them to authoritarian regimes. To do this, we use an exploratory case study (Libya, 2003-2010) and formulate explicit expectations about discourse, narratives and institutions. We test the expectations by coding a coherent corpus of documents with appropriate software, N-VIVO. Essentially, we draw on discursive institutionalism as macro template to explain the two functions of discourse (coordinative and communicative) in its institutional context, and the narrative policy framework to explain the specific forms in which discourse is cast. Empirically, the thesis provides an analysis of coordinative and communicative discourse based on systematic coding of policy stories, causal plots, identities of the narrators, and the discursive construction of economic policy reforms in the domains of privatization, regulatory reform, and economic liberalization. There are two elements of originality in the thesis. First, the thesis contributes to the integration of two approaches to empirical discourse analysis that have not communicated between them. Second, this is the first study to push discursive institutionalism outside the territory of advanced democracies-as such, it re-defines some arguments in light of the specific features of authoritarian regimes and developing countries by using Libya as exploratory case study. The findings have their own empirical value for the period considered and for the narrative policy framework, but they also shed light on some elements of the current transition in Libya, at a time when Libya is under pressure to deliver on economic reform in the context of fragile democratic institutions and a complex, uncertain regime transition. The dissertation contributes to the literature as the discursive institutionalism and the narrative policy frameworks travel well to authoritarian regimes. Also our frameworks provide insights on how authoritarian regimes are different from traditional democracies. Finally, the thesis points to certain limitations and caveats, it suggests the need for further research agenda of the integrated DI and NPF frameworks in MENA region, Arab states and the third world, moving from explorative findings to building cumulative evidence in the field.

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Farmer, Lauren A. "Bastions Against the Fourth Wave: Toward a Theory of Authoritarian Organizations." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/409201.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
I theorize that a sub-set of states build and maintain authoritarian organizations (AOs) that exist to protect and reinforce authoritarian practices and values. First, I offer a logic for understanding AOs and their contributions to their member states. Second, I develop a framework that hypothesizes a range of benefits that an AO might offer its member states, identifying both material benefits (that contribute to repression and co-optation behaviors) and ideational benefits (that legitimize autocratic behavior) that an AO might provide. Finally, I assess three contemporary AOs: the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Qualitative evidence shows that AOs most successfully contribute to the ideational side of the dictator’s toolkit, particularly by co-opting civil society into a structure set and maintained by authoritarians, and legitimizing authoritarian rule via distorting authoritarian practices, bandwagoning mutual rhetorical support at the international level, and challenging democracy as a norm of governance, chipping away at the Third and Fourth Waves of democratization. My research challenges the dominant understanding of IOs as generally democratizing actors, by identifying a subset of IOs that deliberately perform against this expectation. This research agenda also furthers our understanding the dictator’s toolkit by adding an international component to explanations of how non-democratic governments survive and counter democratizing pressures at home and abroad.
Temple University--Theses

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Baiod, Wail Abdullah. "Governing in authoritarian regimes : a study of speeches, ministerial portfolios and budget allocations during Qadhafi's rule in Libya." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2017. http://digitool.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29108.

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Wall, Ida. "Grusade drömmar och gryende förhoppningar i Ryssland och Turkiet : En jämförande fallstudie av två politiska regimer under 2000-talet." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-49214.

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The aim of this essay is to investigate what sort of political regimes that have been taking form in Russia and Turkey during the 21st century. Hence, it studies the development that has been taking place in both countries during the last ten years. This essay is doing so by using a comparative approach. The theoretical frame of the essay is inspired by Silander’s (2012) dimensions for a democratic regime. The dimensions are leadership, political parties and civil society. Furthermore, it dives into deeper studies about the political system of each country. The study demonstrates that neither Russia nor Turkey are able to meet the standards of a democracy as of today. Furthermore, it shows that Russia falls within the frame of an authoritarian regime. Turkey is listed as ”partly free” according to this study, hence it is a hybrid regime with limitations.

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Kashani, Mohammad Feghhi. "Exchange rate regimes and financial repression." Thesis, University of York, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2467/.

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Dube, Rumbidzai. "Fighting unconstitutional changes of government or merely politicking? A critical analysis of the African Union response." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16775.

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The transfer of power to African leaders, at the end of the colonial era gave birth to authoritarian regimes. African Nationalist leaders liberated the continent from the chains of colonialism and bound it in the stone walls of authoritarianism and dictatorship. This is because Africa inherited institutions that were meant to be oppressive of the colonised peoples. These institutions had no room for political pluralism, public participation, free speech, a free press, and free movement among other fundamental rights and freedoms that allow for democratic governance to flourish. Without undergoing major transformations, African governments remained a product of their colonial heritage naturally becoming totalitarian, oppressive and undemocratic.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Girmachew Aneme of the Faculty of Law, University of Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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Rybka, Pauline Johanna. "Political use and consequences of sport events." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197830.

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In the theory part of this thesis will examine the connection between politics and sport, including the politicization of major sport events and the particular role of non-democratic states as host nations. In the empirical part, three case studies (Summer Olympics Beijing 2008, Winter Olympics Sochi 2014, and FIFA World Cup Qatar 2018) will be analyzed in the light of how they have influenced (or have the potential to influence) reforms, the adoption of democratic structures, and the human rights situation.

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Hopstad, Birgitte. "The Russian media under Putin and Medvedev: Controlled media in an authoritarian system." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-12452.

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What we see in Russia today is a dual media system, with independent and critical newspapers on one side vs. controlled and censored television channels on the other. The independent media are facing severe difficulties, and the accountability of the elected are nearly non-existing. The weaknesses of the judicial system allowing arbitrary exercising of the legislation against journalists, the increased control of media outlets both regional and federal, among television channels, newspapers and online media, lack of access to information, all are preventing the development of the media as the fourth estate providing a check on those in power. Journalistic practises, the heritage from the Soviet era and not at least the ownership structures are contributing to the development of a media system in favour of authoritarianism. Globalization has only a minor effect on freedom of speech due to increased control of the internet, and the capacities the authorities have shown to use globalization to their own advantage. The Russian media today are far more contributing to uphold an authoritarian regime than contributing to increased democracy.

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Damnjanovic, Milos. "The breakdown of semi-authoritarian regimes : the role of domestic and international actors in bringing about democratic transitions in Serbia and Croatia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543693.

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Choi, Myung Ju. "Import regimes and rent seeking : the case of South Korea." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334092.

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Beuck, Niels. "Effectiveness of International Environmental Regimes." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-77.

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The Thesis analyzes the effecvtiveness of international environmental regimes. A case study of four of the most important river regimes in Germany - the Commissions for the Protection of the Rhine (ICPR), Elbe (ICPE), Oder (ICPO) and Lake Constance (IGKB)- was conducted. The first part of the thesis explains the theoretical foundation the thesis rests upon. Neoliberal Institutionalism was the chosen theory, accompanied by aspects of regime and game theory. A definition of effectiveness was generated, taking into account a legal, a historical and a political perspective. The Thesis is a qualitative case study, which uses mainly sources from books, essays, newspapers and few in-depth interviews with people inside the Commissions. In the second part the International Commissions are analyzed. In the end the findings are compared to find out what constitutes an effective regime. All four regimes have made an significant impact though. An effective regime is - according to the findings of this thesis - characterized by different factors: a small number of actors, a strong legal basis for the daily work routines, similar background of the member states, favorable national conditions.

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Webb, Michael David. "Urban Revitalization, Urban Regimes, and Contemporary Gentrification Processes." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1383148654.

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Clunie, Gregor John. "From 'feral' markets to regimes of accumulation : the state and law in neoliberal capitalism." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6436/.

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The emergence between 1965 and 1973 of a crisis of over-accumulation and over-capacity, rooted in international manufacturing yet affecting the overall private business economies of the advanced capitalist countries, inaugurated a developmental context whose profound contradictions were brought home by the Great Recession of 2008-9 and the continuing Long Depression. The intervening period has seen profound economic, political and social crisis in the advanced capitalist world and has simultaneously been treacherous for under-developed economies forced to navigate rocketing energy costs and international commodity price and currency exchange rate turbulence under the continual threat of debt-levered expropriation. The struggle to locate the causes – proximate and ultimate – of the present crisis is at the same time a battle to map the basic economic and political coordinates of the continuing long downturn. In this connection it is contended that efforts have been undermined by the epistemological underdevelopment conditioned by a crisis of knowledge-formation which has unfolded in parallel with the long downturn. The dominance of neoclassical economics (‘unworldly’ since the marginal revolution) on the right and the displacement of Marxism on a structurally weakened and autodidactic left in the context of the ascent of postmodernism as an intellectual and cultural dominant has opened a space between the material and discursive realities of global capitalist development. This work is an attempt to deploy the method developed by the classical Marxist tradition to approach the significance of the state and law in the historically-conditioned reproduction of capitalist social relations. It is contended in the first place that the dualism which obtains between national and global spheres in much theorisation of neoliberal ‘globalisation’ obscures the dialectical interrerelation of state and world market – the institutional and regulatory environment of international trade, money and finance being both the creation of states and the developing context which frames their – necessarily path-dependent and reflexive – projects of domestic economy making. As against popular notions of state decline, following Gowan the state-political content of the centring of private financial markets in the mediation of international monetary relations is recalled, while the embeddedness of the state in circuits of capital accumulation is emphasised (Tony Smith), the concept of ‘regime of accumulation’ being deployed to capture the nexus of monetary, fiscal and regulatory policy which articulates historically-conditioned development strategies. In this respect, we depart from the work of the Bolshevik jurist Pashukanis, who despite significantly advancing the materialist analysis of the juridical form, identified in his most significant work a largely derivative role for the state. It is argued that the methodological weakness represented by Pashukanis’ disproportionate emphasis on commodity exchange – his failure to proceed from the basis of the capitalist economy as a contradictory unity of production and circulation – prevents him from fully apprehending the role of the state in the production and reproduction of capitalist social relations. As the discussion unfolds, there is developed in conversation principally with Gramsci an understanding of the state as the specific material condensation of a relationship of forces among classes and class fractions. Upholding the notion of the ‘integral state’ as a differentiated unity of civil society and political society upon which terrains the capitalist class forms alliances with proximate classes as the prerequisite for and correlate of its domination of labour, the developmental context represented by neoliberalism is conceived in terms of the transition of interest-bearing capital from leading to dominant fraction of the capitalist class in parallel with its tendential contradictory disaggregation from productive capital. Such a process has necessitated a transformation in the character of bourgeois political supremacy involving a dismantling of the civil rights and social protections accumulated during the period bookended by Americanism and the welfare state and increasing dependence upon an expanded machinery of coercion. Proceeding from this basis, it is considered how in specific developmental contexts the state by way of the legal form maps the social totality, achieving distinctive couplings (and de-couplings) of wealth production and social reproduction. There is asserted the second-order integration of public and private spheres in terms of the fundamental unity of capitalist reproduction, the first-order public/private metabolism being evaluated in view of the facilitation and rationalisation of social reproduction in the context of a productive economy structured around dissociated private producers. The legal form is further interrogated in view of its role in structuring the productive antagonism between capital and labour, a relation which on the basis of its form comes to expresses various contents – from consensual integration to casuistic assimilation – as domestic social relations are (in-)validated by the operation of the law of value at the level of the world market. In this connection, the unproductive theoretical polarisation obtaining between approaches which consider law to be epiphenomenal and those which pursue its relative autonomy is enriched by a historicised conception in terms of which law, concretising specific relationships of forces within particular regimes of accumulation, appears as ‘sword’, as ‘shield’ and as ‘fetter’. This framework is particularly useful for evaluating the opportunities for the deployment of legal strategies by labour and groups oppressed under capitalism – a question in relation to which Pashukanis, following Lenin, demonstrated a remarkable political astuteness.

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Kemnitz, Alexander, and Martin Roessler. "Economic Development, Democratic Institutions, and Repression in Non-democratic Regimes: Theory and Evidence." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-221345.

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This paper analyzes the utilization of repression and democratic institutions by a non-democratic government striving for political power and private rents. We find that economic development has different impacts on policy choices, depending on whether it appears in the form of rises in income or in education: A higher income level reduces democracy, whereas more education leads to both more democracy and more repression. These theoretical findings are corroborated by panel data regressions.

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Chew, Yen Shern. "Do exchange rate regimes affect countries' economic growth and inflation?" Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1354820480.

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46

Souza, Bruno Mello. "Transições e democracia : impactos da confiança nas forças armadas sobre a cultura política e o capitalismo social de brasileiros e argentinos." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/143125.

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Esta tese refere-se à problemática das transições políticas de regimes militares para democracias articulada com a cultura política. Busca-se, com isso, verificar nos contextos de Brasil e Argentina, as diferenças nas percepções dos cidadãos em termos de confiança nos militares, avaliação da situação dos seus governos, interesse por política, preferência pelo regime democrático, satisfação com a democracia, opinião sobre o voto e capital social, plasmado pela confiança interpessoal e institucional. Estas diferenças poderiam ser provenientes de dois o poder de mobilização que os indivíduos possuem em relação a um grupo. É um eguido individualmente porgentina o processo foi mais abrupto, com um fracasso mais evidente dos militares, que saíram de cena completamente derrotados (O’DONNELL e SCHMITTER, 1988). Busca-se examinar, assim, se uma transição gradual e negociada, como a brasileira, gera vínculos e predisposições mais fracos dos cidadãos em relação à democracia, ou seja, uma menor qualidade democrática de um ponto de vista maximalista (DIAMOND e MORLINO, 2004), além de menores índices de capital social, em contraponto com o caso argentino, em que o apelo democrático tenderia a ser maior pelo fato de a ditadura ter saído de cena com uma imagem mais clara de fracasso político. Para verificar tais impactos na prática, serão utilizados dados do Latinobarómetro de 1995, 2000, 2005 e 2010- eventualmente complementados por dados do World Values Survey de 1990- analisando as diferenças em termos de cultura política e capital social nos dois países, levando em consideração a diferença entre os seus legados.
This thesis refers to the matter of political transition of military regimes to democracy combined with political culture. Thus it aims to verify, both in Brazil and in Argentina, the differences in perception of citizens in terms of trust in militaries, evaluation of their governments' situation, interest in politics, preference for democratic regime, satisfaction with democracy, opinion about vote and social capital, represented by interpersonal and institutional trust. These differences could be derived form two distinct models of transition: while in Brazil the transition happened in a slow, gradual and negotiated way, in Argentina the process was more abrupt, presenting a more evident failure of militaries, who left the scene completely defeated (O'DONNELL and SCHIMITTER, 1988). Therefore, the thesis aims to examinate if a negotiated and gradual transition, like the Brazilian, generates weaker ties and predispositions of citizens in relation to democracy, which means a lower democratic quality from a maximalist point of view (DIAMOND and MORLINO, 2004), in addition to lower levels of social capital, in contrast to the Argentinean case, in which the democratic appeal would tend to be enhanced due to the fact that the dictatorship ended with a clearer image of failure. In order to verify these impacts in practice, data from Latinobarómetro for 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010 will be used- complemented by data from the World Values Survey for 1990 when necessary- analyzing the differences in terms of political culture and social capital in the two countries, taking into account the differences between their legacies.

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Holmes, Christopher. "Economistic fallacies in contemporary capitalism : a Polanyian analysis of regimes of marketised social protection." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34555/.

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Karl Polanyi used the notion of economistic fallacy in order to flag up the way in which formal definitions of the economy – rooted in the assumption of economising, self-interested market behaviour – were routinely applied as universal and rational by economists, political scientists, policy makers and in general public discourse. This thesis is a critical re-application of the notion of economistic fallacy in theoretical, historical and contemporary perspective. I argue that, although Polanyi’s broad generalisations are unsuitable for contemporary analysis, the same basic type of fallacy can be observed in various specific policy settings. Roughly speaking, the thesis comprises two halves. In the first, I focus on theoretical matters, arguing for a consideration of Polanyi specifically as a political economist of ideas. This, I argue, gets us closer to some of Polanyi’s most interesting analytical intentions whilst freeing us from some of the apparent ontological contradictions latent in his various texts. From there, I develop Polanyi’s insights on the role of ideas in capitalist development, foregrounding the notion of economistic fallacy as a key conceptual device. In the second half of the thesis, I apply this analysis over three case studies, one on global financial regulation, one on climate change and one on welfare provision in the UK. These areas are chosen as contemporary reflections of the three ‘fictitious commodities’ that Polanyi identified as uniquely important loci of economistically fallacious logics, namely money, land and labour. In each case, I note how specific versions of economistic fallacy have guided policies that aim to deliver forms of social protection via market mechanisms and market actors – what I call ‘marketised social protection’. This is in distinction to the straightforward (often state-led) societal self-protection that Polanyi and latter-day Polanyians have typically focused upon. I argue that the policies discussed are economistically fallacious to the extent that they rely on unrealistic, overly rationalist assumptions about the nature of society, the natural environment and people, respectively. I show instead how the dynamics of capital accumulation that such regimes serve to legitimate and protect – dynamics that I refer to as forms of ‘market self-protection’ – act to continually undermine the success of such policy programmes. This, I argue, is a distinctive tension in the ideational and material landscape of contemporary capitalism.

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48

Hultell, Johan. "Cooperative and non-cooperative wireless access : Resource and infrastructure sharing regimes." Doctoral thesis, KTH, Kommunikationssystem, CoS, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-9680.

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Future wireless networks will combine multiple radio technologies and subsystems, possibly managed by competing network providers. For such systems it may be advantageous to let the end nodes (terminals) make some or all of the resource management decisions. In addition to reducing complexity and costs, increasing redundancy, and facilitating more timely decisions; distributed resource sharing regimes can decouple the individual subsystems. Decoupled subsystems could be desirable both because competing operators can be business-wise separated and because it allows new technologies to be added (removed) in a modular fashion. However, distributed regimes can also lead to “selfish” wireless nodes who only try to maximize their own performance. The first part of this dissertation studies if selfish nodes can make efficient use of wireless resources, using multiaccess and network layers as examples. The related problems are formulated as noncooperative games between nodes. To maintain tractability nodes are confined to simple strategies that neither account for future payoffs nor allow for coordination. Yet, it is demonstrated that selfish nodes can achieve comparable performance to traditional protocols. These results should be interpreted as an argument in favor of distributed regimes. The second part of this dissertation evaluates the effects of multi-provider network architectures where users can roam freely across all networks. From a supply side perspective the benefits are improved path gain statistics and the fact that different networks may have non-overlapping busy hours. Several network configurations are analyzed and it is shown that cooperation between symmetric providers can yield significant capacity gains for both downlink and uplink; even if the providers have nearly collocated sites. When the providers have different site densities the gains from cooperation are reduced and the provider with a sparse network always gains more from cooperating. This suggests that initially, voluntary cooperation may be limited to some special cases. Lastly, the architecture is analyzed in a context where the providers compete for users on a per session basis by offering access at different prices. Although such architectures currently only exist in a few special cases, they could emerge in domestic markets where the costs to switch and search for new networks are low. Based on a game theoretic formulation it is shown that a competitive market for wireless access can be advantageous for both users and providers. The results presented suggest that the advantages of cooperation of competing providers occur in more than just a few cases.
QC 20100812

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Kleine, Mareike [Verfasser]. "All roads lead away from Rome : a liberal theory of international regimes / Mareike Kleine." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1025489748/34.

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Swetnam, Tyson Lee. "Cordilleran Forest Scaling Dynamics And Disturbance Regimes Quantified By Aerial LiDAR." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311231.

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Semi-arid forests are in a period of rapid transition as a result of unprecedented landscape scale fires, insect outbreaks, drought, and anthropogenic land use practices. Understanding how historically episodic disturbances led to coherent forest structural and spatial patterns that promoted resilience and resistance is a critical part of addressing change. Here my coauthors and I apply metabolic scaling theory (MST) to examine scaling behavior and structural patterns of semi-arid conifer forests in Arizona and New Mexico. We conceptualize a linkage to mechanistic drivers of forest assembly that incorporates the effects of low-intensity disturbance, and physiologic and resource limitations as an extension of MST. We use both aerial LiDAR data and field observations to quantify changes in forest structure from the sub-meter to landscape scales. We found: (1) semi-arid forest structure exhibits MST-predicted behaviors regardless of disturbance and that MST can help to quantitatively measure the level of disturbance intensity in a forest, (2) the application of a power law to a forest overstory frequency distribution can help predict understory presence/absence, (3) local indicators of spatial association can help to define first order effects (e.g. topographic changes) and map where recent disturbances (e.g. logging and fire) have altered forest structure. Lastly, we produced a comprehensive set of above-ground biomass and carbon models for five distinct forest types and ten common species of the southwestern US that are meant for use in aerial LiDAR forest inventory projects. This dissertation presents both a conceptual framework and applications for investigating local scales (stands of trees) up to entire ecosystems for diagnosis of current carbon balances, levels of departure from historical norms, and ecological stability. These tools and models will become more important as we prepare our ecosystems for a future characterized by increased climatic variability with an associated increase in frequency and severity of ecological disturbances.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'The theory of authoritarian regimes'

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