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Journal articles on the topic 'The Tyrant'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Stewart, Edmund. "The Tyrant’s Progress: The Meaning of ΤΥΡΑΝΝΟΣ in Plato and Aristotle." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 208–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340323.

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Abstract This article considers a longstanding problem: what does the word τύραννος mean? And if it means ‘bad / tyrannical ruler’, why are good rulers called tyrants? The solution proposed here is that tyranny is not a fixed state of being, or not being, but instead a gradual process of development. To be called a tyrant, a ruler need not embody all the stereotypical traits of tyranny. If tyranny is, by definition, unconstitutional and illegitimate rule, then there may be no clear moment at which one ceases to be a general or king and becomes a tyrant, only a process by which the tyrant gradually strengthens his rule and develops the negative attributes associated with absolute and illegitimate power. A strong trend in not only the political theory of Plato and Aristotle, but also Greek poetry and historiography in general, is to trace the decline of tyrannies from initially good and popular governments to ones that are despotic and unpopular: the tyrant’s progress.

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2

Rhodes, P. J. "Tyranny in Greece in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 36, no. 3 (October 14, 2019): 419–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340231.

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Abstract In a world in which it was easy to contrast slavery as being ruled by others with freedom as the power to rule others, it might have been said that subjection to a tyrant was bad but being a tyrant was good if one could get away with it. But in the fourth century Plato and Aristotle created a contrast between kings as good rulers and tyrants as bad rulers, which has been standard ever since. However, recent studies have tried to move away from the polarisation of good kings and bad tyrants, and look more generally at the nature of monarchic rule in Greece. This article explores the topic of tyrants and the use of the notion of tyranny in classical Greece, at the end of the sixth century and in the fifth and fourth.

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3

Fertik, Harriet. "The Absent Landscape in Xenophon’s Hiero." Mnemosyne 71, no. 3 (April 24, 2018): 384–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342288.

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AbstractThe treatment of space and place, a key issue in recent classical scholarship, has been neglected in previous discussions of Xenophon’sHiero. While the setting of the dialogue between Simonides and Hiero receives little comment in the text, I argue that the absent landscape is essential to Xenophon’s conception of tyranny. Hiero’s efforts to sate his desires and to protect himself have obliterated the landscape of Sicily. As the tyrant devours and does violence to the landscape, he alienates his community and leaves himself vulnerable and exposed. When Simonides advises Hiero to preserve and beautify the city, he shows the tyrant how to gain his subjects’ devotion and thus how to securely place himself in the world he rules. By teaching the tyrant to rebuild his landscape, however, Simonides establishes an inescapable alternation between the tyrant’s violence and self-defeat and the ultimate restoration of tyrannical power.

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4

Tello, Jose G., and John M. Bates. "Molecular Phylogenetics of The Tody-Tyrant and Flatbill Assemblage of Tyrant Flycatchers (Tyrannidae)." Auk 124, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 134–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/auk/124.1.134.

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Abstract The tody-tyrant and flatbill assemblage, sensuLanyon (1988a), includes 12 genera of tyrant flycatchers known variously as “tody-tyrants” and “flatbills.” Lanyon supported the monophyly of the group based on similar skull morphology and nest form, and built intergeneric relationships based on syringeal characters. However, these comparisons were made without a phylogenetic framework. A more recent study assessing relationships in the tyrant flycatchers using published morphological and behavioral data failed to recover monophyly of this assemblage (Birdsley 2002). Using DNA sequence data, we test for the monophyly of the tody-tyrant and flatbill assemblage and compare and contrast phylogenetic signals from mitochondrial and nuclear DNA character systems. We discuss our results in light of results from previous studies. We include representatives of the other major tyrant flycatcher assemblages for a total of 42 individuals (representing 27 tyrannid genera and 36 species). We sequenced 3,022 base pairs (bp) of three mitochondrial genes (ND2, ND3, and cytochrome b) and one nuclear intron (FIB5). Our results resolve many of the basal relationships of the tody-tyrant and flatbill phylogeny, but separate and combined analyses of data partitions are necessary to understand the nature of conflict among data sets. The tody-tyrants constitute a monophyletic clade, but the genera Hemitriccus and Lophotriccus are not monophyletic, and the limits of Oncostoma-Lophotriccus need to be revised with more complete sampling at the species level. The flatbills as defined by Lanyon are not monophyletic (Onychorhynchus and Platyrinchus are not true flatbills). Pseudotriccus and Corythopis are sister taxa and, together with Leptopogon and Mionectes, are allied to the tody-tyrant and flatbill clade. Filogenia Molecular del Grupo de los Picochatos y Mosquiteros de la Familia Tyrannidae

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5

Genet, Jean-Philippe. "The Problem of Tyranny in Fifteenth Century England." Moreana 50 (Number 191-, no. 1-2 (June 2013): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2013.50.1-2.5.

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Was tyranny a crucial political problem in late medieval England? To answer this question, we examine which political texts were most widely read at that time. It is then possible to survey these texts and this reveals the two main meanings of tyranny: the king becomes a tyrant when he is unfair or/and when he is a predator. This second meaning is related to the development of royal taxation. However, the tyrants who are usually described by English authors are those of the ancient times. Tyranny is generally close to cruelty, and rarely referred to in a political context. The immediate preoccupations of the members of the political society in 15th century England were centred upon the problems of disorder and of legitimacy.

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6

Lehman, Jeffrey S. "Seeing Tyranny in More’s History of King Richard III." Moreana 50 (Number 191-, no. 1-2 (June 2013): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2013.50.1-2.8.

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As they embark upon a dialectical examination of justice in Plato’s Republic, Socrates admonishes his interlocutors that the pursuit of justice is for those who “see clearly”. Indeed, the dialogue itself is meant to bring about such clear-sightedness as the interlocutors dialectically winnow the various accounts of justice proposed. In like manner, Thomas More’s History of King Richard III helps his readers to see clearly the tyrant and tyranny. In the History, More presents a portrait of a tyrant and the conditions that make his tyranny possible. Crucial to this portrait is what the various characters see as well as when they see within the dramatic context. Why are so many blind to Richard’s machinations? Is their blindness willful? What internal and external factors contribute to their blindness? Who does see and how, if at all, do they respond? In answering these questions, we as readers come to see the nature of the tyrant and tyranny. Along the way, four characters are considered in detail: King Edward, Lord Hastings, Queen Elizabeth, and the people of London.

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7

Maia, Rosane De Almeida. "Resenha de Arruzza, C. A Wolf in the City: Tyranny and the Tyrant in Plato’s Republic (2019)." Revista Archai, no. 30 (May 10, 2020): e03013. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_30_13.

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8

Harrell, Sarah. "KING OR PRIVATE CITIZEN: FIFTH-CENTURY SICILIAN TYRANTS AT OLYMPIA AND DELPHI." Mnemosyne 55, no. 4 (2002): 439–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852502760186233.

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AbstractWe possess an array of contemporary evidence relating to the fifth-century Deinomenid tyrants of Sicily. Epinician poetry and physical monuments that the tyrants themselves commissioned still survive. The poems and dedications celebrate the tyrants at roughly the same time, sometimes in response to the same events. These documents do not demonstrate the constitutional or legal position of the historical tyrants. Instead they allow us a view into how the tyrants represented themselves as political actors in different contexts and before different audiences. Whether occasioned by an athletic or martial victory, both poetry and monuments depicted the tyrants as panhellenic figures who benefited their city and their subjects. Yet when placed side by side, the poetry and monuments reveal a striking disconnect between the representation of political power within their respective genres. The poets tackled the problem of tyranny head on. Before a local audience, epinician poetry portrayed the tyrant Hieron as a benevolent epic king. The monuments erected at Olympia and Delphi took a less direct approach. While celebrating the Deinomenids as private benefactors of the panhellenic sanctuaries, the dedicatory inscriptions avoided explicit articulation of the tyrants' political status at home.

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9

Milward, Peter. "Shakespeare’s Other Tyrant." Moreana 51 (Number 195-, no. 1-2 (June 2014): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2014.51.1-2.13.

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In approaching the basic historical question of the Tudor tyranny, by which England was transformed from a predominantly Catholic country, as a constituent part of Christendom, to a largely conforming Protestant country, in the process of becoming a British Empire, it is of no small importance to consider how the great dramatist of the age, William Shakespeare, presented the situation as he saw it from a basically Catholic viewpoint – not directly, when he might well have incurred the charge of treason, but (as he says) “by indirections”, for which one has to read between the lines, according to the literal meaning of “intelligence”. From this viewpoint, one may see in almost all his plays, whether history, comedy or tragedy, reflections of his deep, personal response both to the memory of Henry VIII and to his experience of Elizabeth I in terms of the theme of “tyranny”. Hence, after having presented my article on “Shakespeare’s Portrayal of a Tyrant” with reference to Henry VIII, I may now present this further article on “Shakespeare’s Other Tyrant”, namely Elizabeth I, as it were following a postmodern trend in the academic world of “dissing Elizabeth” – while drawing attention to the contrast between the plays presented in the reign of Elizabeth Tudor herself and those presented (in greater safety) in the subsequent reign of James Stuart.

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10

Santos, José Gabriel Trindade. "Um lobo à solta na cidade." Filosofia Unisinos 21, no. 3 (November 25, 2020): 312–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4013/fsu.2020.213.09.

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11

Nederman, Cary J. "Three Concepts of Tyranny in Western Medieval Political Thought." Contributions to the History of Concepts 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2019.140201.

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During the Latin Middle Ages, as today, “tyranny” connotes the exercise of power arbitrarily, oppressively, and violently. Medieval thinkers generally followed in the footprints of early Christian theologians (e.g., Gregory the Great and Isidore of Seville) and ancient philosophers (especially Aristotle) regarding the tyrant as the very embodiment of evil rulership and thus as the polar opposite of the king, who governed for the good of his people according to virtue and religion. However, examination of the writings of some well-known and influential authors from ca. 1150 to ca. 1400—including John of Salisbury, Ptolemy of Lucca, William of Ockham, Bartolous of Sassoferrato, and Nicole Oresme—reveals three very diverse and distinct conceptions of tyranny, each of which justified the tyrant in one way or another.

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12

Lewis, Sian. "Καὶ σαφῶς τύραννος ἦν: Xenophon's Account of Euphron of Sicyon." Journal of Hellenic Studies 124 (November 2004): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246150.

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AbstractXenophon's account of Euphron, tyrant at Sicyon from 368 to 366, appears to present him as a typical fourth-century ‘new tyrant’, dependent on mercenaries and concerned solely with his own power. But why did Xenophon choose to recount Euphron's actions and fate at such length, and why does he insist so strongly that he was a tyrant? Xenophon's interest in Euphron is part of his general approach to tyranny in the Hellenica, which depicts a series of individuals and regimes, all described as tyrannies. The model of tyranny with which Xenophon operates is broader and more inclusive than we would expect, contrasting with the narrow, constitutional idea of tyranny defined by Aristotle. Understanding this has two consequences. It allows us to appreciate Euphron in a new light, giving credit to the positive tradition about his support for the Sicyonian democracy and his posthumous heroization; we can see the debate which existed in his own time about his role and position. It also raises the question of why Xenophon recognized tyranny in so many places, and was so keen to emphasize his construction of these regimes. We need to situate him within the evolution of ideas about tyranny, since the concept of tyranny is largely constructed by historians: Herodotus ‘created’ tyranny in the aftermath of the Persian Wars, while Thucydides developed the concept from the individual to the general, as this better fitted his Athenocentric model. Xenophon, in contrast, was reflecting contemporary debates over the interpretation of different types of ruler and regime, and developing his own theory of tyranny. Therefore to see a ‘new tyranny’ movement in the fourth century is misplaced: an examination of Euphron reveals the complexities of self-presentation in fourth-century Greek politics.

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13

Charatan, F. "A tyrant." BMJ 327, no. 7427 (December 6, 2003): 1326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.327.7427.1326.

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14

Charatan, Fred. "A tyrant." BMJ 328, no. 7438 (February 26, 2004): E275.2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.328.7438.e275-a.

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15

Gladkov, Alexander. "“Neque declinet in partem dextram vel sinistram”: duality of power in 12th century English political thought." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-3 (December 1, 2020): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi66.

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The article is devoted to examination of the basic opposition “prince/tyrant” in the context of the doctrine concerning the monarch’s supreme power which was defined on the pages of the treatise “Policraticus” by outstanding English intellectual, diplomat and polemist John of Salisbury in 1159. The thinker’s arguments on nature, functions and purposes of power are analysed, virtues that God-fearing monarch has and tyrant vices are considered. Studying John of Salisbury’s concepts of the prince’s and tyrant’s power, the article affords approaches to understanding scholastic’s doctrine of political power as whole which unites Hellenistic and Roman and Christian (patristic and scholastic) traditions.

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16

Konneh, Augustine, Idrissa Ouedraogo, and Cheick Oumar Sissoko. "Guimba the Tyrant [Guimba, un tyrant une epoque]." American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (December 1998): 1737. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650170.

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17

Connell, Sophia M. "Parallels Between Tyrant and Philosopher in Plato’s Republic." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 35, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 447–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340175.

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Abstract The Republic presents the characters of the philosopher and the tyrant as similar. Strongly focused by indiscriminate erotic motivation, both defy convention and lack familiar emotional responses, which make them appear to be mad. This essay argues that Plato put forward these parallels partly in order to defend Socrates from the charge of corrupting the young, partly to present a possible way to overthrow the current regime and partly to show the ineffectiveness of democracy. The very best leaders may look like tyrants; it is only through proper philosophical education that their true natures can be discerned.

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18

Baldwin, Barry, and Pat Southern. "Domitian: Tragic Tyrant." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651229.

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19

MONTGOMERY, CAROL LEPPANEN. "TAMING A TYRANT." AJN, American Journal of Nursing 87, no. 2 (February 1987): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-198702000-00025.

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20

MONTGOMERY, CAROL LEPPANEN. "TAMING A TYRANT." AJN, American Journal of Nursing 87, no. 2 (February 1987): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-198787020-00025.

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21

Spisak, April. "Tiny Tyrant (review)." Bulletin of the Center for Children's Books 61, no. 1 (2007): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bcc.2007.0593.

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22

Larivée, Annie. "Eros Tyrannos: Alcibiades as the Model of the Tyrant in Book IX of the Republic." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 6, no. 1 (2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254712x619575.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to make use of recent research on ‘political eros’ in order to clarify the connection that Plato establishes between erosand tyranny in RepublicIX, specifically by elucidating the intertextuality between Plato’s work and the various historical accounts of Alcibiades. An examination of the lexicon used in these accounts will allow us to resolve certain interpretive difficulties that, to my knowledge, no other commentator has elucidated: why does Socrates blame erosfor the decline from democracy into tyranny? What does he mean by ‘ eros’ here, and what link existed between erosand tyranny in the minds of his contemporaries? And finally, who are the mysterious ‘tyrant-makers’ ( turannopoioí, 572e5-6) who, according to Socrates, introduce a destructive erosin the soul of the future tyrant? After a careful examination of the passage from book IX on the genesis of the tyrannical man (focused on the last stage of the metamorphosis, which is concerned with éros túrannos, 572d-573b), I will offer answers to these questions by turning to the writings of Thucydides, Aristophanes and Plutarch while examining the portrait of Alcibiades that Plato paints in the Alcibiades Iand Symposium.

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23

Cawkwell, G. L. "Early Greek tyranny and the people." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041707.

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Over sixty years ago, it was written of early Greek tyranny that it ‘had arisen only in towns where an industrial and commercial regime tended to prevail over rural economy, but where an iron hand was needed to mobilize the masses and to launch them in assault on the privileged classes… But tyranny nowhere endured. After it had performed the services which the popular classes expected of it, after it had powerfully contributed to material prosperity and to the development of democracy, it disappeared with an astonishing rapidity… The people regarded tyranny only as an expedient. They used it as a battering ram with which to demolish the citadel of the oligarchs, and when their end had been achieved they hastily abandoned the weapon which wounded their hands.’ Thus Gustav Glotz, whose view found favour with de Ste Croix. He too concluded with appeal to Aristotle, who in a famous passage declared that unlike monarchy, which arises to help ‘the great and good’ (οί πιεικεȋς) against the People, and the monarch who is appointed as one of ‘the great and good’, ‘the tyrant comes from the People and the multitude to confront the men of note(οί γνώριμοι) and prevent the People being unjustly treated by them. This is clear from what actually happened, for, generally speaking, the majority of the tyrants became tyrants from being demagogues so to speak, having got themselves trusted by their abusive attacks on the men of note.’ Against this view of Aristotle and all his latter-day satellites, this paper is directed.

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24

Sidwell, Keith. "The argument of the second stasimon of Oedipus Tyrannus." Journal of Hellenic Studies 112 (November 1992): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632155.

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The Second Stasimon of Oedipus Tyrannus has over the years drawn forth many divergent interpretations. So Carey's recent attempt to clear the cluttered paths towards it of accumulated debris must be warmly welcomed. We may now regard it as untenable to see criticism of Oedipus behind the reference to tyranny. We should not look for hostile comment upon Jokasta and Oedipus for what they have said in the preceding scene about the Laius oracle. At 873, we should accept the paradosis, recognising that it is not impossible for the word τύραννος to mean ‘tyrant’ in tragic texts. We should reject Scodel's attempt to introduce the idea of stasis into the argument, and interpret ὔβρις φυτεύει τύραννον as an account of what motivates the tyrant to take power (cf. Bacchylides 15.59–60 [Snell] and A. Ag. 1346f, 1612f., 1633 for this idea4).

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25

Smith, Abraham. "Tyranny Exposed: Mark's Typological Characterization of Herod Antipas (mark 6:14-29)." Biblical Interpretation 14, no. 3 (2006): 259–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851506776722994.

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AbstractErstwhile helpful historical and literary readings of Mark 6:14-29 traditionally give short shrift to the typological characterization of Herod Antipas as a tyrant in the gospel of Mark. This article addresses that gap by tracing the history and conventions of the tyrant typology and by drawing out the implications of the Markan characterization of Herod Antipas with the ancient stock features of a tyrant. Markan characterization of Herod Antipas not only exposes him as a tyrant. It also provides the rhetorical scaffolding for a thematic critique against tyrannical postures of any kind, including those that may have entered into Jesus' own fellowship.

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26

Nederman, Cary J. "A Duty to Kill: John of Salisbury's Theory of Tyrannicide." Review of Politics 50, no. 3 (1988): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036305.

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This article examines the doctrine of tyrannicide in John of Salisbury's mid-twelfth century political treatise, the Policraticus, in light of recent scholarly skepticism that John never meant to advocate a theoretical defense of slaying the tyrant. It is argued that John's conception of tyrannicide in fact possesses a philosophical foundation derived from his idea of the state as a political organism in which all the members cooperate actively in the realization of the common utility and justice. When the ruler of this body politic behaves tyrannically, failing to perform his characteristic responsibilities, the other limbs and organs are bound by their duty to the public welfare and God to correct and, ultimately, to slay the tyrant. John illustrates this position by reference to the many historical and scriptural instances of tyrants who have legitimately been killed. Thus, John not only proposes a theory of tyrannicide, but also roots it in a strong positive obligation to raise the sword against tyrannical rulers in the name of public benefit and justice.

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27

Corral, Hernán. "Tyranny and Law in Thomas More’s Declamation in Reply to Lucian’s Tyrannicide." Moreana 49 (Number 189-, no. 3-4 (December 2012): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2012.49.3-4.7.

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The analysis of More’s declamation in response to Lucian’s Tyrannicide, despite its rhetorical and literary character, may be useful for deducing the importance that More attributes to Law, since its existence and healthy efficacy are the exact opposite of tyranny, as laws are captive to tyranny and are substituted by terror. Tyrannicide, which More accepts as implied in the case, as well as the exiling and overthrowing of the tyrant, are meritorious only when they allow the city's recovery of freedom and the Rule of Law.

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28

Stevenson, Tom. "Antony as ‘Tyrant’ in Cicero's First Philippic." Ramus 38, no. 2 (2009): 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000576.

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This paper is concerned with the impact made on Mark Antony by Cicero'sFirst Philippic. Although the speech outwardly maintains a conciliatory attitude, it certainly upset Antony. Scholars have noted criticism of Antony in theFirst Philippic, both political and personal in character, which would not have pleased him. The following discussion argues that there are numerous associations with the stock figure of the ‘tyrant’ which would have been displeasing too. Such a vein of criticism in effect bridges the personal and political dimensions in potentially devastating fashion.TheFirst Philippicwas delivered in difficult circumstances. Brutus and Cassius sent a letter to Antony on 4 August 44 BCE and concluded with a stark warning:neque, quam diu uixerit Caesar, sed quam non diu regnarit, fac cogites(‘keep in mind not the length of Caesar's life but the short time he ruled [sc. as a tyrant]’, Cic.Fam.11.3). On 1 September, the senate met to consider a proposal which would have seen an extra day in honour of the deified Caesar added to all public thanksgivings (Cic.Phil.1.13, 2.110). Antony was angered by Cicero's failure to attend the meeting. He apparently left Rome later that day for Tibur. His consular colleague Dolabella summoned a meeting of the senate ‘for the next day, and this time Cicero attended. It was at the meeting of 2 September that Cicero delivered hisFirst Philippic. In comparison to later speeches in thePhilippicscorpus, theFirst Philippichas seemed to many a moderate and polite speech that concentrated upon Antony's political behaviour and left the door ajar for future cooperation. It certainly contrasts greatly with theSecond Philippic, which is well known for its bitter and sustained personal invective. Nonetheless, theFirst Philippicwas enough to make Antony angry and it is worth re-examining the reasons for this reaction. In particular, allusions inPhilippic1 to Antony as a tyrant and to death as the fate of tyrants, especially in the wake of Caesar's assassination, were probably interpreted by contemporaries as more sinister threats than they have generally been recognised to be by modern readers.

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29

Schafer, Elizabeth. "The Theatre: The Tyrant." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 28, no. 1 (October 1985): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/018476788502800114.

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30

Nagel, Barbara Natalie. "The Tyrant as Artist." Law and Literature 25, no. 2 (July 2013): 286–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/lal.2013.25.2.286.

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31

Hinsey, E. C. "Death of the Tyrant." Missouri Review 18, no. 3 (1995): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mis.1995.0076.

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32

Benson, R. B. J., P. M. Barrett, T. H. Rich, and P. Vickers-Rich. "A Southern Tyrant Reptile." Science 327, no. 5973 (March 25, 2010): 1613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1187456.

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33

Green, M. Christian. "APOSTASY THROUGH DOUBT AND DISSENT." Journal of Law and Religion 31, no. 2 (June 20, 2016): 261–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2016.18.

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What if instead of studying religions by texts, history, and practices we studied them by what they fear? I first had this thought in considering philosophical differences between Plato's Republic and Laws. What accounted for the shift from the profound idealism of the Republic to the apparent authoritarianism of the Laws? The standard answer is that Plato was born in a time of troubles, at the tail end of the oligarchic regime of the Thirty Tyrants, who took hold of Athens at the end of the Peloponnesian Wars. As recounted in the Apology, it was a regime that was famously and vigorously opposed by Plato's great teacher, Socrates. Socrates is absent from Plato's last dialogue, the Laws, written as an older man, after a stint in prison for having opposed another tyrant. In the Laws, the contemplation of ideal forms in Republic gives way to promulgation of detailed laws to achieve unity, harmony, and a perhaps tenuous peace. Most imperative of all is the need to avoid the chaos of war and tyranny. The philosopher is gone—Plato has lawyered up.

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34

Birdsley, Jeffrey S. "Phylogeny of the Tyrant Flycatchers (Tyrannidae) Based on Morphology and Behavior." Auk 119, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 715–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/auk/119.3.715.

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Abstract Previously published morphological and behavioral data for the tyrant flycatchers (Tyrannidae) were reanalyzed using cladistic techniques. Several additional characters, including two putative synapomorphies of the Tyrannidae were incorporated. Nearly all of the ∼100 traditional tyrannid genera were included. Results of the analysis of this set of 68 characters support three previously proposed tyrannid assemblages: the kingbird assemblage and slightly restricted Empidonax and Myiarchus assemblages. Characters of the nasal septum that past workers have considered conservative and phylogenetically informative are supported as synapomorphies of the kingbird and restricted Empidonax assemblages. Several small monophyletic groups of genera are supported. The monophyly of neither the Elaenia assemblage nor the flatbill and tody-tyrant assemblage is supported in any most-parsimonious tree, but such trees are not significantly better than trees supporting their monophyly. A Tyrannidae exclusive of the Cotingidae and Pipridae is monophyletic in some most-parsimonious trees, but not in others in which flatbills and tody-tyrants are basal to a clade containing Cotingidae, Pipridae, and the remaining tyrannid genera. There is some evidence that characters describing plumage color pattern are more homoplasious than the other character suites I examined.

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35

Stevenson, T. R. "The Ideal Benefactor and the Father Analogy in Greek and Roman Thought." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 1992): 421–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016049.

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When Cicero uncovered and suppressed the Catilinarian Conspiracy as consul in 63 B.c., supporters hailed him ‘father of his country’ (pater patriae) and proposed that he be awarded the oak crown normally given to a soldier who had saved the life of a comrade in battle (corona civica). Our sources connect these honours with earlier heroes such as Romulus, Camillus and Marius, but the Elder Pliny writes as if Cicero was the first before Caesar and the Emperors to be given the title pater patriae. Pliny's point may revolve around Senatorial initiative, and assuming this to be the case he really should have stressed that Cicero received the informal support of a limited number of Senators only, whereas Caesar and the Emperors were honoured by formal vote of the entire Senate. Perhaps Pliny was fooled by the prominence of those who spoke on Cicero's behalf, such as Cato, Catulus and Gellius Publicola. Opponents, on the other hand, angrily rejected calls that Cicero be recognised as the saviour of the state. In their eyes his execution of the Catilinarians marked him as a cruel tyrant. Metellus Nepos proposed Pompey's recall from the East in order to free Rome from Cicero's tyranny. Aside from echoes of patria potestas, it seems obvious that the Romans were thinking in terms of the conventional Greek antithesis between the good king who is like a father to his people and the selfish tyrant who treats his subjects as slaves. The Younger Pliny employs the same basic ideas in his Panegyricus: the cruel tyrant Domitian suppressed freedom (libertas) and desired honour as a god (deus, numen); the gentle Trajan is a citizen and father not a tyrant and master (dominus). Tacitus has this basic distinction in mind too. Nevertheless, as is well known, Pliny regularly addresses Trajan not as ‘father’ but as ‘master’ (domine) in Book 10 of his Letters. This was plainly an acceptable practice on the social plane, if not quite yet on the political. Augustus, Tiberius and Claudius indicated their opposition to dominus as a title for themselves, evidently for its connotations of autocracy and servitude. Domitian, damned as a tyrant, was accused of demanding to be addressed as dominus et deus. The title dominus existed from at least the first century A.d. as a common form of polite address between inferiors and superiors of free birth, not only between masters and slaves. It gradually gained acceptance as an official title of the Emperor through the second century and was advertised widely by the Severi. And yet its tone throughout this period could also be critical when understood in terms of the good king/tyrant antithesis.

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Austin, M. M. "Greek Tyrants and the Persians, 546–479 B.C." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (December 1990): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042889.

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The word ‘tyrant’ was not originally Greek, but borrowed from some eastern language, perhaps in western Asia Minor. On the other hand, tyranny as it developed in the Greek cities in the archaic age would seem to have been initially an indigenous growth, independent of any intervention by foreign powers. It then became a constantly recurring phenomenon of Greek political and social life, so long as the Greeks enjoyed an independent history.

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O’Neil, J. L. "The Semantic Usage of tyrannos and Related Words." Antichthon 20 (1986): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400003440.

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It has long been recognised that the word tyrannos and related forms are often used in Greek where the English derivative ‘tyrant’ is an inappropriate translation. This has led some modern writers to consider the word to be a synonym for basileus, and simply to mean ‘king’. Wilamowitz concluded that the pejorative use of the word, which has been carried over into the English ‘tyrant’, was a late development, stemming from Plato. Andrewes holds a similar view, that before the fourth century the word was neutral and that a ‘monarch’ could be addressed as ‘tyrant’ in compliment.

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Mobley, Jason A., and Richard O. Prum. "Phylogenetic Relationships of the Cinnamon Tyrant, Neopipo cinnamomea, to the Tyrant Flycatchers (Tyrannidae)." Condor 97, no. 3 (August 1995): 650–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1369174.

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Tello, Jose G., and John M. Bates. "MOLECULAR PHYLOGENETICS OF THE TODY-TYRANT AND FLATBILL ASSEMBLAGE OF TYRANT FLYCATCHERS (TYRANNIDAE)." Auk 124, no. 1 (2007): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1642/0004-8038(2007)124[134:mpotta]2.0.co;2.

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40

Bellagamba, Gina, Danielle Bellagamba-Oliveira, and Rafael Antunes Dias. "The Grey-bellied Shrike Tyrant (Agriornis micropterus), a new tyrant flycatcher for Brazil." Revista Brasileira de Ornitologia 22, no. 3 (September 2014): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03544266.

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41

Morgan, Llewelyn. "Achilleae Comae: hair and heroism according to Domitian." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 1 (May 1997): 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.1.209.

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For a homicidal tyrant Domitian was disconcertingly droll. A number of examples of is ‘sardonic wit’ survive. One of them was so good that Marcus Aurelius supposedly repeated it, and attributed it to Hadrian rather than Domitian on the grounds that good sayings had no moral force if they came from tyrants.3 Domitian also possessed a talent for writing. Suetonius (Dom.2.2, 20) and Tacitus (Hist.4.86.2) claim that his interest in literature was merely a pretence, but Domitian′s contemporaries claim for him genuine ability, and here for once they seem much closer to the mark, as Coleman argues.

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Hall, Edith. "To Fall from High or Low Estate? Tragedy and Social Class in Historical Perspective." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 4 (October 2014): 773–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.4.773.

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In a famous essay, the agnostic bertrand russell hailed tragedy as the highest instantiation of human freedom. tragedy results from human beings' persistence in the conscious, imaginative representation of the plight of humanity in the inhumane universe. Tragedy “builds its shining citadel in the very centre of the enemy's country, on the very summit of his highest mountain; … within its walls the free life continues, while the legions of Death and Pain and Despair, and all the servile captains of tyrant Fate, afford the burghers of that dauntless city new spectacles of beauty” (53-54). Russell's “servile captains of tyrant Fate” are the instruments by which metaphysical compulsion tortures humans—Death and Pain and Despair. Man, instead of allowing himself to be terrorized as “the slave of Fate,” creates tragedy “to preserve a mind free from the wanton tyranny that rules his outward life” (57). By transforming the human condition into tragic art, humans create their own world of resistance, in which they can be the truly free “burghers” of a dauntless new city-state of the mind.

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LOPES, LEONARDO ESTEVES, GUSTAVO BERNARDINO MALACCO, EDUARDO FRANÇA ALTEFF, MARCELO FERREIRA DE VASCONCELOS, DIEGO HOFFMANN, and LUÍS FÁBIO SILVEIRA. "Range extensions and conservation of some threatened or little known Brazilian grassland birds." Bird Conservation International 20, no. 1 (October 16, 2009): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959270909990190.

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SummaryPopulations of grassland birds are declining in Brazil due to profound alterations to grassland habitats. In this paper, we present recent records and range extensions for 12 threatened or little known Brazilian grassland species: Ocellated Crake Micropygia schomburgkii, Sickle-winged Nightjar Eleothreptus anomalus, Campo Miner Geositta poeciloptera, Rufous-sided Pygmy-tyrant Euscarthmus rufomarginatus, Sharp-tailed Grass-tyrant Culicivora caudacuta, Cock-tailed Tyrant Alectrurus tricolor, Cinereous Warbling-finch Poospiza cinerea, Black-masked Finch Coryphaspiza melanotis, Tawny-bellied Seedeater Sporophila hypoxantha, Marsh Seedeater S. palustris, Chestnut Seedeater S. cinnamomea and Black-bellied Seedeater S. melanogaster. We also comment on the biogeography and conservation of these species.

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German, Andy. "Tyrant and Philosopher: Two Fundamental Lives in Plato’s Myth of Er." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 29, no. 1 (2012): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000195.

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What is the significance of the recurring link between tyranny and philosophy in Plato? Often, Plato’s treatment of tyranny is discussed either in the context of moral psychology—as a problem of agency, moral choice and akrasia — or political science, where it is the limit case of political decline. It is suggested, however, that a close inspection of the myth of Er and an elucidation of its neglected links, not just with the rest of the Republic but also with dialogues such as the Philebus and the Symposium, shows that Socrates’ fascination with tyrannical characters points to a deeper theme — nature, and specifically the problem of its benevolence to our purposes and its very ambiguous relation to human excellence and degradation. Philosopher and tyrant, for all the radical differences between them, both illuminate the internal instability of the human being in Plato’s thought.

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Wegemer, Gerard. "Thomas More on Tyranny: What Is Distinctive in His Early Thematic and Literary Treatment?" Moreana 49 (Number 189-, no. 3-4 (December 2012): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2012.49.3-4.11.

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This paper analyzes More’s earliest writings on tyranny completed before More joined Henry VIII’s court in 1518. It argues that More’s treatment is distinctive in several ways: in contrasting the tyrant to Cicero’s princeps rather than to Plato’s just man or to Aristotle’s king; in the use of an unsettling comic tone; in the deeply perplexing and clever ways of engaging inquiry; and in thematic preoccupation with the need for effective citizenship education ordered to peace, prosperity, liberty in law, and civic friendship.

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Rosenshield, Gary, and Gary Cox. "Tyrant and Victim in Dostoevsky." Slavic and East European Journal 29, no. 4 (1985): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/307469.

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Fraser, William. "Tyrant Distance v. Free Spirits." Books Ireland, no. 120 (1988): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20625952.

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Miller, Robin Feuer, and Gary Cox. "Tyrant and Victim in Dostoevsky." Russian Review 45, no. 4 (October 1986): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130476.

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Slater, Angela, and Gary Cox. "Tyrant and Victim in Dostoevsky." Modern Language Review 81, no. 1 (January 1986): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3728850.

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50

Greene, Mott. "A tool, not a tyrant." Nature 410, no. 6831 (April 2001): 875. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/35073715.

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