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Journal articles on the topic 'The UN envoy'
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1
Kirby, Tony. "Eric Goosby: the UN special envoy for tuberculosis." Lancet Respiratory Medicine 3, no. 3 (2015): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s2213-2600(15)00060-0.
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Kmietowicz, Zosia. "Former UN envoy attacks UNAIDS for its “catatonic passivity”." BMJ 335, no. 7630 (2007): 1111.2–1111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39412.482454.94.
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Duffin, Christian. "Fall in HIV figures is deceptive, says former UN envoy." Nursing Standard 22, no. 13 (2007): 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.22.13.12.s19.
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Schatz, Joseph J. "Elizabeth Mataka: UN Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa." Lancet 370, no. 9602 (2007): 1821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(07)61762-0.
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Ahmad, Khabir. "UN envoy urges an inquiry into human-rights abuses in Afghanistan." Lancet 360, no. 9344 (2002): 1486. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(02)11511-x.
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SIMONIYA, Aida A. "NEW APPOINTMENTS TO ASEAN AND THE UN HAVE NOT YET LED TO A BREAKTHROUGH IN RELATIONS WITH MYANMAR." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-139-159.
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The crisis in Myanmar has also affected the beginning of the activities of high-ranking officials who recently took office. Cambodia, represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen, took over the baton as ASEAN Chairman, Singaporean diplomat Noelene Heizer was appointed Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General to Myanmar. Cambodia's Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn replaced Erivan Yusof as ASEAN's Special Envoy for Myanmar. The Prime Minister of Cambodia caused dissatisfaction of his ASEAN colleagues and outrage of the world community due to his visit to Myanmar a week after officially taking office. The first visit of the head of State to Myanmar after the military coup was perceived as ensuring the legitimacy of the military administration. At the same time, due to a misunderstanding between the guest and the host party on the issue of the release of an Australian citizen, the leader of Cambodia "lost face". Noelene Heizer underestimated the power of public opinion. She was fiercely attacked by opponents of the military regime because of the use of an unsuccessful thesis about the "division of power". The Office of the Special Envoy tried to "save face" by insisting that Heizer had never suggested power sharing as an option, and the interview with N. Heizer was misinterpreted. The mission of the new ASEAN Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn, was not crowned with great success either. During his visit to Myanmar, he met only with representatives of the regime and did not meet with all interested parties, which contradicts the five-point consensus.
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Nabarro, David. "Plus jamais ça - Interview: David Nabarro, UN Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on Ebola." Afrique Renouveau 28, no. 3 (2014): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/024ab418-fr.
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Alhendawi, Ahmad. "Africa's greatest assets are its young people - Interview: Ahmad Alhendawi, UN youth envoy." Africa Renewal 27, no. 1 (2013): 14–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/2eee90b2-en.
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Wickramanayake, Jayathma. "Interview: Jayathma Wickramanayake, UN youth envoy, “Youth can be agents of positive change”." Africa Renewal 32, no. 1 (2018): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/3caac2e5-en.
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Goyvaerts, Didier. "Burundi on the Brink 1993–95: A UN envoy reflects on preventive diplomacy." African Affairs 100, no. 398 (2001): 162–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/100.398.162.
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Portela, Clara, and Jean-Louis Romanet Perroux. "UN Security Council Sanctions and Mediation in Libya." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 28, no. 2 (2022): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02802005.
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Abstract The UN frequently employs sanctions on the same conflicts where it attempts mediation. While both efforts carry a UN stamp, they follow different political logics that are not always coherent with each other: sanctions are enacted by the UN Security Council, while mediation is led by a special representative/envoy of the UN Secretary-General, often on the basis of a Security Council mandate. This article explores two UN interventions in Libya that combined mediation with mandatory sanctions: the conflict leading to the overthrow of the Muammar Qaddafi regime (2011) and the civil war that ensued when the country was split between the first elected parliament and its successor (2014–2015). The Libyan case illustrates that the coherence of mediation and sanctions ultimately depends on the UN Security Council unity of purpose.
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Kamanga, K. "Burundi on the Brink (1993-95): A UN Special Envoy Reflects on Preventive Diplomacy (Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah)." Journal of Refugee Studies 13, no. 3 (2000): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/13.3.346.
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Nabarro, David. "EBOLA: This catastrophe must never be allowed to happen again - Interview: David Nabarro, UN Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on Ebola." Africa Renewal 28, no. 3 (2014): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/a3c60fb2-en.
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Hurley, R. "At least 80 people have died in Crimea since Russian law banned opioid substitutes, says UN special envoy." BMJ 350, jan21 15 (2015): h390. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.h390.
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Cirkovic, Elena. "An Analysis of the ICJ Advisory Opinion on Kosovo's Unilateral Declaration of Independence." German Law Journal 11, no. 7-8 (2010): 895–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018915.
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The International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled in an advisory opinion on 22 July 2010 that Kosovo's 17 February 2008 unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia did not violate international law. The Kosovo Parliament's declaration of independence stated that Kosovo would continue to be bound by the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) (hereinafter “SC Resolution 1244 (1999)”), as well as the Ahtisaari plan. UN Special Envoy for Kosovo Martti Ahtisaari's proposal, produced in February 2007, defined Kosovo's internal settlement, minority-protection mechanisms, and allowed for independence under international supervision. The proposal increased the powers devolved to Kosovar institutions but without providing for the complete removal of international oversight and authority.
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Guelton, Frédéric. "Avec le général Piarron de Mondésir un Aller-retour de Brindisi а Valona, 18-24 décembre 1915". Balcanica, № 50 (2019): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950161g.
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Au d?but du mois de d?cembre 1915 le Grand Quartier G?n?ral fran?ais cr?e une mission militaire command?e par le g?n?ral Piarron de Mond?sir. Envoy?e en Italie et en Albanie vers la mi-d?cembre elle doit principalement informer les autorit?s fran?aises sur la situation exacte de l?arm?e serbe. Lorsque, le 24 d?cembre les principaux rapports arrivent a Paris, dont le compte rendu d?un entretien direct entre le g?n?ral de Mond?sir et le roi Pierre Ier, le g?n?ral Joffre et le gouvernement d?couvrent la r?alit? de la situation de l?arm?e serbe proche de l?annihilation et prennent conscience les souffrances qu?elle vient d?endurer. Ils prennent ?galement la mesure du jeu double, mortifere pour les Serbes, jou? par les Italiens. Ils d?cident de tout mettre en oeuvre pour sauver l?arm?e serbe qui repr?sente aussi l?avenir de la Serbie en la ravitaillant et en la transportant vers l??le de Corfou.
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Semenov, Oleg Yu, and Dmitry A. Belashchenko. "Germany’s Policy on Afghanistan in the United Nations Security Council in 1995–1996." SibScript 26, no. 6 (2024): 1042–50. https://doi.org/10.21603/sibscript2024-26-6-1042-1050.
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The article describes the policy on Afghanistan conducted by Germany during its temporary membership in the UN Security Council in 1995–1996. As a permanent member of the Security Council, the Russian Federation was responsible for global peace and security, Sergei V. Lavrov being the Russian ambassador to the UN during the period under consideration. Based on archival and previously unpublished documents, the authors identified the key parameters, characteristics, and trends of the Afghan vector in Germany’s policy in the UN system. They relied on the principles of historicism and objectivity, as well as on Clive Archer’s role concept of international organizations. Germany’s activities in the Security Council revealed the duality of its foreign policy regarding the conflict in Afghanistan. After several decades of post-war diplomatic efforts to regain political influence, Germany opposed the crucial role of the Security Council on the Afghan issue. It focused on the General Assembly in an attempt to support Norbert Hall, who was the German Special Envoy in Afghanistan and the Head of the UNSMA mission, which was initiated by the UN General Assembly. As a result, Germany tried to minimize the role of the Security Council in Afghanistan in favor of the General Assembly.
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Caney, Simon. "Global Climate Governance, Short-Termism, and the Vulnerability of Future Generations." Ethics & International Affairs 36, no. 2 (2022): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679422000181.
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Abstract: Many societies are now having to live with the impacts of climate change and are being confronted with heat waves, wildfires, droughts, and rising sea levels. Without radical action, future generations will inherit an even more degraded planet. This raises the question: How can political institutions be reformed to promote justice for future generations and to leave them an ecologically sustainable world? In this essay, I address a particular version of this question; namely: How can supra–state institutions and transnational political processes be transformed to realize climate justice for future generations? The essay seeks to make two contributions. First, it considers what criteria should guide the evaluation of proposals for reform. It proposes four criteria, and analyzes how they should be interpreted and applied. Second, it considers a raft of different proposals, commenting on their strengths and weaknesses. It presents ten proposals in all, including, among others, establishing a UN high commissioner for future generations, appointing a UN special envoy for future generations, creating a UN agency mandated to protect future generations, instituting representatives for the future in all key UN bodies, ensuring greater youth participation in transnational political decision-making processes, and further developing a global citizens’ assembly. In short, my aim is to outline some of the options available and to defend a normative framework that we can use to evaluate them.
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Monzenga, J.-C., G. Bolondo, and B. L. Looli. "Premier inventaire des parasitoïdes de Spodoptera frugiperda J.E Smith (Lepidoptera, Noctuidae) dans la région de Kisangani, R.D. Congo." African Journal of Tropical Entomology Research 1, no. 1 (2022): 65–71. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6350327.
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Un inventaire préliminaire des parasitoïdes de Spodoptera frugiperda a été réalisé au quartier Plateau Médical dans la région de Kisangani. Les œufs et larves du papillon ont été récoltés sur terrain puis conditionnées et suivi au laboratoire dans des tubes à essai et boîtes de Pétri. Les observations ont permis de collecter les parasitoïdes, conservés dans les Eppendorf (alcool à 98°) et envoyés en Europe pour identification. Ce travail a mis en évidence la présence de trois espèces de parasitoïdes : un parasitoïde oophage (Telenomus remus) et deux parasitoïdes larvaires (Coccygidium luteum et Cotesia icipe). Le taux de parasitisme naturel des œufs (35 %) était supérieur au taux de parasitisme larvaire dans le milieu naturel (20 %). Telenomus remus avait un taux de parasitisme plus élevé (90%) que les deux parasitoïdes larvaires Coccygidium luteum (6,7%) et Cotesia icipe (3,3%). Ce résultat préliminaire ne concerne qu’une infime partie de la région de Kisangani.
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D'ASPREMONT, JEAN. "Regulating Statehood: The Kosovo Status Settlement." Leiden Journal of International Law 20, no. 3 (2007): 649–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650700430x.
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On 2 February 2007 the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General unveiled a comprehensive proposal for a supervised independence of Kosovo with a view of clinching the last chapter of the dismemberment of Yugoslavia. This proposal constitutes a further attempt by the international community of states to bridle the volatile and unpredictable phenomenon of statehood. The state of Kosovo that is envisaged by the Status Settlement is to be endowedwith all the features that are nowadays seen as indispensable for the establishment of a modern government apparatus, a tendency that had already beenobserved in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina or East Timor. The proposed regulation of statehood in this case, however, proves to be of an unprecedented extent. Against that backdrop, the article grapples with the legal questions revolving around the independence of Kosovo, including secession, recognition, succession, international supervision, self-determination, and membership of international organizations.
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وصفي, بن موسى. "مبادرات مؤسسة الأمم المتحدة لحل الأزمة السورية بين سنوات 2011 و 2018: قراءة في مقترحات الحل للمبعوثين الأمميين لسوريا". مجلة القانون و المجتمع, № 7 (17 грудня 2022): 195–208. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7452350.
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تعمل الأمم المتحدة من خلال مجموعة من أجهزتها على فرض مبدأ السلم والأمن الدوليين، و في حالة الازمة السورية لم تتوانى عن محاولة إيجاد حلول سلمية لهاته الأزمة، والتي كان من بينها إرسال مبعوثيها. ففي فبراير 2012 عين الأمين العام السابق للأمم المتحدة كوفي عنان مبعوثا خاصا الى سورية، والذي قدم خطة من ستة نقاط محاولا إيجاد حل لهاته الأزمة، لكنه فشل في ذلك، وفي 17 أغسطس 2012 وافق قرار الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة عدد 203/66 على تعيين الأخضر الإبراهيمي، الذي حاول بدوره إيجاد حل لهاته الأزمة إلا أن رحلته انتهت بتقديم استقالته بعد تعثر مفاوضات جنيف 2 في فبراير 2014، وقد عين الامين العام للأمم المتحدة بعده ستيفان دي مستورا في 10 يونيو 2014، الذي حدد استراتيجيته إزاء الأزمة السورية في ثلاثة مراحل؛ المرحلة الأولى، مرحلة التفاوض تم المرحلة الثانية المرحلة الانتقالية ثم المرحلة الثالثة التي يتم فيها استكمال معالم الدولة السورية. إلا أن تجاهل النظام السوري لهذه المبادرة أدى إلى فشلها. <strong>UNITED NATIONS INITIATIVES TO RESOLVE THE SYRIAN CRISIS BETWEEN 2011 AND 2018: A READING OF THE PROPOSALS OF THE UN ENVOYS TO SYRIA.</strong> Abstract The United Nations works through a group of its organs to impose the principle of international peace and security, and in the case of the Syrian crisis, the United Nations did not hesitate to try to find a peaceful solution to this crisis, which included sending its envoys. In February 2012, the former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, appointed a special envoy to Syria, who presented a six-point plan trying to find a solution to this crisis, but he failed to do so. , who, in turn, tried to find a solution to this crisis, but his journey ended with his resignation after the Geneva 2 negotiations faltered in February 2014. He appointed the Secretary-General of the United Nations after him, Staffan Demistura on June 10, 2014, who defined his strategy regarding the Syrian crisis in three stages; The first stage, the negotiation stage, the second stage, the transitional stage, and then the third stage, in which the features of the Syrian state are completed. However, the regime's neglect of this initiative led to its failure.
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Schopper, Doris. "Responding to the needs of survivors of sexual violence: Do we know what works?" International Review of the Red Cross 96, no. 894 (2014): 585–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383114000460.
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During the past twelve months, the issue of sexual violence in conflict and emergencies has received an unprecedented amount of attention at the highest political and institutional levels. In 2013, the United Kingdom's Department for International Development (DFID) launched a Call to Action to mobilize donors, UN agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other stakeholders on protecting women and girls in humanitarian emergencies, culminating in the high-level event “Protecting Girls and Women in Emergencies” in November 2013. As of August 2014, over forty partners (including governments, United Nations (UN) agencies and NGOs) had made commitments to the Call to Action. Furthermore, in June 2014 the “Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict”, co-chaired by the UK Foreign Secretary and Angelina Jolie, Special Envoy for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), gathered 1,700 delegates and 129 country delegations. In his summary, the chair of the Global Summit states: “We must apply the lessons we have learned and move from condemnation to concrete action. We must all live up to the commitments we have made.”1In September 2014, the United States organized a Call to Action event in New York during the UN General Assembly with the purpose of sharing progress on commitments made in November 2013. It thus seems that efforts to raise awareness about sexual violence in conflict and emergencies and advocate for a much stronger commitment to action are well under way. But is this enough? Is there enough evidence from lessons learned to allow us to increase and improve our response?
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Morina, Visar. "The Newly Established Constitutional Court in Post-Status Kosovo: Selected Institutional and Procedural Concerns." Review of Central and East European Law 35, no. 2 (2010): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303510x12650378240151.
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AbstractIn this article, the author first looks at recent constitutional developments in post-status Kosovo by providing an overview of Kosovo's constitutional system from the perspective of both the Constitution and the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement prepared by UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari. The author then explores the foundations of the constitutional review in Kosovo and provides an overview of the process pertaining to the establishment of the 2008 Constitutional Court in Kosovo. After analyzing organizational and jurisdiction-related matters of the Court, the article addresses selected procedural concerns that triggered a lively debate among the framers of the Constitutional Court Act. In particular, the author addresses the right of judges to attach dissenting opinions and whether the publication of such opinions is appropriate in the context of this newly born constitutional democracy. Finally, the author concludes that the lack of a tradition of judicial review and the complex nature of certain morally or politically controversial issues related to finding a constitutional compromise—satisfying both the Settlement and the Constitution—will inevitably make the mission of the Court a very challenging one.
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Singh, Avantika. "Introspecting Gender Concerns in National Action Plan for Climate Change of India." Indian Journal of Public Administration 66, no. 2 (2020): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120922833.
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The climate sceptics faltered at COP21 Paris summit after climate change was accepted as a real threat. An agreement across tables on historical ‘polluters pay’ principle shifted the burden of curbing the emissions on developed economies. However, gender concerns were conspicuous by their absence in all agreements. Mary Robinson, a UN envoy at the summit precisely pointed out that Paris climate summit’s gender imbalance with substantial male domination is inimical to taking appropriate action to save people from climate change risks. The research shows a poor track record with minimum or no presence of women representatives in any breakthrough deal and discussion. There is a tendency to avert their voices and concerns in any stamped deals done by governments and organisations at international, national, sub-national levels. Despite such gender omission, the policy discourse carries an inherent assumption of gender neutrality while designing adaptation and mitigation efforts in averting climate-related stress. This paper is an attempt to unravel such ungendered tendency, by a critical examination of the National Action Plan for Climate Change in India to bring out an apparent masculinisation of the policy discourse.
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Miljkovic, Bojan. "Nemanjici i Sveti Nikola u Bariju." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 44 (2007): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744275m.
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(francuski) La proximit? de la seconde tombe de saint Nicolas, saint du Christ le plus v?n?r? et ?v?que de Myre, dont les reliques ont ?t? translat?es a Bari en 1087, a fortement influe sur l?ampleur des donations adress?es a ce saint a partir de la fin du XIIe si?cle, tout d?abord par le fondateur de la dynastie serbe, grand joupan Etienne Nemanja, puis par ses successeurs sur le tr?ne de Serbie. Ainsi, vers 1290, la reine Helene et ses fils Etienne et Uros a envoy? a Bari une icone avec rev?tement sur laquelle ?taient repr?sentes, au registre sup?rieur, un buste du saint et, au registre inferieur, les donateurs avec inscriptions en latin. Une icone des ap?tres Pierre et Paul d?un aspect semblable et tout aussi ancienne, offrande des m?mes donateurs, est aujourd?hui conserv?e au Vatican. Puis le roi Etienne Uros II Milutin a fait parvenir a Bari une grande quantit? d?argent ayant servi a la confection, vers 1319/20, d?un autel avec ciborium, d?un grand p?la d?autel, de dix-huit lampes, de deux grands chandeliers et d?un encensoir. L?intrados du ciborium ?tait orne d?un ciel ?toile avec repr?sentations de Dieu le P?re et des quatre ?vang?listes, alors que les plaques d?argent habillant l?autel ?taient rehauss?es de figures de saints en bas-relief. Le p?la ?tait quand a lui domine par une figure monumentale de saint Nicolas entoure des sc?nes de sa vie, de ses miracles et de repr?sentations du Christ, de la Vierge et d?autres saints. Enfin, les lampes et l?encensoir offraient une d?coration en ?maux cloisonnes constitu?e de repr?sentations de saint Nicolas, d?aigles bic?phales, des Grandes F?tes ainsi que d?un portrait du donateur et de son blason. La r?alisation de ces objets a ?t? supervis?e par Obrad, fils de Desislava, de Cattaro, et assur?e par le premier maitre Roger et le maitre Roberto qui ?tait de Barletta. Les ?l?ments de l?autel de Milutin sont restes en place jusqu?en 1682. Vers la fin de 1325 le roi Etienne III Uros a fait don pour la tombe du saint d?une grande icone sur laquelle saint Nicolas ?tait repr?sente, quasiment grandeur nature, alors qu?apparaissent a droite et a gauche des ses jambes les portraits du donateur et de son jeune fils et cosouverain Du{an. Avant d??tre envoy?e a Bari cette icone a ?t? repeinte et a re?u un rev?tement en argent dore qui portait ?galement une inscription ou figurait le nom du donateur alors qu?y a ?t? joint, lors de l?exp?dition, une grande ?toffe dor?e avec broderie dor?e. Par la suite cette image a ?t? consid?r?e comme un portrait authentique de l??v?que de Myre. Par sa charte du mois d?avril 1346 l?empereur Etienne Dusan a attribue une rente annuelle de deux cents hyperp?res aux chanoines de la basilique pour l'achat de cire et la mention de ses anc?tres et de sa famille lors des pri?res. Bien que cet acte ait ?t? par la suite confirme par son fils, l'empereur Uros, les Ragusains, qui devaient proc?der au versement de cette rente annuelle, ne s'y sont jamais conformes. Entre 1346/47 et 1353, le c?sar Gregoire Golubic a adresse a la basilique Saint-Nicolas deux lampes et un encensoir en argent orne d??maux cloisonnes avec repr?sentations d?anges, d?aigles bic?phales et d?animaux fantastiques, une mitre orn?e de 1007 perles sur le fond en soie de laquelle ?taient repr?sentes en broderie d?argent et d?or le Christ, la Vierge, saint Jean-Baptiste, saint Nicolas et d?autres saints accompagnes des armes du c?sar, une ?tole en soie sur lequel ont de m?me ?t? brod?es a l?aide de fils d?or et d?argent les repr?sentations de 13 saints, ainsi qu?un manipule du m?me mat?riau sur lequel ?taient brodes l?arme du c?sar et des animaux fantastiques. De toutes les offrandes mentionn?es ne sont plus aujourd?hui conserv?es dans le tr?sor de la basilique de Bari que la grande icone d?Etienne III Uros et la charte de Dusan.
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Kalibata, Agnes. "Reflections on food systems transformation: an African perspective." Global Social Challenges Journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/oyyl3696.
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The United Nations Food Systems Summit (UNFSS) has thrust food systems transformation onto the main stage of international discourse in 2021. As recognised by UN Secretary-General, António Guterres, food systems are at the heart of delivering on all 17 Sustainable Development Goals for people, planet and prosperity. There has been a growing recognition that the global food systems, as currently constructed, are flawed due to the high levels of food and nutrition insecurity, food losses and waste, rising levels of inequalities, health-related challenges, and high levels of environmental degradation arising from unsustainable production systems. This article provides reflections from my own experience as Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for the 2021 Food Systems Summit. It articulates the key drivers behind the conceptual shift towards systems thinking to addressing the world’s food challenges. The article discusses some of the challenges faced by the global food systems and highlights why a paradigm shift from the traditional narrow focus on production and self-sufficiency to a more holistic and integrated approach is urgently required. The article provides an African perspective to the food systems discourse, highlighting some of the priority actions identified by African stakeholders and articulated in the Africa Common Position to the UNFSS, which sets out Africa’s opportunity to turn adversity into opportunity through food systems transformation. The paper outlines some highlights of the Summit, with a view to emphasising the key transformative pathways and crucial next steps that are required at country and regional levels.
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Ramírez, Carmen Maganda, and Georgina Vidriales-Chan. "International water fora and the prevailing needs for local implementation and broader participation." Regions and Cohesion 13, no. 3 (2023): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2023.130305.
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The United Nations (UN) 2023 Water Conference was held from March 22–24 at the UN Headquarters in New York, USA. There was a clear message from Day 1 of the Conference: “we are not on track to achieving Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 6 on water and sanitation for all.” Moreover, business-as-usual approaches for water management do not seem effective facing the so-called triple planetary crisis of climate change, pollution, and biodiversity loss (What is the Triple Planetary Crisis? | UNFCCC). Hence, the Conference aimed to raise awareness of the global water crisis and to make agreements on concerted actions to mobilize all sectors, stakeholders, and countries toward the resolution of this global issue. Among them, the agreement to establish a UN Special Envoy for Water (different figure than the Special Rapporteur on the Human Right to Water), ground more than seven hundred voluntary commitments and pledges, and renew the political momentum in fora such as the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, held this July 2023, and the SDG Summit in September 2023 to follow up on the SDGs and Agenda 2030, as well as the commitments of the Decade for Action on Water (2018–2028).The UN, in fact, has promoted numerous initiatives to mobilize citizens around the SDGs. Presently, the UN has declared a total of 206 International Environmental Days to honor specific human and environmental subjects. Among them, only 40 are specifically related to the environment or socio-environmental issues. The majority of all of these declarations are followed by “mega-conferences”1 related to the same subjects: that is, RAMSAR/wetlands sites, sustainable development, biodiversity, climate change, and the latest one is water. The UN states that these commemorative dates and fora are meant to “educate the public on issues of concern, to mobilize political will and resources to address global problems, and to celebrate and reinforce achievements of humanity” (United Nations, 2023) ). We have nothing against the raising of awareness and the need to take political action, but we would rather like to offer a reflection on two critical and historical challenges related to these global events: (a) the implementation of global water fora accords from global-to-local governance, and (b) the need for broader and inclusive participation of different stakeholders, with particular focus on water issues.
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Moralès, Étienne. "Un envol révolutionnaire." Monde(s) N° 26, no. 2 (2024): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mond1.226.0135.
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Les trafics aéropostaux cubains se développent de façon spectaculaire après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Cet article vise à éclairer les transformations de la poste aérienne cubaine après la révolution qui met au pouvoir Fidel Castro en 1959. Grâce à des sources variées, issues de fonds diplomatiques et d’articles de presse, il étudie les modalités de la quarantaine postale imposée à Cuba dès le début des années 1960 et les stratégies de contournement mises en place jusque dans les années 1970 par les différents acteurs concernés pour faire passer le courrier et les colis entre Cuba et le reste du monde.
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Reinhardt, R. O. "Diplomatic Service of Italian Diplomat J.-C. de Ludolf (1805–1861)." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 24, 2021): 426–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-6-426-435.
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The issue of periodization and establishment of chronological frames of the stages of the diplomatic service of J.-C. de Ludolf, who represented the Kingdom of Naples abroad from 1805, and after its unification with the Sicilian Kingdom in 1816 and un til the abolition in 1861 — the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. It is shown that, despite Ludolf's many years of work in the Russian direction in various qualities, the coverage of the role and place of his figure in foreign policy processes is very fragmentary in Russian historiography. With the aim of the initial reconstruction of the key milestones in the diplomatic career of this historical person, study of foreign sources: materials from the State Archives of Naples, the memoirs of his daughter, as well as biographical works was carried out. By analyzing and systematizing the information presented in them, four periods of Ludolf's diplomatic activity are highlighted and briefly characterized. His most important achievements at each of the respective stages are outlined, while it is noted that a long stay in the service line in the Russian Empire at least had a significant impact on the professional development of a diplomat. It was revealed that St. Petersburg became the first and last point of his career path, during which he managed to work there as an attaché, plenipotentiary envoy and ambassador-at-large.
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Agyemfra, Annie Abena Aku. "Africa’s Stance in the Russia–Ukrainian War: An Opportunity for Partnership with China and Russia." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 17, no. 1 (2023): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2023.17.1.2.
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China’s President Xi Jinping and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin have repeatedly hailed a ‘no limits’ partnership between their respective countries to the displeasure of the United States in light of the ongoing war in Ukraine. Therefore, it has become more apparent that the long-term goals of the Russian and Chinese foreign policies are to establish a new world order by reinstating their countries as great powers while challenging the U.S.-led global hegemony. The current geopolitical turbulence accelerated by the great power rivalry has not only shattered the international order that has existed since the end of the Cold War, but also reframed partnerships where the role of African states are becoming more prominent. Notably, while Martin Kimani, Kenya’s UN envoy, was widely praised for his powerful speech reaffirming Kenya’s respect for the territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders during the Security Council’s emergency session (21 February 2022), 25 of Africa’s 54 states abstained or did not vote to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine during the emergency session of the UN General Assembly (A/RES/ES-11/1) in March 2022. This equivocal reaction contrasted sharply not only with the widespread condemnation of Russia’s assault from every other region but also with African states’ official positions on preserving territorial integrity and borders within Africa. The study, therefore, seeks to explore Africa’s stance in light of the ongoing war and how the interests and (re)actions of African states contribute to furthering Russia’s goal of weakening the United States as a dominant power. The study applies a qualitative approach by drawing from literature on Africa’s relations with Russia and analyzing media and NGO reports on contemporary events, official communications of African officials, and voting patterns of African states in the UN General Assembly in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine. Initial findings suggest that several factors contribute to the hesitant position of some African countries. These include the legacy of colonial and imperial control, arms trading, food security, discriminatory treatment of African students in Ukraine, and the U.S. Congress’ anti-Russian legislation (H.R. 7311, the Countering Malign Russian Activities in Africa Act), which punishes African nations for their political and economic ties with Russia. These factors reinforce neocolonialism in Africa.
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Jost, Clémence. "Newsletter : un envoi stratégique." Archimag N°337, no. 7 (2020): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arma.337.0047.
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Kalic, Jovanka. "Raska kraljevina." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 183–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441183k.
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(francuski) La d?signation de l'ancien l'Etat serbe m?di?val comme le Regnum Rasciae, Regnum Rasse, remonte au couronnement royal du grand joupan Stefan Nemanjic en 1217, lorsque ce souverain coiffa la couronne envoy?e par le pape Honorius III. Elle appara?t donc au lendemain de l'effondrement de l'Empire byzantin ? la suite de la prise de Constantinople par les participants de la Quatri?me croisade (1204). Le couronnement du premier roi serbe eut lieu dans l'?glise des Saints-Ap?tres-Pierre-et-Paul ? Ras (sis aux abords de Novi Pazar, ce sanctuaire est aujourd'hui connu sous le nom de Petrova crkva ? ?glise de St.-Pierre). Avant m?me 1217 cette ?glise avait d?j? jou? un r?le notable dans l'histoire de la Serbie. Durant des si?cles elle avait en effet abrit? la chaire de l'?v?que de Rascie, qui longtemps releva de l'archev?ch? d'Ochrid, alors que la place fortifi?e de Ras faisait elle-m?me office de centre eccl?siastique et ?tatique de la Serbie au XII?me si?cle. C'est notamment d'apr?s son nom que l'Etat serbe est souvent appel? Royaume de Rascie dans les sources latines. Apr?s l'instauration de l'archev?ch? serbe autoc?phale (1219) et la construction du monast?re de Zica avec son ?glise d?di?e ? l'Ascension du Christ, le roi de Serbie Stefan Nemanjic, plus connu comme Stefan le Premier Couronn?, prescrit dans la charte de foundation de ce monast?re (charte d?livr?e vers 1224) que cette nouvelle ?glise serait le lieu de couronnement des futurs souverains de Serbie. Parall?lement l'?glise du monast?re de Zica devint le si?ge des archev?ques de Serbie et acquit avec le temps un grand prestige dans le pays. Le r?le de saint Sava dans la foundation et la cr?ation de ce nouveau centre eccl?siastique fut d'un poids d?cisif. .
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Kalic, Jovanka. "L'État et l'Église en Serbie au XIIIe siècle." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 46 (2009): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946129k.
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(francuski) Ce texte reprend l'introduction d'une communication pr?sent?e lors de la Conf?rence international organis?e a Belgrad en 2008, sous l'intitule 'La r?ciprocit? serbo-bulgare dans le monde byzantin du XIIIe si?cle'. L'auteur de cette communication observe les rapports entre l'Etat et l'Eglise au sein de la Serbie dans le cadre plus large de la sc?ne internationale au lendemain de la prise de Constantinople (1204) lors de la IVe croisade et durant la longue ?clipse de l'Empire grec byzantin qui se solda par une profonde modification de l'espace des Balkans. Sans avoir jou? un r?le significatif dans l'av?nement m?me de cette politique ? leurs fronti?res, la Serbie et la Bulgarie ont ?t? contraintes de s'y adapter. C'est alors que ces Etats ?tablissent d'intenses relations avec le monde occidental. L'un comme l'autre acc?dent au rang de monarchie gr?ce aux couronnes royales respectivement envoy?es par le pape Innocent III pour la Bulgarie, et Honorius III pour la Serbie (1217). Selon des conceptions de l'?poque, un tel acte ?quivalait ? une reconnaissance politique internationale. S'agissant de la Serbie l'auteur montre toutefois que l'?tablissement de relations soutenues avec le monde occidental, et ce avant tout avec les pays d'Europe centrale (Hongrie, Moravie, Allemagne, Pologne) ?tait d?j? ant?rieur ? 1204. Puis, il en vient a l'observation des rapports entre l'Etat et l'Eglise dans les terres serbes sur les bases des listes recensant les ?v?ch?s de Eglise orthodoxe serbe. Une place importante revient ici aux Notitiae episcopatuum du XIIIe si?cle. Datant de l'?poque de Saint Sava, la plus ancienne liste est conserv?e dans la Collection des actes juridiques du monast?re de Krusedol, alors que la seconde remonte ? l'?poque du roi Stefan Milutin et de l'?v?que Nikodim, soit au debut du XIVe si?cle. Ces listes des ?v?ch?s montrent que l'organisation de l'Eglise suivait le d?veloppement de l'Etat.
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Gandu, Sebastien, and De Talla Suzanne Sincère Ngoumgné. "L'impact d'une formation préalable en traduction sur l'élève-interprète." GPH-International Journal of Educational Research 7, no. 10 (2024): 119–40. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14272391.
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<strong>Résumé</strong> Ce travail de recherche intitulé : « l’impact d’une formation préalable en traduction sur l’élève interprète » vise à déterminer l’impact d’une formation en traduction sur l’élève interprète. La problématique s’inspire du fait que les écoles de traduction et d’interprétation recrutent des étudiants de tous les horizons. Ils sont recrutés sur la base de leur maîtrise de la langue, de matières diverses et la culture générale. Mais, aujourd’hui, la plupart des étudiants recrutés ont une licence en traduction, qui est une discipline de l’interprétation. Et avec une formation préalable en traduction, la logique voudrait que ces étudiants ayant suivi cette formation-là soient les meilleurs, ce qui n’est toujours pas le cas. Ce travail a donc pour objectif de déterminer l’influence d’une formation préalable en traduction sur la performance de l’étudiant interprète. Pour y parvenir, une collecte de données a été menée de manière qualitative et quantitative. En effet, pour permettre de collecter le maximum de données possible, un questionnaire a été envoyé en ligne. D’autres instruments comme l’interview et le groupe de discussion ont également été mis en œuvre pour faciliter la collecte de données. L’analyse des données a été réalisée grâce aux logiciels SPSS et Excel. Il ressort de cette analyse qu’une formation préalable en traduction constitue un vivier de ressources nécessaires pour l’apprenant, mais également un frein pour l’élève interprète car ce dernier se détache difficilement de l’esprit du traducteur qui tout le temps cherche le mot juste. Une formation préalable est en effet un tremplin pour le développement de la culture générale, de la confiance en soi, d’un meilleur niveau de langue, etc. L’analyse a également permis de mettre en lumière d’autres facteurs de réussite inhérents à la formation en interprétation, notamment l’aptitude de non seulement travailler régulièrement seul mais de travailler aussi en groupe.
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POP, Ioan Aurel, and Alexandru SIMON. "Sabotaj al cruciadei antiotomane sau necesitate politică italiană? Un raport al lui Leonardo Botta din 27 iulie 1475." Studii și Materiale de Istorie Medie 41, no. 1 (2024): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.62616/smim.2023.01.
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On 27 July 1475, Leonardo Botta, Milan’s representative in Venice, wrote to his master, Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza. He informed him that he had convinced Florence’s envoy in the Laguna, Luigi Guicciardini, not to inform the Serenissima that his Signoria had received Pope Sixtus IV’ recent message. The Papal brief had been sent on 1 July, at the request of Venice in the support of Stephen III of Moldavia, the favourite of the republic. Botta’s task had been relatively easy. Guicciardini was a close associate of the Sforzas and former podestà of Milan. In all likelihood, he had been in possession of the Papal brief for some time. But Guicciardini had been in doubt whether or not to let Venice know that Sixtus IV had fulfilled her demand and written even to usually pro-Ottoman Florence. Nevertheless, Botta was not very comfortable with his actions. He conveyed a series of explanations to Sforza. For Italian reasons, the duke was highly interested in the events in the (South-) East, as well as sceptical of the real outcome of anti-Ottoman warfare (not to mention his – reasoned – reluctance towards crusading and crusader ideals and aims). Was Botta’s endeavour an act of sabotage of the anti-Ottoman crusade proclaimed by Sixtus IV or a diplomatic deed emerged from Italian political needs? Botta was otherwise highly supportive of anti-Ottoman warfare, as well as – genuinely – found of Stephen III. Botta felt that his action was sabotage. Nevertheless, the experienced Botta did it. Milan could not afford that Venice’s Italian standing is improved through crusading in the East. From Sforza’s perspective (whose response to Botta’s report remains unknown), Botta’s enterprise was acceptable (he did not “recall” Botta). Sforza had sympathy for Stephen and his anti-Ottoman resilience (in return, on both crusader and Italian soil, Sforza could not stomach Matthias Corvinus). Yet Italian matters took precedence. The duke could not take the chance that any (Papal) advantage was given to the double-dealing Serenissima. At that time, Venice had a six months truce with the Porte, made possible by the major anti-Ottoman victory of her protégé, Stephen, in January 1475. The truce had eased the Ottoman conquest of Genoese Caffa in the Crimea, in early June. The fall of Caffa had sent shock-waves – via Stephen too – across Italy, where Genoa was Milan’s dominium. Under these circumstances, it could be argued that Milan attempted to respond in kind to Venice’s policies by foiling/ sabotaging her own anti-Ottoman designs centred around Stephen III of Moldavia. Such a hypothesis requires however additional proof. At present, we know only of two – identical – messages sent by Sixtus IV, at Venice’s request, on 1 July 1475: to the Signoria of Florence (the fief of his soon to be mortal enemies, the Medici) and to Ludovico III il Turco, margrave of Mantua (whose son, Cardinal Francesco, was later to arbitrate the feud arisen between Matthias Corvinus, supported by Naples, and Stephen III, backed by Venice, over the allocation of Italian anti-Ottoman crusader funds).
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Cavasin, Y., and S. Pierreffitte. "Vers un envol des PACS en France ?" IRBM News 30, no. 1 (2009): 26–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1959-7568(09)70007-0.
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Tosic, Djuro. "Sandaljeva udovica Jelena Hranic." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441423t.
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(francuski) Mena grandit et fut ?lev?e dans la maison de ses parents (1368-1386). La plus belle partie de sa jeunesse elle passa comme ?pouse de Djurdje II Stracimirovic et dans un r?gne autonome sur Z?ta au nom de son fils mineur Balsa (1403-1411). Son ?ge m?r elle consacra ? son deuxi?me mari, duc Sandalj (1411-1435). Les derni?res ann?es de sa vie elle uecnt comme veuve (1435-1443) jusqu'? sa mort en ?ge de soixante-quinze ans. De toutes ces p?riodes notre attention fut uniquement fix?e, en vue des mat?riaux ?dits et in?dits d'archiv? ? Kotor, et ? Raguse (Dubrovnik), ? son veuvage pendant lequel elle avait montr?, en d?pits de son ?ge, une ?nergie impressionnante. C'est surtout son engagement en mati?res de finance qui est m?rite de notre admiration. Elle prenait des int?r?ts de la somme que Sandalj avait d?pos? sous son nom et aussi elle-m?me, elle d?posait de l'argent et des valeurs diff?rentes ? Dubrovnik et ? Kotor. Si elle n'arrivait pas ? faire tout elle-m?me, elle le faisait par ses employ?s (?l?ves, notaires), envoy?s et confidents. Une partie de l'argent gagn? en ces op?rations bancaires elle utilisait aussi pour son progr?s spirituel: elle fondait des ?glises, reconstruisait celles qui ?taient vieilles et en mauvais ?tat, s'occupait des moines et jouissait en lisant la litt?rature monastique et autre, elle gardait des reliques de saints et menait des longues et int?ressantes conversations avec l'abb? Nikandar sur les questions en ce temps-l? fr?quemment disput?es: sur les questions d'aum?ne, de monachisme, de la vie c?nobite et de la vie anachor?te. Comme les autres princesses serbes (m?re Milica, Mena Serska, qui est devenue plus tard en religion Jefimija et la reine Mena Anzujska) elle aussi a eu la vie pleine de succ?s d'une femme tr?s travaillante, tr?s intelligente, qui avait en plus une tr?s bonne ?ducation et qui ?tait remplie de l'espoir de trouver le chemin qui l'emm?nerait vers la ?vie ?ternelle?.
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MOULAHI, MOURAD. MA. "L'enjeu de la population et du nationalisme tunisiens dans la propagande allemande durant la campagne de Tunisie (7 novembre 1942 – 13 mai 1943)." Journal of Afro-Asian Studies 6, no. 23 (2024): 18. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14191176.
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<strong>Résumé :</strong> Notre contribution s’est attelée à restituer le contexte de la propagande allemande durant la campagne de Tunisie en saisissant son impact sur la population civile et les milieux nationalistes tunisiens. Nous nous sommes basés sur les archives de l’Afrika Korps compulsés par Herf (Jeffrey) dans <em>Hitler, la propagande et le monde arabe</em>(Paris, Calmann-Lévy, 2012), les mémoires dumajor Rudolph Rahn envoyé spécial d’Hitler à Tunis, avec le titre de ministre plénipotentiaire, du général Juin résident général intérimaire à Tunis (mai – juillet 1943), des deux militants nationalistes Bahi Ladgham et de Habib Nouira ainsi que le défrichement de l’organe néo destourien <em>Ifriqiya Al Fatat</em> autorisé par les forces allemandes durant l’occupation (janvier- mai 1943) et le récit-témoignage de Roger Casemajor, un des principaux responsables des Renseignements Généraux français en Tunisie sous le protectorat. Cet impact s’est révélé remuant, changeant au diapason des victoires allemandes contre les forces alliées avant le début de la campagne en novembre 1942 et ses replis et défaites par la suite. La population civile est demeurée grosso modo germanophile jusqu’à la finde la campagne et même du conflit mondial en 1945. Les milieux nationalistes divisés quant à la collaboration et l’alliance avec les forces allemandes entre les deux leaders Habib Bourguiba et Dr. Habib Thameur ne sont pas moins imperméables à la propagande antisémite nazie et demeurent attachés à l’indépendance de leur pays. <strong><em>Mots-clés</em></strong> propagande allemande, la campagne de Tunisie, milieux nationalistes tunisiens, l’Afrika Korps
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Larequi, Yves. "Un nouvel envol pour [i]Mains Libres[/i] en 2020." Mains Libres 36, no. 4 (2019): 61. https://doi.org/10.55498/mainslibres.2019.36.4.0061.
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Fassina, Filippo. "Max Engammare, Un envoi de Jean Dorat à Jean Des Caurres (1573)." Studi Francesi, no. 166 (I | LVI) (April 1, 2012): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.4648.
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Bensignor, François, and Andy Palacio. "Andy Palacio. Un ambassadeur international de la culture garifiina, mort en plein envol." Hommes et Migrations 1270, no. 1 (2007): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/homig.2007.4675.
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Hermary, Antoine. "Inscriptions d’Amathonte IX. Un envoi de la mission Vogüé (1862) retrouvé au Louvre." Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 134, no. 1 (2010): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bch.2010.7618.
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Agosti, Aldo. "Eric Hobsbawm, un maestro e un amico." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 88 (February 2013): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2013-088001.
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There are many reasons why Eric Hobsbawm has become arguably the most respected historian in the world, recognised if not endorsed on the political right as well as on the left, and one of the few historians of any era to enjoy genuine national and world renown. He was unrivalled both in his knowledge of historic detail and in his extraordinary powers of synthesis, and endowed with an uncommon facility of expression, a lively style and an ability to synthesize complex events, that made his works known in wide circles of non-specialists. At the same time, his widening fame as a historian was accompanied by a growing reputation as a sharp commentator of his times. Till the end he has been remained loyal to a critical but uncompromising interpretation of Marxism, which he used to read the developments of the current economic crisis. One of the first to have discovered Gramsci outside Italy, from the 1970s onward Hobsbawm, who never refused his imprint as an antifascist turned into a Communist, claimed to have become a "spiritual member" of the Italian Communist Party. His influence on the renewal of historical studies in Italy has been remarkable, and left an important mark also in «Passato e presente».
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Ferreira, Kirla, and Delane Botelho. "(Un)deservingness distinctions impact envy subtypes: Implications for brand attitude and choice." Journal of Business Research 125 (March 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2020.12.008.
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Talbot, P., and M. J. Dunbar. "Le Nova Scotia Prediabetes Project : dépistage en amont et intervention au niveau communautaire pour le prédiabète et le diabète de type 2 non diagnostiqué." Maladies chroniques et blessures au Canada 32, no. 1 (2011): 2–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24095/hpcdp.32.1.02f.
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Introduction Le repérage des personnes au stade prédiabétique peut contribuer à retarder ou à prévenir l’évolution vers le diabète de type 2. Nous avons exploré la possibilité de recourir à un envoi postal à l’occupant pour effectuer un dépistage des cas de prédiabète et de diabète sucré de type 2 non diagnostiqué dans la population; nous avons également conçu un protocole standard, et avons élaboré et mis en œuvre des programmes communautaires axés sur les habitudes de vie. Méthodologie Le questionnaire d’évaluation des risques de diabète à l’intention des Canadiens (CANRISK), constitué de 16 questions, a été envoyé par la poste à tous les ménages de deux collectivités rurales de Nouvelle-Écosse. Au total, 417 participants âgés de 40 à 74 ans et n’ayant pas reçu de diagnostic de diabète ont répondu eux-mêmes au questionnaire CANRISK et se sont prêtés à une épreuve d’hyperglycémie provoquée par voie orale (HPVO) pratiquée deux heures après l’absorption de glucose dans un établissement de soins de santé local. Les individus ayant reçu un diagnostic de prédiabète ont été invités à participer à un programme de modification des habitudes de vie au stade prédiabétique. Résultats Le statut glycémique des participants était normal, prédiabétique ou diabétique dans respectivement 84 %, 13 % et 3 % des cas. L’association entre le statut glycémique et le score de risque global selon CANRISK était statistiquement significative. Six éléments du questionnaire CANRISK étaient associés de manière significative au statut glycémique : l’indice de masse corporelle, le tour de taille, les antécédents d’hypertension et d’hyperglycémie, le niveau de scolarité et la perception de l’état de santé. La rétroaction des participants et des médecins à l’égard du processus de dépistage CANRISK a été positive. Conclusion Le questionnaire CANRISK est un outil prometteur pour le dépistage au sein de la population.
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Ervin, Paul, Lyliana Gayoso-de-Ervin, and Derlis Salinas. "One neighbor’s income is another neighbor’s envy: exploring subjective living standards in Paraguay." Población y Desarrollo 22, no. 43 (2016): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18004/pdfce/2076-054x/2016.022(43)035-044.
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Oury, Guy-Marie. "Un martyr canadien de la Révolution française." Les Cahiers des dix, no. 53 (October 30, 2012): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1012957ar.
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Henri-François de Noyelle (1763-1794) est né à Loches dans une famille canadienne rentrée en France après la capitulation du pays. Il conserva toujours un lien avec le « pays » où vivaient toujours des membres de sa famille. Il fit partie de la marine française et fut envoyé aux Antilles pendant la Guerre d’indépendance américaine. Revenu en France il devint moine à l’abbaye bénédictine de Saint-Florent de Saumur. Quand la Révolution ferma ce couvent en 1790, il alla rejoindre ses frères à Marmoutier. Mais les ecclésiastiques réfractaires étaient pourchassés par la justice révolutionnaire. Arrêté à Amiens en décembre 1793, il fut guillotiné au mois d'août suivant.
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Nancy, Jean-Luc. "Pris au mot." Études françaises 38, no. 1-2 (2004): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008389ar.
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Cooke, Philip. "La Resistenza come secondo Risorgimento: un topos retorico senza fine?" PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 86 (July 2012): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-086005.
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The Resistance as a second Risorgimento: a never-ending rhetorical topos? The article examines the long history of the rhetorical topos of the Resistance as a Second Risorgimento. The topos, though criticised in certain contexts, became a potent means of packaging the national/patriotic aspects of the partisan war. Although its popularity began to decline from the 1970s onwards, it is striking how the Resistance as a Second Risorgimento continues to enjoy success, even today.
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Rashkow, Bruce. "Remedies for Harm Caused by UN Peacekeepers." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s239877230000177x.
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Since the creation of the United Nations, the need for the Organization to enjoy immunity from the juris-diction of Member States has been widely recognized as necessary to achieve its important and far ranging purposes. However, it has also been understood that this immunity was not intended to shield the Organization from responsibility as a “good citizen” on the world stage to respond to justifiable claims against the Organization by third parties resulting from the activities or operations of the Organization. The United Nations has generally achieved these dual objectives, although two recent situations in the peacekeeping context have raised questions about whether it continues to do so, namely the cases involving the Mothers of Srebrenica and the Haiti Cholera victims.