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1

Lassiter, John C., and Richard Rex. "The Tudors." Sixteenth Century Journal 35, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20476912.

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2

Loades, D. "The Tudors." English Historical Review 118, no. 478 (September 1, 2003): 1055–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.478.1055.

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3

Youngman, Angela. "Learning about Tudors." 5 to 7 Educator 2007, no. 34 (November 2007): xxvii—xxix. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ftse.2007.6.10.28308.

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4

Rosenthal, Joel T., and Jennifer Loach. "Parliament under the Tudors." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 4 (1993): 773. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206294.

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5

Adams, Simon. "England Under the Tudors." Historical Journal 33, no. 3 (September 1990): 677–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013595.

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6

Hanft, Sheldon. "Parliament under the Tudors." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 4 (June 1993): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1993.9948756.

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7

Walton, EmmaL. "Tudors, tolerance, and pregnancy loss." Biomedical Journal 38, no. 1 (2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/2319-4170.151149.

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8

Smith, L. "Sex, medicine and the Tudors." Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care 31, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 340–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1783/147118905774480635.

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9

Smith, Lesley. "Sexual allure and the Tudors." Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care 32, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1783/147118906776276413.

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10

Williamson, Magnus. "Vocal polyphony under the Tudors." Early Music 43, no. 4 (November 2015): 709–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cav100.

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11

Warnicke, Retha M. "The Tudors: The Showtime Series." Early Modern Women: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8 (September 1, 2013): 359–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/emw23617862.

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12

Boyd-Rush, Dorothy A. "The Later Tudors: England 1547–1603." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 1 (July 1996): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952591.

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13

Zhang, Yi, and Tatiana G. Kutateladze. "Switching 53BP1 on and off via Tudors." Nature Structural & Molecular Biology 25, no. 8 (July 23, 2018): 646–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41594-018-0104-y.

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14

Mouchon, Jean-Pierre. "Danièle Frison, L’Angleterre au temps des Tudors." Caliban, no. 33 (April 1, 2013): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/caliban.183.

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15

Levin, Carole, and C. J. Kracl. "Violence in Elizabeth’s England: Tudors and Turbervilles." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 46, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04601004.

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Throughout her life Elizabeth Tudor was aware of the perennial violence that threatened her, threats that were also reflected in the England she ruled over. The experiences of the prominent Turberville family paralleled the type of violence Elizabeth faced, violence in which familial, political, and religious interests intersected. The most well-known of the Turbervilles was the writer George, whose Catholicism may have been the reason that Robert Jones attempted to murder him. Perhaps even more terrifying than religious violence was family violence. In her sister’s reign Elizabeth greatly feared that Mary would execute her. Shockingly, George’s older brother Nicholas was murdered by his brother-in-law. Elizabeth knew intimately the complex dangers of the time and so did her subjects.
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16

Mitchell-Buck, Heather S. "Tyrants, Tudors, and the Digby Mary Magdalen." Comparative Drama 48, no. 3 (2014): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cdr.2014.0020.

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17

Mullin, Romano. "‘You Think You Know a Story…’: Reframing the Tudors on Television in the Twenty-First Century." Adaptation 12, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/adaptation/apy006.

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AbstractOver the past 10 years, there has been an explosion in the number of television dramas about Tudor England. These programmes have been engaged in a re-visioning of history that prioritizes a heterogeneous approach to the past, adapting historical themes, figures, and events in order to challenge existing conceptions about the nature of history. By using Showtime’s The Tudors (2007–2010) and the BBC’s Wolf Hall 2015 as examples, this paper explores how both series reimagine the Tudor era by destabilising traditional modes of historical engagement and emphasizing the shared narrative lineage of historiography and history as entertainment. Ultimately, the paper argues that these programmes are responding not only to new ways of accessing the past, but also by adapting a period which is central to an Anglocentric cultural identity, they are responding to the crises and political faultlines that have marked the twenty-first century.
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18

Ellis, Steven G. "A border baron and the Tudor state: the rise and fall of Lord Dacre of the North." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 253–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025796.

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AbstractCrown policy towards the nobles and the rule of the provinces under the early Tudors reflected the values and social structures of ‘civil society’ in lowland England. Using as a case-study the Dacres, a minor peerage family who were wardens of the Anglo-Scottish marches, this paper explores the strains and tensions which were created by the application of these norms to the ‘peripheral’ parts of the Tudor state. The paper outlines the political ambitions, resources, and estate-management policies of a border baron, and argues that Henry VIII's policies for the rule of the borders and his expectations of his officials there were unrealistic. It also suggests that the traditional approach of historians to the problems of Tudor politics and government reflects too much a view of events as seen from ‘the centre’ and needs to be balanced by a more sensitive treatment of the problems of the ‘periphery’.
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19

Beltser, A. A. "МИРОВАЯ КОМИССИЯ ПОГРАНИЧНЫХ ГРАФСТВ И СОВЕТ ГЕРЦОГА РИЧМОНДА, 1525-1528." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 2, no. 4 (2020): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2020-2-4-60-65.

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Article devoted to the work of Cumberland and Northumberland justices of peace in 1525-1528. The author examines the impact of the Council of the Duke of Richmond on the composition and activities of the local government system. Research shows that the Council of the Duke of Richmond was unable during its existence to fi x problems in the system of local government. According to the author, the diffi culties in the organization of activities of the staff of the local administration is rooted not only in the local context, but also in the policy of the Crown. Keywords: Tudors, anglo-scottish borders, Council of the North, Tudor England, justices of peace, local government.
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20

Guth, DeLloyd. "Taxation, Writs, and Populations—Roger Schofield Measures History." Roger Schofield, 1937-2019, no. 105 (December 31, 2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35488/lps105.2020.80.

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21

Van Pelt, Nadia Therese. "Teens and Tudors: the pedagogy of royal studies." Royal Studies Journal 1, no. 1 (September 6, 2014): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21039/rsj.v1i1.7.

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22

Mcleod, Wilson. "Ellis, Ireland in the Age of the Tudors." Scottish Historical Review 79, no. 2 (October 2000): 252–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2000.79.2.252.

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23

Chernova, Larisa N. "Charity in London under the Tudors: Gender Perspective." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 20, no. 3 (2020): 344–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-3-344-352.

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The article examines a charity in London at the end of the 15th–16th Centuries based on the material of the wills of merchants and artisans and their widows. The directions of the citizens‘s charity are identified: Church, social, cultural and educational, and specific forms of their manifestation are characterized from a gender perspective. The author shows that deep social changes and Reformation processes in Tudor England also caused serious transformations of spiritual, religious and moral values of people of that time, which was reflected in the charitable activities of Londoners.
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24

Kursell, Julia, and Armin Schäfer. "Schmutziger Strom. Versuch über David Tudors elektronische Musik." Figurationen 9, no. 2 (July 2008): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/figurationen.2008.9.2.73.

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25

Jack, Sybil M. "The earlier Tudors 1485-1558 (review)." Parergon 12, no. 2 (1995): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1995.0120.

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26

Grummitt, David. "Henry VII, Chamber Finance and the ‘New Monarchy’: some new Evidence*." Historical Research 72, no. 179 (October 1, 1999): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00082.

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Abstract This article re‐examines Henry VII's use of the king's chamber as the principal means of managing royal revenue. This is done in the light of the rediscovery of a series of account books belonging to two clerks of John Heron, treasurer of the chamber. This article challenges the assumption that Heron's account books are straightforward ledgers of royal income and expenditure. It also argues that stories of Henry's great wealth were not fables of Tudor propaganda and that the machinery of the chamber allowed the first two Tudors to employ effectively the private, as well as public, revenues. Moreover, Henry VII's methods of revenue management were not merely developments of Yorkist innovations but a concerted attempt to address some of the deep‐rooted fiscal problems of late‐medieval monarchy.
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27

Evans, Mel. "‘The vsuall speach of the Court’? Investigating language change in the Tudor family network (1544–1556)." Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 1, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 153–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2015-0011.

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AbstractThis paper considers how micro-level analysis can enrich our understanding of macro-level processes of language change, using a case study of the Tudors. It explores how language use in the Tudor family network relates to the role of the Court in the supralocalisation of innovative forms during the sixteenth century. Using an original corpus of correspondence and other autograph writings, I conduct a comparative analysis of the language of Elizabeth Tudor with her siblings, parents and caregivers. The findings suggest that Elizabeth’s siblings, Mary I and Edward VI, were progressive in changes localised at the Court, but that Elizabeth’s caregivers and peripheral kin may have influenced Elizabeth’s uptake of non-Court-based changes. Using Network Strength Scores to represent the social experiences of Elizabeth and her nearest kin, it appears that Elizabeth’s changing position within the Court network, from a peripheral to more central member, may have played a part in the Court’s catalyst effect for the supralocalisation of innovative forms, and the emergence of an overtly prestigious “norm” in Early Modern English.
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28

Tittler, Robert, and Christopher Haigh. "English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors." American Historical Review 100, no. 2 (April 1995): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169057.

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29

Astafurova, Tatyana, and Andrey Olyanich. "Lingual Semiotics of Absolute Power in the Tudors’ Times." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 2. Jazykoznanije 16, no. 4 (December 20, 2017): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu2.2017.4.15.

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30

Fritze, Ronald H. "English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 3 (April 1994): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9948979.

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31

Taylor, Stephen. "English reformations. Religion, politics, and society under the tudors." History of European Ideas 21, no. 4 (July 1995): 622–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)90263-5.

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32

Palmer, William. "High Officeholding, Foreign Policy, and the British Dimension in the Tudor Far North, 1525–1563." Albion 29, no. 4 (1997): 579–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051884.

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On 4 September 1537, Sir Thomas Wharton wrote Thomas Cromwell triumphantly proclaiming the Tudor triumph in the north of England. “In the late Lord Dacre's day,” Wharton declared, “there was a cry of ‘A Dacre, a Dacre,’ and afterward, ‘A Clifford, a Clifford,’ and even then, ‘A Dacre, a Dacre.’ Now [there is] only ‘A King, a King.’” In addition to proclaiming royal supremacy in the north, Wharton also was noting a pattern of persistent change in officeholding in the far north, from Dacre to Clifford, and back to the Dacres. The shifts of fortune among the northern nobility under the Tudors have received considerable attention from scholars. Most importantly, Mervyn James has argued for a gradual Tudor revolution in the north, in which the government slowly replaced traditional noble elites with royal appointees. In several case studies Richard Hoyle has challenged James's interpretation of the behavior of particular nobles, and George Bernard has mounted an often persuasive jeremiad against James and others who have seen an essential conflict during the Tudor period between Crown and nobility. Both Hoyle and Bernard question James' assumption of a natural hostility between king and nobility, arguing, in Hoyle's words, for a relationship that “operated to their mutual and reciprocal benefits.
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33

Carlson, A. J., and Jonathan Woolfson. "Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy, 1485-1603." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 2 (2002): 605. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144003.

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34

McCandless, Amy Thompson, and Jonathan Woolfson. "Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy, 1485-1603." History of Education Quarterly 40, no. 2 (2000): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369537.

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35

Chernova, Larisa N. "London under the Tudors: Social Aspect (Based on the Wills)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 19, no. 3 (2019): 311–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2019-19-3-311-319.

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36

Mayer, Thomas F., and Jonathan Woolfson. "Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy, 1485-1603." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 3 (1999): 906. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544885.

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37

Cameron, James A. "The Howards and the Tudors. Studies in Science and Heritage." Journal of the British Archaeological Association 170, no. 1 (January 2017): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00681288.2017.1366746.

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38

Comerford, Kathleen M. "Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy, 1485–1603." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 4 (January 1999): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528511.

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39

Bartlett, Kenneth R., and Jonathan Woolfson. "Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy, 1485-1603." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32, no. 1 (2000): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053997.

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40

Woolfson (book author), Jonathan, and Laura E. Hunt (review author). "Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy, 1485-1603." Quaderni d'italianistica 19, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v19i2.9463.

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41

Liu, Wenxi, and John A. Wagner. "Bosworth Field to Bloody Mary: An Encyclopedia of the Early Tudors." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 2 (July 1, 2005): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477432.

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42

Gray, Charles M. "English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors. Christopher Haigh." Journal of Religion 75, no. 2 (April 1995): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/489586.

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43

Schutte, Valerie. "Dedicated to the Tudors: Thomas Gemini and a Shifting Book Dedication." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 46, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04601007.

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Thomas Gemini dedicated Compendiosa totius anatomie delineatio to Henry viii in 1545, Edward vi in 1553, and then Elizabeth in 1559, with that to Elizabeth differing greatly from those to Henry and Edward. Elizabeth received a gender-appropriate dedication that focused on spirituality and virtue, while Henry and Edward were offered dedications that focused on the need for medical knowledge and training to be spread within England. The 1559 edition also has an engraved image of Elizabeth that some scholars have even considered to be an adaptation of an image of Mary, meaning that the text may have had an association with four Tudor monarchs. This essay suggests that the shifting dedications by Gemini are evidence of a man who remained loyal to the crown, when he easily could have kept the dedication to Henry in all editions or even removed the dedication altogether when printing under later monarchs.
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44

Luthman, Johanna. "Uncrowned Queen: The Life of Margaret Beaufort, Mother of the Tudors." History: Reviews of New Books 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2021.1855055.

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45

Dobson, Michael. "The Pageant of History: Nostalgia, the Tudors, and the Community Play." Sederi, no. 20 (2010): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.34136/sederi.2010.1.

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This paper considers the persistence of the Renaissance pageant in modern and post-modern culture, both as a recurrent metaphor for history in general and as a feature of stage, cinematic and communal representations of early modern history in particular. After examining the status of public processions in Renaissance London as conscious revivals of the Roman triumph, indebted at the same time to aspects of the medieval mystery plays, the essay examines the English historical pageants of the Edwardian and inter-war years as themselves revivals of both Renaissance pageantry and aspects of the Shakespearean history play. It looks in particular at their emphasis on the Tudor monarchs and on the ethnic origins of Englishness, identifying the fading of the pageant as a genre in the post-war years with the collapse of certain ideas about English exceptionalism and historical continuity.
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46

Morgan, Hiram. "Hugh O'Neill and the Nine Years War in Tudor Ireland." Historical Journal 36, no. 1 (March 1993): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016095.

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ABSTRACTThe Tudor regime faced its greatest challenge in Ireland at the turn of the sixteenth century. The extension of royal authority had run into fierce opposition from a confederacy of Gaelic lords led by Hugh O'Neill. The Tudors stigmatized such resistance as rebellion but the fact that it was taking place in a dependent kingdom in which the monarch was not resident quickly rendered it a war of liberation. This prompts comparison with the other great independence struggle of the early modern period – the Dutch revolt. In both cases the language of faith and fatherland came to the fore. In Ireland this rhetoric was directed at the English-speaking descendants of the Norman conquerors whose support was crucial to the success of O'Neill's cause. Yet it fell on deaf ears because the confederates were unable to legitimize their struggle in the eyes of these catholic loyalists. The sources of political and religious legitimacy were stronger in The Netherlands. While the Netherlandish provincial estates were founts of popular sovereignty, the Irish parliament was an organ of the Tudor state. And whereas in Holland the source of ecclesiastical authority was the non-hierarchical Dutch Reformed Church, in Ireland it was externalized in the person of Clement VIII who could not be won over in spite of the efforts of Peter Lombard, O'Neill's agent in Rome.
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47

Astington, John H. "Staging at St James's Palace in the Seventeenth Century." Theatre Research International 11, no. 3 (1986): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300012347.

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St James's Palace, which was perhaps planned by Henry VIII to be the court of the heir to the throne, came into far more regular use under the prolific Stuarts than it had enjoyed under the Tudors. Under James, the various members of the royal family were assigned particular palaces and royal residences for their own households, and St James's became the London court of the Prince of Wales.
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48

Williams, Penry. "Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy, 1485–1603, Jonathan Woolfson." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 2001): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.466.471.

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49

Williams, P. "Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy, 1485-1603, Jonathan Woolfson." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 1, 2001): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.466.471.

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50

Gordienko, Dmitry O. "«Ultimum ratio of the Great century»: the development of the English Royal regular army in the XVII century." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 199–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202093204.

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The paper analyses the processes of a modern state development on the example of a regular army development as a basis of the national military system. The author considers the relationship between the development of foreign and domestic policy issues under the Late Tudors. The author analyzes the role of force-based decision-making of the most important issues in decision-making by the Crown under the First Stuarts. The author also analyzes the heavy legacy of the Protectorate regime in terms of the populations acceptance of the idea of a regular army existence. The difficulties encountered by the Stuart dynasty in solving this problem are shown. The problems of financing the Royal army were the main reasons why the active part of the population didnt support the existence of a regular army. The process of creating the Royal regular army is shown on the background of broad European practices of the Great century. The main vectors of British foreign policy development are shown from the continental confrontation with the United Provinces and France to the colonial coexistence with Spain and France. In addition, a conclusion is drawn about the continuity of military construction by the ruling regimes in England of the XVII century. Practices undertaken by the Tudors, James I, Charles I, Lord Protector Cromwell and the age of Restoration sovereigns are shown.
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