To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: The theory of totalitarian regimes.
Journal articles on the topic 'The theory of totalitarian regimes'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'The theory of totalitarian regimes.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Wintrobe, Ronald. "The Tinpot and the Totalitarian: An Economic Theory of Dictatorship." American Political Science Review 84, no. 3 (September 1990): 849–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962769.
Full textAbstract:
I use basic tools of economic theory to construct a simple model of the behavior of dictatorships. Two extreme cases are considered: a “tin-pot” dictatorship, in which the dictator wishes only to minimize the costs of remaining in power in order to collect the fruits of office (palaces, Mercedes-Benzes, Swiss bank accounts), and a “totalitarian” dictatorship, whose leader maximizes power over the population. I show that the two differ in their responses to economic change. For example, a decline in economic performance will lead a tin-pot regime to increase its repression of the population, whereas it will lead a totalitarian government to reduce repression. The model also shows why military dictatorships (a subspecies of tin-pots) tend to be short-lived and often voluntarily hand power over to a civilian regime; explains numerous features of totalitarian regimes; and suggests what policies will enable democratic regimes to deal with dictatorships effectively.
2
Pixová, Michaela. "Spaces of alternative culture in Prague in a time of politicaleconomic changes of the city." Geografie 118, no. 3 (2013): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2013118030221.
Full textAbstract:
Cultural plurality distinguishes democratic societies from totalitarian regimes. Cultures that generate low profit are nonetheless constrained by a capitalist economy, which drives them out of spaces available on the market. Some alternative cultures therefore search for spaces that transcend the socio-spatial standards and norms of mainstream society. This paper refers to Marxist urban theory and the concept of the right to the city to demonstrate that in democratic societies alternative non-profit uses of space for cultural purposes are important and create diverse, vibrant, progressive, and socially inclusive urban environments. The example of Prague shows how the changing political-economic context affects spaces that local alternative cultures use. Through observation in the contexts of socialist, post-socialist, and contemporary Prague, the paper aims to examine the inclusivity of the current regime towards cultural plurality, as well as the extent to which the current regime has abandoned the former totalitarian regime’s repressive approach towards alternative cultures.
3
Buchanan, Allen. "The Marxist Conceptual Framework and the Origins of Totalitarian Socialism." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 2 (1986): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000339.
Full textAbstract:
One of the few things modern liberals, classical liberals, and conservatives can agree on is the charge that some of the worst features oftotalitarian socialist regimes have their origins in the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Nevertheless, the nature of this claim, and therefore the reasons for accepting or rejecting it, are oftenleft obscure.If it is understood simply as a causal statement, then it must be confirmed or disconfirmed by empirical social science. The political philosopher can at most assist by providing a clear characterization of the conceptual content of the beliefs which constitute the independent variable in the alleged causal relation: those beliefs concerning Marx's and Engels's thoughts which are said to have exerted the causal influence in question. Even if empirical research did showthat beliefs about Marxist theory were a significant causal influencein the rise of certain features of totalitarian socialism, this wouldbe of limited philosophical interest if the beliefs in question were misunderstandings of the theory and if the correct explanationof why these misunderstandings occurred appealed to factors external to the theory itself. However, it would be of considerable philosophical interest if correct beliefs about Marxist theory exerted a causalinfluence on some of the more undesirable aspects of totalitarian socialism, or if incorrect beliefs did and the existence of thesemisunderstandings could be traced to ambiguities or gaps in the Marxist theory itself. The political philosopher has a legitimate interestin the relationship between the writings of Marx and Engels on the rise of totalitarian socialism, not because he is interested in articulating and testing causal connections between beliefs and social phenomena in general, but because Marxist theory is supposed – by its authors – to inspire and guide change toward a better society.
4
Hedin, Astrid. "Illiberal deliberation: Communist regime travel controls as state capacity in everyday world politics." Cooperation and Conflict 54, no. 2 (December 11, 2018): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836718815522.
Full textAbstract:
Much social theory takes for granted that transnational people-to-people dialogue is inherently liberal in process and content – a haven of everyday authenticity that shelters ideas of human rights and democratic reform. In contrast, this contribution shows how communist regimes built and institutionalised an encompassing administrative state capacity to control and shape micro-level professional contacts with the West. This extensive but secret system of coercion, which was brought to light only with the opening of former communist regime archives, set a markedly illiberal framework for everyday East–West deliberations during the Cold War. Effectively, the travel cadre system may not only have delayed the demise of Soviet bloc communism, by isolating the population from Western influences. It was also intended to serve as a vehicle for the discursive influence of Soviet type regimes on the West. The article provides one of the first and most detailed English language maps of the administrative routines of a communist regime travel cadre system, based on the East German example. Furthermore, drawing on social mechanisms methodology, the article sets up a micro-level ‘how it could work’ scheme over how travel cadre systems can be understood as a state capacity, unique to totalitarian regimes, to help sway political discourse in open societies.
5
Stroup, John. "Political Theology and Secularization Theory in Germany, 1918–1939: Emanuel Hirsch as a Phenomenon of His Time." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 3 (July 1987): 321–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023695.
Full textAbstract:
According to Goethe, “writing history is a way of getting the past off your back.” In the twentieth century, Protestant theology has a heavy burden on its back—the readiness of some of its most distinguished representatives to embrace totalitarian regimes, notably Adolf Hitler's “ThirdReich.” In this matter the historian's task is not to jettison but to ensure that the burden on Protestants is not too lightly cast aside—an easy temptation if we imagine that the theologians who turned to Hitler did so with the express desire of embracing a monster. On the contrary: they did so believing their choice was ethically correct. How could this come to pass in the homeland of the Reformation?
6
Moroz, E. V. "CRITICAL DISCOURSE OF TOTALITARIANISM IN FOREIGN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE 1960S." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-1-66-73.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this article is to analyze the reasons and the substantive content of the critical discourse on totalitarianism developed in foreign historiography of the 1960s. The analysis is based on the fundamental methodological principles of historical study: systemic approach of historicism and scientific objectivity. The research focuses on the works by famous foreign researchers in the area: H. Arendt, P. Sorokin, K. Friedrich, Z. Brzezinski, R. Мills, A. Ulam. The content of these works makes it possible to highlight the main methodological problems of critical discourse. The author criticizes the totalitarian model for its structural and external uniformity and lack of differentiation of totalitarian regimes. Revisionism in foreign historiography of the 1960s contributed to the study of Soviet society on the basis of sociological methodology by highlighting its high social mobility. The critical approach specifies the differences between communist and fascist systems and the peculiarities of individual communist regimes. However, the representatives of the critical approach failed to create a coherent theory compatible to the one offered by the adherents of totalitarianism. The critical discourse of totalitarianism in the 1960s contributed to the formation of a modernized concept of the phenomenon. The final part of the article contains the main conclusions of the discussion. The content and results of this article can be used in foreign historiography courses.
7
Gasymov, Parviz. "“Aesopian language” in the communist regime: a scientific article by the Bulgarian scientist Nikola Mavrodinov." Scientific knowledge - autonomy, dependence, resistance 29, no. 2 (May 30, 2020): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v29i2.11.
Full textAbstract:
The resistance in intellectual milieu of countries with totalitarian regimes had different forms. The “Aesopian language” was another resistance form. In Bulgarian archeologist, professor Nikola Mavrodinov’s article “Excavations and researches in Bulgaria in recent years”, published in the scientific journal “Soviet archeology”, in 1955, there was a noticeable contrast to that landscape of “underdeveloped archeology of bourgeois Bulgaria” depicted by him in the beginning of his article with presented facts by him. N.Mavrodinov’s article was an evident example of scientist’s “Aesopian language”, whose country was occupied and the regime established by the metropolis country demanded of the scientist to downgrade all achievements, made prior to occupation. Using, namely, this “Aesopian language”, the scientist showed that, at least, not everything was negative in the past or generally, one shouldn’t see the past in negative.
8
Popovici, Ioana Cristina. "ARCHITECTURE COMPETITIONS – A SPACE FOR POLITICAL CONTENTION. SOCIALIST ROMANIA, 1950–1956." JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 38, no. 1 (March 28, 2014): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2014.891561.
Full textAbstract:
This is an account of the relationship between architecture and power in Romania during the Stalinist period. A cursory glance at Arhitectura – the only specialist magazine to resume publication after the change in regime – suggests compliance with political direction, and professional interest in translating the theoretical method of Socialist Realism into a specific, culturally localized architectural language. Architecture competitions are a medium of intersection between theory and practice, power and the profession, ideology and economy – a space where political contention based on professional knowledge becomes possible even in totalitarian regimes. Between 1950 and 1956, Arhitectura published several competitions which, far from reinforcing Socialist Realism as the dominant architectural discourse, exposed the method’s internal contradictions and utopianism. In the ensuing confusion, there emerged a creative, practice-based counter-discourse centered on previously hegemonic dialects (the ‘national’). Based in equal amounts on the pre-established dynamics of professional culture, and on the willingness and ability of the architecture field to speculate the rules of the political game, this counter-discourse gradually led to the dismantling of Socialist Realism into alternative readings of Socialist architecture.
9
Lenherr, Mariia. "Collective Trauma and Mystic Dreams in Zabuzhko’s “The Museum of Abandoned Secrets”." Genealogy 3, no. 1 (January 11, 2019): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3010004.
Full textAbstract:
The 20th century of human history was overshadowed by the horrifying events of world wars and totalitarian regimes, with their traumatic experiences becoming the very focus of today’s modern globalized society. Psychoanalytic psychotherapy is one of the ways of dealing with this overwhelmingly violent phenomenon. This article will discuss an historical traumatic event through literature, using psychoanalytic theories of trauma. The problem is discussed on the level of the actual theoretical landscape including the relation between transgenerational transmitted trauma, collective trauma, and cumulative trauma inscribed in a “foundation matrix” (Foulkes). As a clinical vignette, the novel “Museum of Abandoned Secrets” by modern Ukrainian writer Oksana Zabuzhko is used. The author addresses the functions of dreams, scrutinizing the psychodynamics of the novel using concepts of projective identification, mourning, the need for repair, and epigenetic and fractal theory. It is suggested that the novel facilitates the characters’ journey through trauma and its integration by the large groups (of readers).
10
Scholtyseck, Joachim. "Fascism—National Socialism—Arab “Fascism”: Terminologies, Definitions and Distinctions." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 242–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a2.
Full textAbstract:
Because certain movements in the Arab world of the 1930s and 1940s showed similarities to Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, historians have drawn comparisons with the fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. But not even those arguing for the concept of a “generic fascism” are able to wholeheartedly subsume these movements under their fascist rubric. Fascism and National Socialism evolved in Europe, were shaped by the mood at the fin de siècle, became effective after the First World War in a unique political, social, economic and cultural atmosphere, and only lost their appeal in 1945 at the conclusion of the Second World War. They flourished in industrialized societies and aimed—in novel and twisted ways—at reversing the liberalization of 19th-century Europe. They emphasized power, national rebirth, military order and efficiency; and they were, in the case of Germany, driven by anti-Semitism and racism, resulting in totalitarian rule with genocidal consequences. National-socialist and fascist movements and regimes required the atmosphere and culture of liberal democracy as a foil—and liberal democracy was virtually nonexistent in the Near and Middle East. The preconditions for fascism were thus lacking. Colonial rule was still in place, traditional culture still prevailed in these mainly rural societies, and their small bourgeois parties showed greater allegiance to their clans than to liberal and secular ideologies.
11
Snauwaert, Erwin. "National images and their reception through football literature." Transnational Image Building 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.20007.sna.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract As demonstrated extensively by translation studies, national images and their reception undergo significant changes in the transfer process to another culture. From this perspective, La pena máxima by Roncagliolo is an interesting case: not only is the plot tied in with the theme of football, which is widely believed to embody national identity, but it has also been commented on in different target cultures. The reception study displays how the images of Argentina and Peru, which the novel deconstructs by using the 1978 World Cup as a pretext to expose the atrocities perpetrated by their respective totalitarian regimes, are perceived in the Hispanic context and in the French and Dutch literary systems into which they have been translated. While the Argentinian and the French reviews skate over the gruesome reality, the Peruvian, the Spanish and the Dutch ones assume the negative images by emphasizing their socio-political relevance.
12
Daven, Mathias. "POLITIK PEMUSNAHAN DAN PEMUSNAHAN POLITIK : Telaah Kritis Atas Konsep Hannah Arendt Tentang Totalitarisme." Jurnal Ledalero 14, no. 1 (June 11, 2015): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v14i1.10.129-158.
Full textAbstract:
If we wish to understand a totalitarian system as a whole, we need first to understand the central role of the concentration camp as a laboratorium to experiment in total domination. Arendt’s analysis of totalitarianism in the twentieth century shows how a totalitarian regime cannot survive without terror; and terror will not be effective without concentration camps. Experiments in concentration camps had as their purpose, apart from wiping out any freedom or spontaneity, the abolishing of space between human beings, abolishing space for politics. Thus, totalitarianism did not mirror only the politics of extinction, but also the extinction of politics. As a way forward, Arendt analyses political theory that forces the reader to understand power no longer under the rubric of domination or violence – although this avenue is open – but rather under the rubric of freedom. Arendt is convinced that the life of a destroyed nation can be restored by mutual forgiveness and mutual promises, two abilities rooted in action. Political action, as with other acts, is identical with the ability to commence something new.
Keywords: Totalitarisme, antisemitisme, imperialisme, dominasi, teror, kebebasan, kedaulatan, kamp konsentrasi, politik, ideologi, tindakan
13
Lalovic, Dragutin. "Europe’s federative Republic and Leviathan - friends or foes?" Theoria, Beograd 61, no. 2 (2018): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1802039l.
Full textAbstract:
Seen from the perspective of classical state theory (Bodin, Hobbes, Hegel), to appropriately confront the dilemma whether federalism and modern state are friends or enemies in the process of European integration necessitates previous clarifications of some key features of a modern state. In contrast to the pre-modern orders of personalized power, state implies impersonal sovereign rule as a condition of legal order establishing and subjectivation of man as legal person. In the process of European political community building continental Leviathan is not a barrier to federalist democratic integration of Europe as a republic but its precondition. Their common enemy is Behemoth as a symbol of not only civil war (in the sense of Hobbes and Schmitt) but also Nazi totalitarian regime as a non-state (Neumann).
14
Hanstein, Michael. "Der Poet als unbeugsamer Dissident." Daphnis 46, no. 4 (October 17, 2018): 560–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04604001.
Full textAbstract:
In 1977 the East German author Hans Joachim Schädlich published Versuchte Nähe (English edition Approximation published in 1980), a small volume of short stories. While the Western German press praised Schädlich’s first work as a literary reflection of the society in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), Schädlich was marginalized as a dissident in the GDR and had to move to West Germany. One of the short stories in Versuchte Nähe is about the last days of the German renaissance author Nicodemus Frischlin, who, arrested by German authorities, died in prison. The story was appreciated for its style using a “Luther-like language”. Schädlich’s story is mainly based on a biography of Frischlin written by David Friedrich Strauss, a famous and prolific 19th century German author and theologian. Schädlich’s modification of the original source includes a description of the conditions of imprisonment and the heroification of Frischlin as an uncompromising critic of a totalitarian regime.
15
Hornat, Jan. "Democratization through education? Theory and practice of the Czech post-revolution education system and its reforms." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.08.003.
Full textAbstract:
The transformation process from an authoritarian/totalitarian system entails many institutional changes, however, the individual citizen is often being overlooked in this chaotic, fast-paced process and his or her “transformation” into a democrat is taken for granted. The changing socio-political system and its exigencies may lead to nostalgia and social frustrations, which in turn cause democratic backsliding. In order to cultivate a democratic society and avoid future backsliding, the post-communist states quickly set out to reform their educational systems, both in form and substance. By reviewing the reform process of the Czech educational system and discussing the prevailing legacies left by the communist regime, the article will show that through the “destruction” of the former system and its de-monopolization, decentralization and de-ideologization, the state deliberately lost significant means and power to transform Czechs from “homo sovieticus” to “homo democraticus” and is now left with a dependence on the highly autonomous schools and their propensity to foster democratic generations that will uphold the democratic state in the future. This paradox is reminiscent of the so-called Böockenföorde dilemma, claiming that the liberal democratic state “lives by prerequisites which it cannot guarantee itself”.
16
Fein, Helen. "Accounting for genocide after 1945: Theories and some findings." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 1, no. 2 (1993): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181193x00013.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractGenocide has been related in social theory to both social and political structure: i.e., plural society (ethnoclass exclusion and discrimination) and types of polities - revolutionary, totalitarian and authoritarian regimes. War has also been noted as an instigator or frequent context of genocide. This paper reviews theoretical expectations and examines the empirical relation between genocides (and other state massacres) and indices of ethnic discrimination, polity form, and war among states in Asia, Africa and the Mid-East from 1948 to 1988. Findings show that (1) most users of genocide are repeat offenders. (2) There is a high likelihood of political exclusion and discrimination of ethnoclasses producing rebellions which instigate genocides and other state-sponsored massacres. (3) As expected, unfree, authoritarian, and one-party communist states (in ascending order) are most likely to use genocide. Democratic states in this era are not perpetrators against their citizens but have been patrons and accomplices of genocidal regimes elsewhere. One-party communist states are 4.5 times more likely to have used genocide than are authoritarian states. (4) States involved in wars are many more times as likely to have employed genocide than other states. Exploring these cases, we find that genocides both lead to war and war leads to genocide through several processes. (5) The use of genocide in conflicts within the state in the regions surveyed tripled between 1968-88 compared to the preceding score of years (10:3 cases). Genocide and genocidal massacres occur so often that they may be considered normal in these regions. Both the theoretical and the policy implications of these findings are discussed. Observing on the latter, we note that journalists and scholars have often confused recognition of genocide and genocidal massacres by framing these cases as 'ethnic conflicts', by confounding the toll of war and massacre and by conflating concepts. To deter genocide, we should promote nonviolent change in order to eliminate ethnoclass domination and monitor civil wars to detect
17
AMIGHINI, Alessia A., and Peitao JIA. "Equ(al)ity and Community in China after Forty Years of Economic Reform." Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2019.7.1.269-290.
Full textAbstract:
We suggest a methodology that combines a refined conceptual approach with a theoretically-inspired empirical assessment, to analyse how Sinicised Marxist theory as well as practice has invariably emphasised Marx’s philosophy of history, rather than any version of Marxist egalitarian political philosophy, and therefore developed a culturally distinctive version of Marxism as totalitarian and subsequently authoritarian (rather than democratic) socialism. We argue that Chinese socialism has appropriated and applied socialist ideals to China’s post-cultural-revolution development into an economic reform agenda without political transition. We suggest that China today runs an ethically and politically problematic regime under which the people enjoy neither sufficient social justice nor decent community values. Such lack of equality and community represents a major inherent contradiction of “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” which has to accept and even accommodate increasing inequality to drive future growth. This contradiction also makes the so-called Chinese Dream more one of national aggregate prosperity than a dream for the Chinese people.
18
Mommsen, Hans. "Changing Historical Perspectives on the Nazi Dictatorship." European Review 17, no. 1 (February 2009): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870900057x.
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses the change of the leading paradigms in the field of contemporary history in the Federal Republic of Germany. While, during the early post-Second World War period, the study of the interwar period was dominated by the theory of totalitarian dictatorship and the discussion of the deficiencies of the Paris peace treaty system, thereby focusing on the charismatic leadership of Adolf Hitler, the post-war generation of German historians analysed the emerging political system of the Third Reich from a more systematic perspective, depicting behind the Hitlerian façade the antagonistic political structure that resulted in an accelerating cumulative radicalisation of the Nazi regime. This functionalist approach, however, has recently been attacked for indirectly exculpating the Nazi crimes by underlining the systemic factors leading to the accumulation of terror and violence and is about to be replaced by a rather moralist interpretation of Nazi politics, accentuating the function of the ‘Volksgemeinschaft’ and the impact of Hitler’s charismatic leadership.
19
Zafer, Zeynep. "The “Turkish Wing” of the Independent Society of Human Rights Protection." Balkanistic Forum 28, no. 3 (November 16, 2019): 91–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v28i3.6.
Full textAbstract:
The paper relates in first person about the motivation, participants, organizing and enlarging the Turkish resistance movement against the assimilation actions of the Bulgarian communist regime from the 1980s. From the inside point of view are narrated the processes of the resistance of the Turks and Muslims against the attempts to change their names and violent Bulgarisation. In details are followed the actions concerning the voicing of the repressions of the regime against the Muslims, starving strikes as symbols of resistance, the participation of Turks in the Independent Society of Human Rights Protection and the establishment of „Turkish section“ to it.The paper relates about the role of the radio for the „voiceless“ minorities suffering from the repressions of the totalitarian regime. The importance of the Western radio stations as the only hope for penetration of news about the dissident movement in the socialist countries in the 1970s – 1980s has been outlined. The radio stations played also the role of coordinating centre for the resistance of the Turks and Muslims in Bulgaria during 1985-1989.
20
Estraikh, Gennady. "At the edge of Soviet state control." AJS Review 30, no. 1 (April 2006): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009406000080.
Full textAbstract:
In August 1956, Nikita Khrushchev took part in a meeting with a delegation of Canadian communists. Discussing the wave of repression against Jewish intellectuals during the late 1940s and early 1950s, the Soviet leader mentioned that he had supported Stalin's decision not to give the Crimea to Jews because it would have created a springboard for attacks on the Soviet Union. Apart from being paranoid about the Soviet Jews' loyalty to the young state of Israel and its imperialist backers, Khrushchev had, as his remark revealed, another paranoia that was characteristic of the Kremlin decision-makers: distrust of the peripheries. Khrushchev and his advisors knew that their totalitarian regime was not such a monolith as it might appear in the eyes of foreign observers, especially because visitors were seldom allowed to travel to the outskirts of the Soviet empire and did not know that some areas had features of fiefdoms. The post-Soviet disintegration of the communist empire confirmed the Kremlin denizens' misgivings.
21
Gray, John. "From Post-Communism to Civil Society: The Reemergence of History and the Decline of the Western Model." Social Philosophy and Policy 10, no. 2 (1993): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026505250000412x.
Full textAbstract:
For virtually all the major schools of Western opinion, the collapse of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union, between 1989 and 1991, represents a triumph of Western values, ideas, and institutions. If, for triumphal conservatives, the events of late 1989 encompassed an endorsement of “democratic capitalism” that augured “the end of history,” for liberal and social democrats they could be understood as the repudiation by the peoples of the former Soviet bloc of Marxism-Leninism in all its varieties, and the reemergence of a humanist socialism that was free of Bolshevik deformation. The structure of political and economic institutions appropriate to the transition from post-Communism in the Soviet bloc to genuine civil society was, accordingly, modeled on Western exemplars—the example of Anglo-American democratic capitalism, of Swedish social democracy, or of the German social market economy— or on various modish Western academic conceptions, long abandoned in the Soviet and post-Soviet worlds, such as market socialism. No prominent school of thought in the West doubted that the dissolution of Communist power was part of a process of Westernization in which contemporary Western ideas and institutions could and would successfully be exported to the former Communist societies. None questioned the idea that, somewhere in the repertoire of Western theory and practice, there was a model for conducting the transition from the bankrupt institutions of socialist central planning, incorporated into the structure of a totalitarian state, to market institutions and a liberal democratic state. Least of all did anyone question the desirability, or the possibility, of reconstituting economic and political institutions on Western models, in most parts of the former Soviet bloc.
22
Bondar, Yaroslav. "Stepan Bandera as a theorist of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle." Grani 23, no. 6-7 (August 30, 2020): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172061.
Full textAbstract:
The position of Stepan Bandera's theoretical heritage on the main components of the concept of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle is systematized. The study of the provisions of the theoretical works of Stepan Bandera allowed us to state that the author has created a comprehensive vision of the concept of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle on key components. This was confirmed during the study by the existence of a clear ideological basis for the revolutionary liberation struggle, it was proved that Stepan Bandera's conceptual views are based on the principles of positivist-humanistic ideology of human development and society. It is determined that this approach has the appropriate deep scientific, philosophical principles and is supported by meaningful counterbalances to totalitarian ideology. The analysis of the author's theoretical heritage highlights his views on the composition and characteristics of key political actors in the struggle against the totalitarian Soviet regime, identifies his beliefs about the participation of Western countries in this process, proves the value and consistency of Stepan Bandera's predictions Ukraine by imperial Russia. It is proved that the characteristics and classification of the phases of the revolutionary liberation struggle, defined by Stepan Bandera, are formed consistently, taking into account the logic, theory and practice of conducting successful events of a similar type. Successful examples of a well-organized liberation struggle are considered, especially the Finnish experience of statehood and liberation from the USSR by their own national forces. It is determined that the theoretical basis of Stepan Bandera's legacy deserves a separate detailed scientific study of all the problems highlighted by the author in the context of methodological support of the revolutionary liberation struggle. It is established that his concept of implementation of this process, although focused on the Ukrainian reality, but can be considered unified and adapted to the conditions of other countries with similar features of development. The study of the phases (stages) of the Ukrainian national revolution shows that the approach to their construction in the theory of the ideologist can act as a universal model of the struggle against totalitarianism and the creation of independence for any republic within the USSR.
23
Stroińska, Magda. "LANGUAGE AND TOTALITARIAN REGIMES." Economic Affairs 22, no. 2 (June 2002): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0270.00353.
Full text
24
Muratova, Nurie. "(Non)dangerous Enemies of the Regime: Unknown Stories of Three Famous Women of the Agrarian Party." Balkanistic Forum 28, no. 3 (November 16, 2019): 310–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v28i3.17.
Full textAbstract:
The paper follows the life trajectory of three women - Rayna Lapardova (1904-1980), Nevena Elmazova (1895-1981) and Tsvetana Tsacheva (1896-1974), who are not even mentioned in the history of the Bulgarian Agrarian Movement to which they devoted their lives nor yet in the stories about the resistance against the communist regime whose victims they became. The Bulgarian Agrarian Union was the biggest political party before the communist take over on 9th of September 1944. In the 1940s and 1950s the members of the Union were supressed and persecuted by the authorities. The author discovered the contradiction between the official archive documents about them and the documents of the repressive services of the totalitarian state. The two sources presented two different stories of the same person. The official archive memory about them contradicts to the true story of their difficult lives which could be reconstructed from their State Security dossiers. Two of them (Rayna Lapardova and Tsvetana Tsacheva) spent several years in the working camps, and the third one (Nevena Elmazova) was kept under observation and under pressure by the State Security for 10 years.
25
MacLeod, Adam J. "Strategic and Tactical Totalization in the Totalitarian Epoch." British Journal of American Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 57–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0002.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the totalization of private law by public authorities. It compares and contrasts the fate of private law in totalitarian regimes with the role of private law in contemporary, non-totalitarian liberal democracies. It briefly examines the Socialist jurisprudence of the former Soviet Union and its treatment of private law. It offers an explanation why private law might be inimical to the jurisprudence of the Soviet Union and totalitarian regimes more generally. It next examines the totalization of law accomplished by segregationist regimes in the mid-twentieth century, comparing and contrasting those regimes with totalitarian regimes. Then it turns to examine instances of “tactical totalization” in our own day. Examining totalization of law as a jurisprudential, rather than political, phenomenon reveals how the totalization of legal norms can and does occur in liberal democracies, though with substantially different implications than in totalitarian regimes.
26
Cingerová, Nina, and Irina Dulebová. "Rock Beats the Wall? On Commemorative Practices in Post-Soviet Russia." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 14, no. 1 (March 26, 2020): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0001.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper focuses on the case analysis of the memorial to the victims of state terror – the Wall of Grief (Stena skorbi) – which was unveiled on the eve of the 100th anniversary of the November 7, 1917, coup d’état. Using this example, we have attempted to elaborate a structure for a more complex analysis of the memory of past regimes’ manifestation and to create a methodological base for their comparison. We have based our research on the discourse theory by the so-called Essex School, the social semiotics by Kress, and the procedures of the critical discourse analysis. The procedure that we have considered relevant consists of the following: (a) description of the social context in which the memorial was manifested as a piece of evidence; (b) semiotic analysis of the memorial artifact; (c) analysis of verbal practices, as well as written and spoken texts that “explained” the memorial; and (d) analysis of nonverbal practices, namely, rituals. On the basis of our case study, we have come to the conclusion that when carrying out a semiotic analysis and the analysis of verbal and nonverbal practices in the case of the Russian public discourse, it is especially relevant to pay attention not only to widening vs. narrowing of the chronological framework, generalization vs. concretization, and specification of the traumatic experience but also to the question of framing of the memorial. In regard to the semiotic analysis, the extent of indexicality is considered to be very important in the sense of the bodily connection with an element of the commemorated event that bestows “truthfulness” and authenticity on the memorial. We assume that particularly present-day Russia, where explicit attempts to reinterpret the history of the authoritarian communist state and attempts to instrumentalize the totalitarian period according to the vector of the current political direction may be seen, is a relevant object of this kind of research.
27
Basuki, Edi Pujo. "MANIPULATIVE DISCOURSE IN GEORGE ORWEL’S ANIMAL FARM." Education and Human Development Journal 4, no. 1 (May 2, 2019): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33086/ehdj.v4i1.1086.
Full textAbstract:
Animal Farm has been called George Orwell’s most ferocious propaganda (Voorhees, 1961 quoted in Jasim, M. H. and Aziz, Fatimah H). This novel is a satire referring to a communist regime persistently utilizing the kind of hypocritical propaganda merely for the purpose of keeping its totalitarian regime in power.. Animal Farm demonstrates more of such manipulative discourse, and this will be the focus of the study. The contribution of this study is that understanding manipulative discourse and its strategies gives a view of manipulative mechanism and thereby help people recognizing any hegemony form by those in power. The framework of the study applied Cognitive Pragmatics for Manipulative Discourse and Relevance Theory. The result of the study describes the characters that represent manipulative discourse as well as the types of the employed strategies (both global and local, both linguistic and non-linguistic ones). Manipulative discourses employed in the novel are produced or reproduced for two main general purposes. Firstly, the political discourses produced by Old Major is to convince all the animals of the necessity to fight against the human being for the freedom of the animals. The ideology exercised by the animals is anti-human ideology. Secondly, the manipulative discourses produced and reproduced by the pigs are to exercise their domination over the rest of the animals. The ideology of the pigs’ racism is exercised to gain more power, more privilege, and more access to the farm resources.
28
Kozhevnikov, Vladimir V. "On non-democratic state regimes." Gosudarstvo i pravo, no. 8 (2021): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520015041-6.
Full textAbstract:
This scientific article analyzes and dialectically evaluates non-democratic state regimes, which, from the position of the author, cannot be defined as anti-democratic regimes. This assessment of the undemocratic state regime is transferred to its two main varieties - authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, focusing on the negative and positive aspects of both. Particular attention is paid to the problem of correlation between totalitarian and authoritarian state regimes.
29
Thompson, M. R. "Totalitarian and Post-Totalitarian Regimes in Transitions and Non-Transitions from Communism." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 3, no. 1 (June 2002): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714005469.
Full text
30
Razumov, A. E. "Man in Time: Russia — the Last Century." Philosophical Letters. Russian and European Dialogue 3, no. 4 (December 2020): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2658-5413-2020-3-4-203-218.
Full textAbstract:
The last century is filled with victories and failures, passions, and interests. World wars and revolutions, the change of political regimes, ideologies, and ideological orientations — all this provoked a formation of social and political chaos, which sometimes had to be overcome in a totalitarian way through sole commanding and by one-party dictatorship. At the same time, one can observe the successes of cognition, culture, scientific and technological development, which, however, can hardly be called “progress”. Because the mass destruction weapons of certain “partners” in globalism have also been increased. Ready for self-destruction, “man in time” did not become yet the master of his destiny in the last century, but in many ways remained a mystery to himself. Despite the fact that over the past century man has learned a lot about his own psychology, consciousness and subconscious, he still needs further self-knowledge no less than in those times when the Oracle of Delphi called for it. Today, as ancient times, one needs to know better what motivates his sometimes rational, and sometimes, mildly speaking, very strange behavior. Who is man in time? To understand this, one must go beyond the limits of itself being to other times and spaces. Even to times and spaces of a cosmic scale, to the spaces and to the depths of our Universe, where a man was born and will disappear, perhaps preserved in its cosmic memory. The memory of the Universe is symbolized by world constants that arose as a result of the Big Bang and the birth of the Universe from a singularity point. Memory of man inherits this property of the Cosmos. The memory is a system-forming factor that creates man and its world. This is what rigorous science can offer to explain the cosmic origin of man and his memory. Artistic imagery can continue the efforts of science. Culture, literature, first of all, can create imageries that will tell about man and his time more than abstract theory. The imageries will tell that man has not yet lost his freedom of creativity. He must remember the past, live in the present, look and go to the future.
31
Duprat, Annie. "The Iconography of Twentieth-Century Totalitarian Regimes." Contemporary European History 8, no. 3 (November 1999): 439–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399003070.
Full textAbstract:
Victoria E. Bonnell, Iconography of Power. Soviet Political Posters under Lenin and Stalin (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 364 pp., 8 colour plates, 92 b/w illustrations, £38, ISBN 0–520–08712–7.Enrico Sturani, Mussolini. Un dictateur en cartes postales (Paris: Somogy, 1997), 240 pp., 284 colour illustrations, FF 189, ISBN 2–850–56292–0.The rhythm of the history of human societies is determined by the constitution of the powers which organise them. Violence, persuasion, acquiescence might be adduced as the three stages of a broad schema whereby a coherent system of reference, based on rules which are respected by most (if not all) people, succeeds in establishing itself on a lasting basis of political constitution, civil law, and a legal system to govern systems of work and exchange. Individuals, whose primeval subjection was to the law of family, tribe or gens, do not readily submit to absorption into an entity which does not coincide with this original cell. Therefore, by definition, the history of the creation of political systems in Western societies must be set in a context of permanent tension between the interests of the individual, or the primordial group, and those of new institutions or bodies which are more abstract, and therefore harder to identify, recognise and, eventually, accept. But it is also the history of how peoples view the world, of their common points of reference: in short, a history of mental representations, which can partly be written by studying their translation into figurative images – into political iconography developed for purposes of mass propaganda.
32
Arif, Muhammad, Humaira Ahmed, and Bakht Rahman. "Dismantling Panopticonic Regime: Study of Orwell’s 1984." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/2.1.2.
Full textAbstract:
The current study has taken into consideration Orwell’s 1984 to find the elements of despotism for the establishment of totalitarian regimes and to reduce them to an absurdity. The aim of this study is to highlight the failure of totalitarian regimes in terms of ground realities. Historical instances show that such governments used various techniques like, insurgency, censorship of media, changing the facts and oppression of the masses by the totalitarian rulers to sustain the authority in the state. The study has highlighted the ineffectuality of the regime in the selected text in the light of totalitarian absurdity on practical grounds. The theoretical framework which has been used is totalitarian absurdity. It has looked for the totalitarian governments and the tactics they used to rule the masses and has reduced them to an absurdity as they failed badly eventually. In the light of the results, it can be safely argued that there had been a constant effort on the part of the state to suppress the masses but there had always been a revolt on the part of the oppressed masses who denied the authority. The more the authority proved to be strict the more it augmented the potential of the subjugated masses to show revolt. Thus, one can rightly say that totalitarian regimes besides their every effort can be drawn to an absurdity.
33
Fuentes, Juan Francisco. "Totalitarian Language." Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080203.
Full textAbstract:
This article deals with totalitarianism and its language, conceived as both the denial and to some extent the reversal of liberalism and its conceptual framework. Overcoming liberal language meant not only setting up new political terminology, but also replacing words with symbols, ideas with sensations. This is why the standard political lexicon of totalitarianism became hardly more than a slang vocabulary for domestic consumption and, by contrast, under those regimes—mainly Italian fascism, Nazism, and Stalinism—a amboyant universe of images, sounds, and metaphors arose. Many of these images revolved around the human body as a powerful means to represent a charismatic leadership and, at the same time, an organic conception of their national communities. Totalitarian language seems to be a propitious way to explore the “dark side” of conceptual history, constituted by symbols rather than words.
34
Stoichiţ, Iulia. "„Nu e cazul să ne dăm ceea ce nu suntem”. Spre o înţelegere a comunismului prin Bandiţii de Vasile Ernu." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 4, no. 1 (May 13, 2021): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v4i1.22421.
Full textAbstract:
“The Bandits”, Vasile Ernu’s second volume of his trilogy, the trilogy of marginal men, describes the world of thieves, of bandits, of criminality in a communist society, without the narrator ever becoming one of them. He is more of an adopted son, someone who has almost unmediated access to this world without suffering the repercussions of revealing that world’s secrets. This should not to be understood that he has total access to the bandits’ secrets, but that he is not viewed as a threat, even if he reveals more of this world than others. The narrator is accepted because he does his best to be himself and this is a value of utmost importance for this marginal group of people, others knowing and owning their identity, the type of narrative they tell about themselves. On the other hand, the narrator is himself a marginal man as well, considering the fact that he grew up among religious people who were quite fundamentalists in their way of expressing this belief (but not in the way in which we picture today religious fundamentalism: bombing, Muslims, terror). Thus, this essay is meant as a study of one’s sense of identity when having to juggle with more identities, when having to evade (or even be subversive towards) the more pervasive, totalitarian regime in which these marginal men find themselves.
35
Muratova, Nurie, and Zeynep Zafer. "Political and Scientific Persecutions – the Case of Hayrie Memova-Suleymanova." Balkanistic Forum 29, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 9–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v29i3.1.
Full textAbstract:
The research is focussed on the scientific carrier and life destiny of Hayriye Süleymanoğlu Yenisoy, lecturer of Turkish language at Sofia University, interpreted in the wider frame of the policies of the communist regime to Turks in Bulgaria. We followed how the political events in the second half of the 20th century in communist Bulgaria played a decisive role for the professional carriers of Turkish scientists and lecturers in the country. Their destinies were not exceptions on the background of the persecutions of ideologically unhandy persons by the regime. Our research is related to the entirety of scientific life in the totalitarian Bulgaria, but is focussed on the mechanisms of repressions of Turkish intelligentsia in the context of the policy of the communist power to Turks and other Muslims in Bulgaria. The paper considers the means of destruction of the educated Turkish elite after 1944 and the efforts of the communist regime to create politically loyal new elite among the Turks. But the short flirt of the communist power with the Muslim minorities finished up with the persecution of the elite of the Turkish community who suffered mostly of the increasing assimilation efforts. The regime did away with many representatives of this elite requiring impossible loyalty from them – refusal of their ethnic identity, changing their Muslim names, falsification of scientific facts. The Bulgarian – Turkish thematic dictionary created by Hayriye Memova was convicted of being espionage order from Turkey. She was dismissed from the academic institutions and compelled to survive by working as cleaner in a factory for 4 years. Against her an investigation was initiated by the State Security which lasted for 7 years and included 19 secret agents most of them her colleagues, students and random acquaintances. Nevertheless she defended her PhD and habilitated in Bulgaria, in Turkey where she emigrated in 1989 with thousands of Turks who were expelled from the country, her scientific degrees were not acknowledged and she had to habilitate again in Baku. Following the scientific and personal trajectory of Hayriye Memova who is a representative example of the resistance we followed the policies of the regime to scientific community focussing on the control of the repressive apparat of the regime over the Sofia University.
36
Eley, Geoff. "Popular Opinion in Totalitarian Regimes: Fascism, Nazism, Communism." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 17, no. 4 (September 2012): 490–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2012.690594.
Full text
37
Ābiķe-Kondrāte, Agija. "PSRS Literatūras fonda Latvijas republikāniskās nodaļas poliklīnika: ieskats atmiņu mantojumā un funkcijās." Letonica, no. 35 (2017): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35539/ltnc.2017.0035.a.a.k.53.67.
Full textAbstract:
Respecting the ideological aspects of the totalitarian regime and interpreting the most significant functions of the institution, the article provides an insight in one of the institutions under the supervision of the Latvian Republican branch of the USSR Foundation for Literature—the Polyclinic of Latvian Republican Branch of the USSR Foundation for Literature—locally the most important medical institution for the representatives of creative professions and related persons. This polyclinic was one of the most prestigious medical institutions in the entire Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and was commonly referred to as the Polyclinic of Writers or the Polyclinic of Lit-Foundation. In the framework of the functions of this institution, the article sheds light on various memories of the previous employees and patients looking into their memoirs, memory literature and interviews. The article briefly examines the importance of the two leading or key persons—the Director of the LSSR Foundation for Literature Elvīra Zaķe (1909–1992) and the Head of the Polyclinic, Head Doctor Vitāls Oga (1924–1984), as well as their role in the domestic lives of the creative individuals and cultural history of the Soviet period. The most essential five functions, which characterise the activities and existence of the Polyclinic are the following: 1) basic—service or treatment function; 2) the psychological support function; 3) (LSSR) the ideological-prestige function; 4) the function of sustaining Latvian cultural environment; 5) the function of a cultural sign (entails the processes of the respective period and the history of literary circles).
38
Pukhonska, Oksana. "Posttotalitarna pamięć jako wyzwanie we współczesnej kulturze wschodnioeuropejskiej." Kultury Wschodniosłowiańskie - Oblicza i Dialog, no. 9 (December 20, 2019): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kw.2019.9.9.
Full textAbstract:
Contemporary Europe stands before the challenge of rethinking its own experience of totalitarian past with its many blank pages, which are highly important for modern societies. In this case we mostly talk about Soviet totalitarianism. Its ideological rhetoric changed the memory of a large part of Eastern and Central Europe. Ukraine, after the Revolution of Dignity and during the current war in Donbas, tries to prove that that totalitarian memory was illusory and cannot be valid now. The strategies for exposing the crimes of totalitarian regimes are suggested by the texts of contemporary culture, especially literature.
39
Buoli, Massimiliano, and Aldo Sabino Giannuli. "The political use of psychiatry: A comparison between totalitarian regimes." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 63, no. 2 (January 15, 2017): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020764016688714.
Full textAbstract:
Background: After the end of Second World War, the recent experience of the Nazi horrors stimulated a debate about the political use of psychiatry. Over the years, the focus shifted on major dictatorships of the time and especially on Soviet Union. Aims: This article aims to provide a critical review of the ways in which psychiatry was used by totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. Methods: We summarized relevant literature about political use of psychiatry in totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, with particular focus on Fascism, Nazism, Argentina dictatorship, Soviet Union and China. Results: One of the features that are common to most of the dictatorships is that the use of psychiatry has become more prominent when the regimes have had the need to make more acceptable the imprisonment of enemies in the eyes of the world. This for example happened in the Nazi regime when sterilization and killing of psychiatric patients was explained as a kind of euthanasia, or in the Soviet Union after the formal closure of the corrective labor camps and the slow resumption of relations with the capitalistic world, or in China to justify persecution of religious minorities and preserve economic relations with Western countries. Conclusion: Psychiatry has been variously used by totalitarian regimes as a means of political persecution and especially when it was necessary to make acceptable to public opinion the imprisonment of political opponents.
40
Čepaitienė, R. "STRATEGIES AND PROBLEMS OF SAFEGUARDING THE HERITAGE OF TOTALITARIAN REGIMES." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 2(33) (2016): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2016-2-14-27.
Full text
41
Mink, Georges. "Sociology of Social Structure and Sociologists Working in Totalitarian and Post-Totalitarian Regimes in Central Europe, 1945–1989." Stan Rzeczy, no. 2(13) (November 1, 2017): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51196/srz.13.2.
Full textAbstract:
The model of society put forward by Marxist theoreticians as descriptive of a post-revolutionary society had a quasi-constitutional status in countries that claimed to adhere to Soviet-type socialism, particularly those of Eastern Europe. As the model’s main function was to legitimise the actions of those who wielded power, it acquired doctrinal significance. In the Eastern European countries, the history of the sociology of social structure and stratification clearly illustrates the conservative nature of official doctrine. However, the real mechanisms of society, in so far as they deviated from the official paradigm, upset doctrinal stability and may consequently have led, if not to a revision of the official dogmas, then to the acceptance of a certain degree of flexibility. In order to understand the development of the theoretical analysis of social stratification and social inequalities (the most sensitive area of debate) in totalitarian and post-totalitarian Soviet type societies, it must be noted that post-war sociology has reflected a continuing effort by sociologists to create an independent scientific framework for their discipline. This is why we try, in this article, to combine evaluating the attitudes of different Eastern European sociologists from across the political spectrum with the evolution and adaptation of their theoretical approaches and creativity.
42
Tanshina, Natalia P. "Is Napoleon a totalitarian leader? On the issue of “pseudoscientific” discussions in historiography." LOCUS: people, society, cultures, meaning, no. 1, 2020 (2020): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-1-87-97.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the disputes that occur in historical research and especially in the media around the name and legacy of Napoleon Bonaparte. The author of this article focuses on “near-scientific” discussions related to the idea of Napoleon as a totalitarian leader, the predecessor of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century. Despite the fact that these “discussions” sometimes do not have a scientific character, they have a great public response, because they are actively heated by the media. Based on the analysis of the works of Anglo-Saxon and French authors, the article traces the origins of ideas about Napoleon as a totalitarian leader, and also analyzes the reasons for the appearance of such “theories”.
43
Scott, Alan. "Raymond Aron’s political sociology of regime and party." Journal of Classical Sociology 11, no. 2 (May 2011): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x10396274.
Full textAbstract:
This paper provides a critical exposition of Raymond Aron’s analysis of the distinct characteristics of constitutional-pluralist and totalitarian regimes. These regime types are distinguished by the nature of the party system — respectively, multi-party and monopolistic — and their underlying principles. Aron’s approach to the nature of political sociology is, it is argued, deeply influenced by the German — particularly Weberian — understanding of the social sciences as a hermeneutic enterprise concerned with meaning, and by Montesquieu’s analysis of regimes in terms of their (essential) nature, principles and the sources of their potential ‘corruption’. Aron’s analysis provides not only an account of totalitarian regimes in a late, developed stage, but also an analytical snapshot of Western pluralist democracies at the high point of ‘sociological liberalism’. The final section of the paper seeks to identify some differences between Aron’s account of democracy and that contained in contemporary debates on ‘governance’. The striking differences that emerge make Aron’s analysis relevant as an account of a high-tide mark of democracy grounded in a particular mix of party competition and compromise.
44
Sondrol, Paul C. "Totalitarian and Authoritarian Dictators: A Comparison of Fidel Castro and Alfredo Stroessner." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1991): 599–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015868.
Full textAbstract:
Personal dictators remain a key feature of contemporary regimes termed ‘authoritarian’ or ‘totalitarian’, particularly in their early consolidating phases. But there is still disagreement over the seemingly ideological, polemical and indiscriminate use of the term totalitarian dictatorship as an analytic concept and tool to guide foreign policy formulation. Jeane Kirkpatrick elevated the taxonomy to a vociferous level of debate with a 1979 Commentary article. Entitled ‘Dictatorships and Double Standards’, the work raised anew semantic hairsplitting concerning the qualitative differences between all previous tyrannies and those bearing organisational similarities with the Nazi, Fascist or Stalinist prototypes.
45
Mlčoch, Jan. "Las consecuencias de la búsqueda de la utopía en "El mundo alucinante"." Estudios Hispánicos 27 (January 29, 2020): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-2546.27.16.
Full textAbstract:
The consequences of searching for utopia in El mundo alucinanteThe aim of this article is to interpret the novel El mundo alucinante by virtue of criticism of totalitarian regimes which are formulated by its author Reinaldo Arenas. Using the concepts of parody, satire, and allegory, which are typical of postmodern literature, the warnings of searching for a collective utopia are formulated. We arrive at the conclusion that a collective utopia inherently leads to a totalitarian and antidemocratic state and, at the same time, it puts modern democracy at risk.
46
Marshall, Andrew W., and Abram N. Shulsky. "Assessing Sustainability of Command Economies and Totalitarian Regimes: The Soviet Case." Orbis 62, no. 2 (2018): 220–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2018.02.011.
Full text
47
Breser, Christoph. "Architecture as Propaganda in twentieth-century totalitarian Regimes. History and Heritage." Architectura 47, no. 1-2 (July 24, 2019): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atc-2017-0011.
Full text
48
De Grand, A. "Popular Opinion in Totalitarian Regimes: Fascism, Nazism, Communism, ed. Paul Corner." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 519 (April 1, 2011): 493–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer003.
Full text
49
Bergerson, Andrew Stuart. "Paul Corner (ed.), Popular Opinion in totalitarian Regimes: Fascism, Nazism, Communism." Journal of Contemporary History 47, no. 2 (March 29, 2012): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009411432223d.
Full text
50
Wright, Susanna. "Confronting Bluebeard : totalitarian regimes in childhood and in the collective psyche." Journal of Analytical Psychology 64, no. 4 (August 16, 2019): 475–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5922.12515.
Full text