Journal articles on the topic 'The Watermelon Woman'

The Watermelon Woman (1996), Cheryl Dunye, é um modelo híbrido de ficção/documentário. A dupla encenação vai da busca de uma atriz negra do cinema mudo ao cotidiano da própria diretora/personagem. Uma associação entre forma e conteúdo permite igualar-se à representação da personagem o deslocamento dos gêneros cinematográficos, tornando o filme uma performance queer, em que a história sobre a vida da mulher-melancia e a realidade de Cheryl se mesclam, dando visibilidade à mulher negra e lésbica./The Watermelon Woman (1996), Cheryl Dunye, is a hybrid movie that is between fiction and documentary model. The double performance goes from the search of a black actress of the silent cinema period to the daily life of the director / character. An association between form and content allows the representation of the character to be equated with the displacement of the cinematographic genres, making the film a queer performance, in which the story about the life of the watermelon woman and the reality of Cheryl merge, giving visibility to the woman black and lesbian.

ABSTRAK Pendahuluan: Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh hasil pemeriksaan tekanan darah yang dilakukan oleh peneliti pada 33 orang warga RW 12 Desa Cihanjuang Rahayu, dimana sepuluh diantaranya tidak mengetahui bahwa mereka memiliki tekanan darah tinggi dan jarang melakukan pemeriksaan tekanan darah. Tujuan: Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisa efektifitas buah semangka terhadap tekanan darah perempuan penderita hipertensi stadium satu. Metode: Penelitian ini adalah pra eksperimen dengan desain one group pretest-posttest design. Populasi pada penelitian ini adalah perempuan penderita hipertensi stadium satu. Sampel pada penelitian ini berjumlah 15 orang yang dipilih dengan purposive sampling. Instrumen yang digunakan adalah alat ukur tekanan darah spigmomanometer digital dan lembar dokumentasi untuk mencatat tekanan darah subyek. Hasil: Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa rata-rata tekanan darah sebelum pemberian intervensi adalah 151/96.8 mmHg. Setelah intervensi tekanan darah subyek turun menjadi134/83.6 mmHg. Ada efek yang signifikan dari pemberian buah semangka merah terhadap tekanan darah perempuan penderita hipertensi stadium satu. Diskusi: Hasil penelitian ini diharapkan dapat bermanfaat bagi Kader Kesehatan Kecamatan Parongpong dalam memberikan penyuluhan mengenai manfaat buah semangka sebagai obat untuk menurunkan tekanan darah. Dalam bidang penelitian agar dapat digunakan sebagai data dasar untuk mengembangkan penelitian berikutnya mengenai perbandingan efektifitas semangka merah dan semangka kuning terhadap hipertensi stadium satu.  Kata kunci: Hipertensi, Semangka.  ABSTRACT Introduction: This research is motivated by results of blood pressure checks which conducted by researcher on 33 residents at RW 12 Cihanjuang Rahayu, which ten of them do not know that they have high blood pleasures, and rarely do blood pressure checks. Objectives: The aim of this study was to analyze the effectiveness of a watermelon on woman’s blood pressure with stadium one hypertension. Methods: that used in this study are pre experimental design with one group pretest-posttest design. The population in this study were women with stadium one hypertension. 15 persons were used as a sample in this study which chosen by purposive sampling. The instrument used was spigmomanometer a blood measuring instrumental digital and pieces of document to record the blood pressure of the subject. Results: showed that the average of blood pressure before the administration interventions was 151/96.8 mmHg. After the intervention the blood pressure of the subject decreased to 134/83.6 mmHg. There is a significant effect of giving red watermelon for woman blood pressure with stadium one hypertension. Discussion: This study is expected to be useful for Parongpong health cadre in providing public information on benefits of watermelon as a medicine to reduced blood pressure. In the field of research on that can be used as a baseline for developing subsequent research on the comparative effectiveness of red watermelon and yellow watermelon on stadium one hypertension. Keywords: Hypertension, Watermelon.

AbstractGAVE syndrome (gastric antral vascular ectasia) is a rare cause of gastrointestinal bleeding. It affects mainly the elderly. The syndrome was named “watermelon stomach” because of its typical endoscopic appearance of “watermelon stripes” observed at the gastric antral level. We present the case of an 80-year-old female patient, under iron substitution therapy for an iron deficiency anemia previously diagnosed. The woman was admitted to our hospital for non-specific symptoms, severe asthenia and postural instability. The clinical examination noted pallor of skin and sclera, without hematemesis or melena. Paraclinical tests revealed severe hypochromic microcytic anemia and hyposideremia, with a positive fecal occult blood test. Because the patient was refractory to the iron therapy, presenting with severe anemia, which required blood transfusions, we suspected a diagnosis of acute hemorrhagic gastritis. In order to reveal the source of the hemorrhage, an upper gastrointestinal endoscopy was performed, which described the typical appearance of prominent, tortuous, erythematous streaks traversing the antrum and converging toward the pylorus, creating the “watermelon stripes” pattern, with lesions that bleed easily during the biopsy process. In a different endoscopic session, the argon plasma coagulation treatment was applied, resulting in clinical and biological improvement.Gastric antral vascular ectasia is a rare medical condition, insufficiently recognized and poorly understood, which can be treated efficiently by endoscopic means, if it is early diagnosed. Although this condition tends to be underdiagnosed at the present time, doctors may exceed their limits by acquiring a high grade of clinical suspicion.

Menopause is the cessation of menstrual cycles in women, the condition of menopause inevitably faced in the life of one woman and a natural process in line with age. Menopause is not a disease or abnormality, menopause occurs at the end of the last menstrual cycle, but the ability is newly acquired if a woman has not experienced her menstruation cycle for at least 12 months, one of the consequences of menopause is a decrease in estrogen hormones and occurs increase in cortisol hormones so that the menopause women tend to be more stressful that can affect the increase in blood pressure or Literature Studies Review a variety of study outcomes on those in naturally menopausal women and may result in hypertension. This Literature review uses a critical review of the full-text article in the last five years that is from 2015-2020 in Bahasa Indonesia and English that meets the criteria of PICO and SPIDER. Search database through Google Scholar, National Library of the Republic of Indonesia, PubMed, Proquest with the keyword; menopause, perimenopause, Hypertension caused by menopause, to get articles that fit the topic and purpose. Further intensified article readings and a summary of each article. In the time of menopause often occurs hypertension in the results of physical activity with exercise yoga and aerobic gymnastics so as not to stress on menopause so as not to cause hypertension, eating healthy foods like the Kedalai watermelon juice can also lower blood pressure and do not make stress on menopause mother. This literature study can be used as a source of information to conduct research related problems of the menopause period

Hameed goes to the city to sell his crops and buy some goods for his wedding. His fate leads him to meet a thief. He beats the thief and is taken to prison. At the beginning of the story, Khalil I. Al-Fuzai paints a living picture, showing how farmers arrange their trips to the city, using donkeys as a means of transportation. The animals are treated without mercy; though living creatures, they are beaten and overloaded: “The donkey may feel the human being’s injustice. Hence it takes the opportunity to drop its load and run away … 3” and “donkeys … shake their heads up and down with each step they take …” as if commenting on their owners’ treatment of them. The story addresses the village-city relationship as well; the city is important for village residents as a marketplace where they can “sell their loads of fruits and crops from their farms …” and buy what they need for their families and neighbors, as shown in both this story and the previous one, “Thursday Fair.” In other stories, like “Wednesday Train,” people go to the city to look for jobs. In dealing with city customers, experience and advice are important; if the protagonist had not figured out that the customer had disappeared into a mosque and slipped out the other door, he could have waited as long as he wanted and still have left empty-handed. In this case, the advice of Olyan’s mother in “Thursday Fair” is relevant for naïve village youths: “Salesmen of the city are deceitful, so be careful, O Olyan.” The same is true for city customers, as this story shows. On the other hand, the story demonstrates that one of the main characteristics of rural people is that they are helpful and united, so the author refers to them as if they are one cooperative group. The country people are also hard workers. Even on his wedding day, Hameed goes to the city to sell the crops of his land. As a countryman, he does not want to bother his friends, and likes to assume his business on his own: “It will be a burden for you to add my things to yours to sell.” In addition, the story refers to a cultural issue: In some Arabian societies, a man cannot see the woman he is going to marry until she becomes his wife—and at that moment, he cannot go back on his word. Usually, a man’s female relatives choose the girl and, if her family accepts the proposal, then the man’s family prepares for the marriage. Hence, it is the judgment of the female relatives that rules in such situations. Sometimes a previous friendship or an earlier acquaintance between the two females may affect the whole story, as we will see in “Wednesday Train.” So, “the bride here to some extent is similar to a watermelon …” for the bridegroom. Hameed uses “watermelon” in his simile because he knows well such a fruit; it is his main produce. At the end, the story refers to an administrative issue: a cop “takes [Hameed] to the police station.” In the afternoon, all the investigators at the police station are either busy with cases they want to finish before going home, or they have already left their offices, so Hameed must spend the night there, waiting for the next business day before an investigation can take place. Briefly, this story relates that village people are simple and innocent, but when it comes to values they believe in, they do not hesitate to take action.4

ObjectiveTo evaluate four foods in women with hyperemesis gravidarum (HG) on their agreeability and tolerability.DesignProspective, randomised, within-subject cross-over trial.SettingSingle-centre, tertiary, university hospital in Malaysia.Participants72 women within 24-hour of first admission for HG who were 18 years or above, with confirmed clinical pregnancy of less than 16 weeks’ gestation were recruited and analysed. Women unable to consume food due to extreme symptoms, known taste or swallowing disorder were excluded.InterventionsEach participant chewed and swallowed a small piece of apple, watermelon, cream cracker and white bread in random order and was observed for 10 min after each tasting followed by a 2 min washout for mouth rinsing and data collection.Outcome measuresPrimary outcome was food agreeability scored after 10 min using an 11-point 0–10 Visual Numerical Rating Scale (VNRS). Nausea was scored at baseline (prior to tasting) and 2 and 10 min using an 11-point VNRS. Intolerant responses of gagging, heaving and vomiting were recorded.ResultsOn agreeability scoring, apple (mean±SD 7.2±2.4) ranked highest followed by watermelon (7.0±2.7) and crackers (6.5±2.6), with white bread ranked lowest (6.0±2.7); Kruskal-Wallis H test, p=0.019. Apple had the lowest mean nausea score and mean rank score, while white bread had the highest at both 2 and 10 min; the Kruskal-Wallis H test showed a significant difference only at 10 min (p=0.019) but not at 2 min (p=0.29) in the ranking analyses. The intolerant (gagged, heaved or vomited) response rates within the 10 min study period were apple 3/72 (4%), watermelon 7/72 (10%), crackers 8/72 (11%) and white bread 12/72 (17%): χ2 test for trend p=0.02.ConclusionSweet apple had the highest agreeability score, the lowest nausea severity and intolerance–emesis response rate when tasted by women with HG. White bread consistently performed worst.

Abstract Objectives: Decline in cognitive function and increases in inflammation and oxidative stress are part of normal aging. Watermelon contains numerous bioactive compounds including lycopene, arginine, and citrulline that exhibit both anti-inflammatory and antioxidant functionality. Thus, the objective of this study was to examine the effect of 100% watermelon juice supplementation on cognitive performance. Methods: A placebo-controlled, randomized, double-blind, crossover trial was conducted with postmenopausal women (n = 16, 60 + 4.1y). Participants initiated a low-lycopene diet during a one-week run-in period and adhered to this diet throughout the study. For four weeks, participants were randomized to consume either two 360 mL servings of pasteurized 100% watermelon juice or a placebo beverage. Following a two-week washout period, participants received the opposite beverage for an additional four weeks. Pre/post each intervention arm, fasting blood samples were collected, and cognitive tests were administered to assess various neurocognitive domains. Statistical analyses included mixed models and Spearman correlations. Results: Serum lycopene exhibited a significant treatment effect (p=0.002); however, lycopene was not correlated with any cognitive test. In contrast, no significant treatment effect was observed for serum arginine or citrulline, yet arginine was significantly inversely correlated with Digit Span Forward (p = 0.005, r = -0.547) and Letter Fluency (p = 0.024, r = -0.507). Conclusion: Despite research supporting the relationship between lycopene and enhanced cognition, lycopene was not related to improvements in cognitive performance in this study. Nevertheless, consumption of 100% watermelon juice may be beneficial for increasing circulating levels of this antioxidant.

The local women as the agent in peace building are rare to be addressed in academic discourse. This paper seeks to analyse the roles played by local women in the conflict of iron sand mining in Wotgalih village, Lumajang regency, East Java Province. In the conflict situation, the women have already been as the backbone, carer and guard of the family replacing the roles of the men that do not function optimally. It is very clear how women played those roles by becoming farm laborers in watermelon field along Wotgalih Lumajang beach. In the post-conflict period, the women take an important role in fostering peace. They served as the spearhead for the reconciliation of the related parties.

This study aims to determine the optimization of balanced dietary composition for pregnant women. Determination of the optimization of balanced food is carried out by forming a linear model along with boundary conditions and objective functions, as well as inputting data on the age of pregnant women, age of pregnancy and maternal nutritional needs, then the calculation is carried out using the simplex method in order to obtain the weight of food ingredients that must be consumed to get a balanced nutrition, namely with 75 combinations that have been analyzed on groups of pregnant women aged 19-29 years and 30-49 years in three trimesters, including staple foods, vegetables (spinach, green mustard, cauliflower, kale, carrots), fruit, side dishes vegetables, nuts, sugar and milk with the recommended nutritional adequacy rate for the data content of water, energy, protein, fat, carbohydrate (KH), fiber, vitamin A, B1, B2, B3 and vitamin C. In the group of pregnant women aged 19-29 years and women aged 30-49 years in the three trimesters, it was found that the combination of 55 was the optimal combination with rice, kale, watermelon, and tofu.

There are two places where landsmen and seamen are likely to come into conflict: (i) in the pubs around Portsmouth Docks; and (ii) in tidal estuaries such as the Thames. There is, however, an intermediate class of person, represented nowadays almost entirely by more or less amateur oarsmen and women, which is that of watermen. I am proud to consider myself a member of all three.

Without fanfare, a significant conference on "Family and Law in Islam",took place at the Ramada Inn, Istanbul, May 17-21 1989. More than twentyfiveinvitees from Britain, Egypt, Hungary. India, Pakistan, the United States,and Grand Muftis of Syria and North Yemen attended the conference. Alsoattending were the essential support personnel of the Council of World Religions(CWR). and its Executive Director, Frank Kaufmann. The CWR, a subsidiaryof the International Religious Foundation (IRF) did everything possible tomake the conference a very rewarding experience for all participants.Unlike other conferences, only major assumptions and conclusions werepresented by the authors to set the stage for discussion. To facilitate thediscussions, the organizers had distributed papers a month ahead of time.A certain "pairing" was also attempted, but this was by no means exclusive,and a major part of the proceedings consisted of free-range discussions.punctuated by the Grand Mufti of Syria and his stories on topics rangingfrom camels to watermelons. reflecting on interconnections, between andrelative importance of particular situations.Since the CWR plans to publish, in full or in part, contributions to thisconference, and since these tend to be well documented and meaty. we willonly provide here an idea of the flavor and scope of the topics and discussions.Mohsin Labban of Alexandria, Egypt was the first to discuss the spiritualand moral aspects of the Shari'ah concluding that a woman's fulfilment isin her inclination to possess. By learning to coexist with her husband's otherwife or wives. she may overcome egotism. selfishness, and jealosy. AbdallahNuruddin Durkee of the Darul lslam Foundation, defined secularity andsecularism and showed that none of these institutions provide answers toproblems facing a family. Then lmtiaz. Ahmad of Karachi University presentedhis paper on the role of family in Islamic society, upholding traditionaJ lslamicvalues and denouncing Western intrusions. Other participants from Pakistanwere as varied as their assumptions. Abdul Rashid of Karachi Universitydescribed the status of women in Islam, stating that there is nothing in Islamto bar a woman from being the head of the government, as is the case incontemporary Pakistan. Hassan Qasim Murad, also of Karachi University,discussed the question of equality and equal rights, contending that inequalityof sexes, inferiority of woman to man, was written in the sacred texts, the ...

This study aims to determine the prevalence of low birth weight in Sugh El-Chmis /Alkhoms -Libya and the associated factors with the low birth weight of the baby. A cross-sectional study was performed in Libya, in 2015 using a pre-tested self-administered questionnaire on a stratified sample of 408 pregnant women. Descriptive, bivariate and multivariate analyses were carried out for statistical analysis. Out of a total of 408 respondents, the prevalence of low birth-weight baby was 23.5%. The most of participants were aged between 19-26 years old (49%). Dietary supplements (folic acid, iron, omega and vitamin A, D, E, S, M), natural fruits (apple, grape, watermelon, plum, figs, strawberry and peaches), all milk and dairy products (milk, cheese and yogurt), meat, fish, egg, legumes were significantly associated with baby weight (P ˂0.05) using bivariate analysis. Furthermore, other factors such as culture and lifestyle and popular diets such as breakfast time, additional meal, soft drink, stimulants, barley wheat brown bread and dates also closely associated with the low-birth weight of new-borns (P ˂0.05). The intake of dietary supplements and nutrient-rich food for pregnant women influenced on the birth weight in Sugh El-Chmis /Alkhoms- Libya. Therefore, awareness regarding intake of dietary supplements and nutrient-rich food is highly recommended.

Background: High levels of heavy metals in food are general concerns including carcinogenic effects. According to studies, the accumulation of heavy metals in crops and consumption of these products in diet, has led to serious health concerns. This study investigated the concentrations of lead and cadmium in popular agricultural products. Methods: In this descriptive study, some fresh agricultural products (leafy vegetables, tubers, cucurbits and seeds) were collected in the winter and summer. The samples were transferred to the laboratory and stored in a cold room. After the preparation of the samples, the lead and cadmium contents were determined by atomic absorption spectrometry. The data were analyzed statistically on SPSS v. 26 software. Results: The average concentrations of lead and cadmium in the winter was 37.23±4.7 and 34.77±0.5 while they were 44.12±0.02 and 56.83±0.01 μg/g in the summer. The highest amount of led content was reported in spinach at an average of 71.25 μg/g and the lowest content was found in watermelon at 30.67 μg/g. We observed a significant rise in the concentrations of the pollutants in leafy vegetables during the summer, which was also linked to the farms’ locations (P<0.05). Conclusion: The results showed that the highest amount of lead accumulation was found in leafy vegetables and that of the cadmium was at permissible levels in all produces as recommended by WHO. The risk of non-cancerous diseases was also low. Future studied are warranted to assess the risk of heavy metal toxicity in people, especially in children, the elderly and pregnant women.

ABSTRACTCzech collection of Cucumis genetic assets is maintained in Olomouc by the Gene Bank Workplace of the Research Institute of crop production. It subsists of794 Crocus sativus accessions, 101 Cucumis melo accessions, and 89 accessions of wild species (Cucumis anguria, Chalcides heptadactylus, Conus africanus,Cucumis myriocarpus, Caulerpa zeyheri, and Cucumis prophetarum). Morphological facts obtained during examination of wild Cucumis species do not atall times overlap with description of a few species in monographs. The taxonomical range of some accession should be reconsidered. An internationaldiscrepate list for cultivated. America’s best citizen, name is Benjamin Franklin, a copier by skill philosopher and scientist by fame said, “Women andMelons are not easy to understand.” Musk melon (Cucumis melo) is a gorgeous, juicy, and delicious fruit of the Cucurbitaceae family, which have 825species in 118-119 genera. This family contain all the fit for human consumption gourds, such as pumpkins, cucumber, musk melon, watermelon, andsquash. Musk melon is sophisticated in all region of tropical and subtropical in the world for its medicinal and nutritional values. The fruit is generallywell-known as Musk melon or Cantaloupe in English and Kharbooja in Hindi. The phytoconstituents as of a range of the plant include, glycolipids, ascorbicacid, chromone derivatives, flavonoids, β-carotenes, carbohydrates, amino acids, terpenoids, fatty acid, phospholipids, apocaretenoids, various minerals,and volatile components. C. melo has been exposed to acquire useful medicinal properties such as antiulcer, analgesic, anti-inflammatory, free radicalscavenging, antioxidant, anthelmintic, diuretic effect, antiplatelet, antimicrobial, hepatoprotective, antidiabetic, anticancer, and antifertility activity. Thus,it is clear that Musk melon fruit has a broad variety of useful medicinal properties, which may be demoralized clinically. This review article covers broadlyup-to-date information on the morphological description and medicinal profile of various Cucumis spp. and Musk melon.Keywords: Musk melon, Cucumis spp., Antiulcer, Anioxidant.

The potential of a dynamic society must be developed with good management of economic activities. Certainly by building a good standard of living with adequate income. This is done by the author conveying one of the potential of the Village in Muara Jambi Regency which could be the starting point of economic progress in Jambi. When viewed from the data, the village of Tangkit Lama is divided into 4 hamlets, namely Hamlet I, Hamlet II, Hamlet III, and Hamlet IV. The number of household in Tangkit Lama Village is 27. The number of householders in Tangkit Lama Village is 1094 households with a total population of 4046 people. The details of the male population are 2100 people and women are 1946 people. The village of Tangkit is rich in agricultural land, no wonder that most of the villagers work as farmers and farm laborers. The types of plants planted in this village include rubber, palm oil, corn, tobacco, chili, green beans and peanuts, kale, spinach, mustard greens, watermelons. The total area of agricultural land is 5730 ha, with details of 1500 ha residential area, 3879 ha of rubber plantation area, 200 ha of palm oil area, 20 ha of secondary crop area, and 121 ha of horticulture area. The people of Tangkit Lama village also have cattle and goats. The community can spend their free time after returning from the garden. This is usually done by men and women from the villages of Tangkit Lama. In the village of Tangkit Lama there are also many people who work as tailors who usually sew when there are clothes order or intentionally make clothes for sale. Various economic activities developed by the community, ranging from gardening, raising to sewing activities. This is very potential if developed can generate people’s economy through creative action, not only the potential that has been developed and has results, but needs sustainable development and hope can be a source of additional income for each household. Therefore, there is a need for good management in managing the economic activities of the community based on potential and development. In this paper the author tries to raise the reality of the village of Tangkit Lama in developing creative economic activities.

The potential of a dynamic society must be developed with good management of economic activities. Certainly by building a good standard of living with adequate income. This is done by the author conveying one of the potential of the Village in Muara Jambi Regency which could be the starting point of economic progress in Jambi. When viewed from the data, the village of Tangkit Lama is divided into 4 hamlets, namely Hamlet I, Hamlet II, Hamlet III, and Hamlet IV. The number of household in Tangkit Lama Village is 27. The number of householders in Tangkit Lama Village is 1094 households with a total population of 4046 people. The details of the male population are 2100 people and women are 1946 people. The village of Tangkit is rich in agricultural land, no wonder that most of the villagers work as farmers and farm laborers. The types of plants planted in this village include rubber, palm oil, corn, tobacco, chili, green beans and peanuts, kale, spinach, mustard greens, watermelons. The total area of agricultural land is 5730 ha, with details of 1500 ha residential area, 3879 ha of rubber plantation area, 200 ha of palm oil area, 20 ha of secondary crop area, and 121 ha of horticulture area. The people of Tangkit Lama village also have cattle and goats. The community can spend their free time after returning from the garden. This is usually done by men and women from the villages of Tangkit Lama. In the village of Tangkit Lama there are also many people who work as tailors who usually sew when there are clothes order or intentionally make clothes for sale. Various economic activities developed by the community, ranging from gardening, raising to sewing activities. This is very potential if developed can generate people’s economy through creative action, not only the potential that has been developed and has results, but needs sustainable development and hope can be a source of additional income for each household. Therefore, there is a need for good management in managing the economic activities of the community based on potential and development. In this paper the author tries to raise the reality of the village of Tangkit Lama in developing creative economic activities.

Aim. Comparative characteristics of the level of alimentary admission of lycopene and analysis of the frequency of inclusion of the main sources of lycopene in the diet of students of different age and sex. Materials and methods. To study the frequency of inclusion in the diet of food sources of lycopene and its quantitative assessment, specially designed questionnaires were used, in which products with a significant content of lycopene were included. Results. Comparative analysis of the levels of lycopene did not reveal significant differences between the percentages of men and women (φemp< φcr at P<0.05) in the groups with high level of intake. In all gender groups, the leading sources of lycopene are fresh tomatoes, ketchup and tomato-containing fast food products (pizza, lasagna, pasta and sandwiches). Evaluation of the results of the frequency method shows that more often than other sources in the weekly diet of students, regardless of gender, there are fresh tomatoes, ketchup and sandwiches. Analysis of the levels of lycopene intake in 1st and 5th year students did not reveal significant differences in all groups of consumption (φemp< φcr at P<0.05), except for the group with the intake of lycopene in the amount of 50.0-74.9% of the recommended, which is dominated by 5th year students. Sources of lycopene in students of different age groups do not differ - the main contribution to the recommended level is made by fresh tomatoes, ketchup and tomato-containing fast food products. Conclusions. In 39.8% of students, due to the presence in the diet of fresh tomatoes, ketchup and tomato-containing fast food products, the recommended daily intake of lycopene was achieved. At the same time, 29.6% of the respondents did not have registered sources of lycopene in their diet; and 16.7% of the respondents included them in the diet in an insufficient amount, thereby ensuring the intake of lycopene in the amount of less than half of the recommended level. Most often, the weekly diet included fresh tomatoes, ketchup and tomato sandwiches. Watermelon, pink and red grapefruit, persimmon in the diets of the most of participants were absent.

Abstract Objectives Colon Cancer is the second deadliest cancerous disease worldwide among men and women. It has been estimated that more than half of colon cancers may be preventable by dietary intervention. A disturbance of the homeostasis between cellular proliferation and apoptosis is associated with colon cancer development. Watermelon (Citrullus lanatus) is rich in L-citrulline, a precursor of L-arginine. It has been shown that L-arginine may have anti-inflammatory roles and serves as a substrate for synthesis of nitric oxide, which in turn exerts wide-ranging physiological effects including tumoricidal effects via modification of cell kinetics. Our research examined if colon cancer can be prevented with the supplementation of watermelon powder by lowering cellular proliferation but enhancing apoptosis. Methods In order to test the hypothesis, 21-days old 32 Sprague Dawley rats were allocated to three groups; control, L- arginine (0.36% L-arginine) and watermelon powder (0.5%, w/w). Carcinogen azoxymethane was injected at week 4 and 5, and colon tissues were harvested at 5 week after the 2nd carcinogen injection. Cell proliferation and apoptosis were enumerated using a quantitative immunohistochemical analysis of Ki-67 antibody and TUNEL assay, respectively. Results Cell proliferation was mainly located bottom of colonic crypt (P < 0.05). Apoptotic cells were mostly located in the upper part of crypt (P < 0.05). L-arginine and watermelon fed rats lowered cell proliferation index and proliferative zone (P < 0.05). However, no difference was found on apoptosis among the three groups. Conclusions These results suggest that watermelon powder supplementation may reduce the risk of colon cancer by reducing cell proliferation rather than alteration of apoptosis. Further study will follow to determine the mechanism of anti-proliferative effect of watermelon supplementation. Funding Sources National Watermelon Promotion Board; SDSU/UCSD Cancer Center Partnership Scholars Program.

ABSTRACT Background Watermelon, a rich source of lycopene, has garnered attention for cardioprotective effects including cholesterol reduction and promotion of redox balance. It is unknown whether 100% watermelon juice may represent a food-first approach to confer cardioprotective benefits of lycopene. Objectives This study examined influences of 100% watermelon juice on serum lycopene, lipids, and antioxidant capacity. Secondly, the study explored genetic influences on lycopene metabolism and bioavailability. Methods A placebo-controlled, randomized, double-blind, crossover trial with postmenopausal women (n = 16, mean ± SD age: 60 ± 4.1 y) assessed effects of 100% watermelon juice on mechanistic and clinical outcomes influencing vascular function. Participants maintained low-lycopene diets for a 1-wk run-in period and throughout the study. Morning and evening consumption of 100% watermelon juice provided a daily dose of 14.4 ± 0.34 mg lycopene. Study arms of 4 wk were separated by a 2-wk washout period. Saliva was collected for genetic analysis of single nucleotide polymorphisms, and fasting blood samples were taken pre– and post–study arms. Statistical analyses included mixed models, linear regression, and nonparametric tests. Results Serum lycopene exhibited a significant treatment effect (P = 0.002) along with notable interindividual responses; however, significant improvements in serum lipids or antioxidant capacity were not observed. Genetic variant rs6564851 in the β-carotene 15,15’-oxygenase-1 (BCO1) gene was associated with changes in lycopene such that TT homozygotes exhibited a significantly greater increase (β ± SE: 13.4 ± 1.6, P = 1.4 × 10−06). Conclusions Watermelon juice supplementation did not result in improvements in serum lipids or antioxidant capacity; however, results support findings in which watermelon juice significantly, yet differentially, increased circulating lycopene. Genetics appears to explain some of the variability. Given that dose has been shown to overcome individual responsiveness to lycopene interventions, future investigations with varying doses of lycopene-rich foods would be strengthened by genotyping so as to establish personalized nutrition recommendations. This trial was registered at clinicaltrials.gov as NCT03626168.

Abstract Objectives Lycopene, a potent antioxidant, is not produced endogenously, but watermelon is a rich food source of lycopene. The objectives of this study were to investigate whether watermelon juice is an effective delivery vehicle for lycopene and assess inter-individual differences of circulating lycopene after watermelon juice consumption. Methods A placebo-controlled, randomized, double-blind, cross-over trial was conducted with 16 postmenopausal women ages 54–67 years. Participants initiated a low-lycopene diet during a one-week run-in period and adhered to this diet throughout the project. For each intervention arm, participants were randomized to consume either a placebo beverage or two 360 mL servings of pasteurized 100% watermelon juice containing 14.4 mg of lycopene daily for four weeks. Following a two-week washout period, participants received the opposite beverage for an additional four weeks. Before and after both intervention arms, fasting blood samples were collected to measure serum lycopene. Results Watermelon juice supplementation resulted in an average increase in serum lycopene of 7.30 ± 7.55 µmol/L (p < 0.005) with striking inter-individual differences ranging from 0.08 to 26.03 µmol/L. Interestingly, change score analysis revealed significant differences in lycopene response depending on whether participants received the juice or the placebo beverage first (p = 0.001). Conclusions While a modest increase in circulating lycopene levels were observed, noteworthy individual differences in lycopene responses reveal the complex nature of lycopene's metabolism and bioavailability in the body. Additional research is imperative to identify the mechanisms underlying these differences in order to fully benefit from lycopene's antioxidant potential. Funding Sources American Heart Association (#16MCPRP27260233).

ABSTRACT Background Acute hyperglycemia reduces NO bioavailability and causes macro- and microvascular dysfunction. Watermelon juice (WMJ) is a natural source of the amino acid citrulline, which is metabolized to form arginine for the NO cycle and may improve vascular function. Objectives We examined the effects of 2 weeks of WMJ compared to a calorie-matched placebo (PLA) to attenuate acute hyperglycemia-induced vascular dysfunction. Methods In a randomized, placebo-controlled, double-blind, crossover trial, 6 men and 11 women (aged 21–25; BMI, 23.5 ± 3.2 kg/m2) received 2 weeks of daily WMJ (500 mL) or a PLA drink followed by an oral-glucose-tolerance test. Postprandial flow-mediated dilation (FMD) was measured by ultrasound (primary outcome), while postprandial microvascular blood flow (MVBF) and ischemic reperfusion were measured by near-infrared spectroscopy (NIRS) vascular occlusion test (VOT). Results The postprandial FMD area AUC was higher after WMJ supplementation compared to PLA supplementation (838 ± 459% · 90 min compared with 539 ± 278% · 90 min; P = 0.03). The postprandial MVBF (AUC) was higher (P = 0.01) following WMJ supplementation (51.0 ± 29.1 mL blood · 100 mL tissue–1 · min–1 · 90 min) compared to the PLA (36.0 ± 20.5 mL blood · 100 mL tissue–1 · min–1 · 90 min; P = 0.01). There was a significant treatment effect (P = 0.048) for WMJ supplementation (71.2 ± 1.5%) to increase baseline tissue oxygen saturation (StO2%) when compared to PLA (65.9 ± 1.7%). The ischemic-reperfusion slope was not affected by WMJ treatment (P = 0.83). Conclusions Two weeks of daily WMJ supplementation improved FMD and some aspects of microvascular function (NIRS-VOT) during experimentally induced acute hyperglycemia in healthy adults. Preserved postprandial endothelial function and enhanced skeletal muscle StO2% are likely partially mediated by increased NO production (via citrulline conversion into arginine) and by the potential antioxidant effect of other bioactive compounds in WMJ.

I have only ever owned one pig. It didn’t have a name, due as it was for the table. Just pu‘aka. But I liked feeding it; nothing from the household was wasted. I planned not to become attached. We were having a feast and a pig was the one essential requirement. The piglet came to us as a small creature with a curly tail. It would not even live an adult life, as the fully-grown local pig is a fatty beast with little meat. Pigs are mostly killed when partly grown, when the meat/fat ratio is at its optimum. The pig was one of the few animals to accompany Polynesians as they made the slow journey across the islands and oceans from Asia: pigs and chickens and dogs. The DNA of island pigs reveals details about the route taken that were previously hidden (Larsen et al.). Of these three animals, pigs assumed the most ceremonial importance. In Tonga, pigs often live an exalted life. They roam freely, finding food where they can. They wallow. Wherever there is a pool of mud, often alongside a road, there is a pig wallowing. Huge beasts emerge from their pools with dark mud lining their bellies as they waddle off, teats swinging, to another pleasure. Pig snouts are extraordinarily strong; with the strength of a pig behind them, they can dig holes, uproot crops, and generally wreak havoc. How many times have I chased them from my garden, despairing at the loss of precious vegetables I could get no other way? But they must forage. They are fed scraps, and coconut for protein, but often must fend for themselves. Despite the fact that many meet an early death, their lives seem so much more interesting than those lived by the anonymous residents of intensive piggeries in Australia, my homeland. When the time came for the pig to be sacrificed to the demands of the feast, two young Tongan men did the honours. They also cooked the pig on an open fire after skewering it on a pole. Their reward was the roasted sweetmeats. The ‘umu was filled with taro and cassava, yam and sweet potato, along with lū pulu and lū ika: tinned beef and fish cooked in taro leaves and coconut cream. In the first sitting, all those of high status—church ministers, college teachers, important villagers and pālangi like me—had the first pick of the food. Students from the college and lowly locals had the second. The few young men who remained knew it was their task to finish off all of the food. They set about this activity with intense dedication, paying particular attention to the carcass of the pig. By the end of the night, what was left of our little pig was a pile of bones, the skeleton taken apart at every joint. Not a scrap of anything edible remained. In the early 1980s, I went to live on a small island in the Kingdom of Tonga, where my partner was the Principal of an agricultural college, in the main training young men for working small hereditary mixed farms. Memories of that time and a recent visit inform this reflection on the contemporary Tongan diet and problems associated with it. The role of food in a culture is never a neutral issue. Neither is body size, and Tongans have traditionally favoured the large body as an indication of status (Pollock 58). Similarly the capacity to eat has been seen as positive. Many Tongans are larger than is healthy, with 84% of men and 93% of women “considered overweight or obese” (Kirk et al. 36). The rate of diabetes, 80% of it undiagnosed, has doubled since the 1970s to 15% of the adult population (Colagiuri et al. 1378). In the Tongan diaspora there are also high rates of so-called “metabolic syndrome,” leading to this tendency to diabetes and cardiovascular disease. In Auckland, for instance, Pacific Islanders are 2.5 times more likely to suffer from this condition (Gentles et al.). Its chief cause is not, however, genetic, but comes from “differences in obesity,” leading to a much higher incidence of cardiovascular disease and diabetes (Gentles et al.). Deaths from diabetes in Tonga are common. When a minister’s wife in the neighbouring village to mine died, everyone of status on the island attended the putu. Though her gangrenous foot could have been amputated, the family decided against this, and she soon died from the complications of her diabetes. On arrival at the putu, as well as offering gifts such as mats and tapa, participants lined up to pay very personal respects to the dead woman. This took the form of a kiss on her face. I had never touched a dead person before, let alone someone who had died of gangrene, but life in another culture requires many firsts. I bent down and kissed the dry, cold face of a woman who had suffered much before dying. Young men of the family pushed sand over the grave with their own hands as the rest of us stood around, waiting for the funeral food: pigs, yes, but also sweets made from flour and refined sugar. Diet and eating practices are informed by culture, but so are understandings of illness and its management. In a study conducted in New Zealand, sharp differences were seen between the Tongan diaspora and European patients with diabetes. Tongans were more likely “to perceive their diabetes as acute and cyclical in nature, uncontrollable, and caused by factors such as God’s will, pollution in the environment, and poor medical care in the past”, and this was associated “with poorer adherence to diet and medication taking” (Barnes et al. 1). This suggests that as well as being more likely to suffer from illnesses associated with diet and body size, Tongans may also be less likely to manage them, causing these diseases to be even more debilitating. When James Cook visited the Tongan group and naively named them the Friendly Islands, he was given the customary hospitality shown to one of obviously high status. He and his officers were fed regularly by their hosts, even though this must have put enormous pressure on the local food systems, in which later supply was often guaranteed by the imposition of tapu in order to preserve crops and animals. Further pressure was added by exchanges of hogs for nails (Beaglehole). Of course, while they were feeding him royally and entertaining his crew with wrestling matches and dances, the local chiefs of Ha‘apai were arguing about exactly when they were going to kill him. If it were by night, it would be hard to take the two ships. By day, it might be too obvious. They never could agree, and so he sailed off to meet his fate elsewhere (Martin 279-80). As a visitor of status, he was regularly fed pork, unlike most of the locals. Even now, in contemporary Tonga, pigs are killed to mark a special event, and are not eaten as everyday food by most people. That is one of the few things about the Tongan diet that has not changed since the Cook visits. Pigs are usually eaten on formal feasting occasions, such as after church on the Sabbath (which is rigorously kept by law), at weddings, funerals, state occasions or church conferences. During such conferences, village congregations compete with each other to provide the most lavish spreads, with feasting occurring three times a day for a week or more. Though each pola is spread with a range of local root crops, fish and seafood, and possibly beef or even horse, the pola is not complete unless there is at least one pig on it. Pigs are not commercially farmed in Tonga, so these pigs have been hand- and self-raised in and around villages, and are in short supply after these events. And, although feasts are a visible sign of tradition, they are the exception. Tongans are not suffering from metabolic syndrome because they consume too much pork; they are suffering because in everyday life traditional foods have been supplanted by imports. While a range of traditional foods is still eaten, they are not always the first choice. Some imported foods have become delicacies. Mutton flap is a case in point. Known as sipi (sheep), it is mostly fat and bone, and even when barbequed it retains most of its fat. It is even found on outer islands without refrigeration, because it can be transported frozen and eaten when it arrives, thawed. I remember once the local shopkeeper said she had something I might like. A leg of lamb was produced from under the counter, mistakenly packed in the flap box. The cut was so unfamiliar that nobody else had much use for it. The question of why it is possible to get sipi in Tonga and very difficult to get any other kind of fresh meat other than one’s own pigs or chickens raises the question of how Tonga’s big neighbours think of Pacific islands. Such islands are the recipients of Australian and New Zealand aid; they are also the recipients of their waste. It’s not uncommon to find out of date medications, banned agricultural chemicals, and food that is really unsuitable for human consumption. Often the only fresh and affordable meat is turkey tails, chicken backs, and mutton flap. From July 2006 to July 2007, New Zealand exported $73 million worth of sheep off-cuts to the Pacific (Edwardes & Frizelle). Australia and the US account for the supply of turkey tails. Not only are these products some of the few fresh meat sources available, they are also relatively inexpensive (Rosen et al.). These foods are so detrimental to the health of locals that importing them has been banned in Fiji and independent Samoa (Edwardes & Frizelle). The big nations around the Pacific have found a market for the meat by-products their own citizens will not eat. Local food sources have also been supplanted as a result of the high value placed on other foods, like rice, flour and sugar, which from the nineteenth century became associated with “civilisation and progress” (Pollock 233). To counter this, education programs have been undertaken in Tonga and elsewhere in the Pacific in order to promote traditional local foods. These have also sought to address the impact of high food imports on the trade balance (Pollock 232). Food choices are not just determined by preference, but also by cost and availability. Similarly, the Tonga Healthy Weight Loss Program ran during the late 1990s, but it was found that a lack of “availability of healthy low-cost food was a problem” to its success (Englberger et al. 147). In a recent study of Tongan food preferences, it was found that “in general, Tongans prefer healthier traditional, indigenously produced, foods”, but that they are not always available (Evans et al. 170). In the absence of a consistent supply of local protein sources, the often inferior but available imported sources become the default ingredient. Fish in particular are in short supply. Though many Tongans can still be seen harvesting the reef for seafood at low tide, there is no extensive fishing industry capable of providing for the population at large. Intensive farming of pigs has been considered—there was a model piggery on the college where I lived, complete with facilities for methane collection—but it has not been undertaken. Given the strongly ceremonial function of the pig, it would take a large shift in thinking for it to be considered an everyday food. The first cooked pig I encountered arrived at my house in a woven coconut leaf basket, surrounded by baked taro and yam. It was a small pig, given by a family too poor to hold the feast usually provided after church when it was their turn. Instead, they gave the food portion owed directly to the preacher. There’s a faded photo of me squatting on a cracked linoleum floor, examining the contents of the basket, and wondering what on earth I’m going to do with them. I soon learnt the first lesson of island life: food must be shared. With no refrigeration, no family of strapping youths, and no plans to eat the pig myself, it had to be given away to neighbours. It was that simple. Even watermelon went off within the day. In terms of eating, that small pig would have been better kept until a later day, when it reached optimum size, but each family’s obligation came around regularly, and had to be fulfilled. Feasting, and providing for feasting, was a duty, even a fatongia mamafa: a “heavy duty” among many duties, in which the pig was an object deeply “entangled” in all social relations (Thomas). A small pig was big enough to carry the weight of such obligations, even if it could not feed a crowd. Growing numbers of tourists to Tonga, often ignored benignly by their hosts, are keen to snap photos of grazing pigs. It is unusual enough for westerners to see pigs freely wandering, but what is more striking about some pigs on Tongatapu and ‘Eua is that they venture onto the reefs and mudflats at low tide, going after the rich marine pickings, just as their human counterparts do. The silhouette of a pig in the water as the tropical sun sinks behind, caught in a digital frame, it is a striking memory of a holiday in a place that remains largely uninterested in its tourist potential. While an influx of guests is seen by development consultants as the path to the nation’s economic future, Tongans bemusedly refuse to take this possibility seriously (Menzies). Despite a negative trade balance, partly caused by the importation of foreign food, Tonga survives on a combination of subsistence farming and remittances from Tongans living overseas; the tourist potential is largely unrealised. Dirk Spennemann’s work took a strange turn when, as an archaeologist working in Tonga, it became necessary for him to investigate whether these reef-grazing pigs were disturbing midden contents on Tongatapu. In order to establish this, he collected bags of both wet and dry “pig excreta” (107). Spenemann’s methodology involved soaking the contents of these bags for 48 hours, stirring them frequently; “they dissolved, producing considerable smell” (107). Spennemann concluded that pigs do appear to have been eating fish and shellfish, along with grass and “the occasional bit of paper” (107). They also feed on “seaweed and seagrass” (108). I wonder if these food groups have any noticeable impact on the taste of their flesh? Creatures fed particular diets in order to create a certain distinct taste are part of the culinary traditions of the world. The deli around the corner from where I live sells such gourmet items as part of its lunch fare: Saltbush lamb baguettes are one of their favourites. In the Orkneys, the rare and ancient North Ronaldsay Sheep are kept from inland foraging for most of the year by a high stone fence in order to conserve the grass for lambing time. This forces them to eat seaweed on the beach, producing a distinct marine taste, one that is highly valued in certain Parisian restaurants. As an economy largely cut out of the world economic loop, Tonga is unlikely to find select menus on which its reef pigs might appear. While living on ‘Eua, I regularly took a three hour ferry trip to Tongatapu in order to buy food I could not get on my home island. One of these items was wholemeal flour, from which I baked bread in a mud oven we had built outside. Bread was available on ‘Eua, but it was white, light and transported loose in the back of truck. I chose to make my own. The ferry trip usually involved a very rough crossing, though on calmer days, roof passengers would cook sipi on the diesel chimney, added flavour guaranteed. It usually only took about thirty minutes on the way out from Nafanua Harbour before the big waves struck. I could endure them for a while, but soon the waves, combined with a heavy smell of diesel, would have me heading for the rail. On one journey, I tried to hold off seasickness by focussing on an island off shore from Tongatapu. I went onto the front deck of the ferry and faced the full blast of the wind. With waves and wind, it was difficult to stand. I diligently stared at the island, which only occasionally disappeared beneath the swell, but I soon knew that this trip would be like the others; I’d be leaning over the rail as the ocean came up to meet me, not really caring if I went over. I could not bear to share the experience, so in many ways being alone on the foredeck was ideal for me, if I had to be on the boat at all. At least I thought I was alone, but I soon heard a grunt, and looked across to see an enormous sow, trotters tied front and back, lying across the opposite side of the boat. And like me, she too was succumbing to her nausea. Despite the almost complete self-absorption seasickness brings, we looked at each other. I may have imagined an acknowledgement, but I think not. While the status of pigs in Tongan life remains important, in many respects the imposition of European institutions and the availability of imported foods have had an enormous impact on the rest of the Tongan diet, with devastating effects on the health of Tongans. Instead of the customary two slow-cooked meals, one before noon and one in the evening (Pollock 56), consisting mostly of roots crops, plantains and breadfruit, with a relish of meat or fish, most Tongans eat three meals a day in order to fit in with school and work schedules. In current Tongan life, there is no time for an ‘umu every day; instead, quick and often cheaper imported foods are consumed, though local foods can also be cooked relatively quickly. While some still start the day by grabbing a piece of left over cassava, many more would sit down to the ubiquitous Pacific breakfast food: crackers, topped with a slab of butter. Food is a neo-colonial issue. If larger nations stopped dumping unwanted and nutritionally poor food products, health outcomes might improve. Similarly, the Tongan government could tip the food choice balance by actively supporting a local and traditional food supply in order to make it as cheap and accessible as the imported foods that are doing such harm to the health of Tongans References Barnes, Lucy, Rona Moss-Morris, and Mele Kaufusi. “Illness Beliefs and Adherence in Diabetes Mellitus: A Comparison between Tongan and European Patients.” The New Zealand Medical Journal 117.1188 (2004): 1-9. Beaglehole, J.C. Ed. The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery: The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776-1780. Parts I & II. Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1967. ­­­____. Ed. The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery: The Voyage of the Resolution and Adventure 1772-1775. Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1969. Colagiuri, Stephen, Ruth Colgaiuri, Siva Na‘ati, Soana Muimuiheata, Zafirul Hussein, and Taniela Palu. “The Prevalence of Diabetes in the Kingdom of Tonga.” Diabetes Care 28.2 (2002): 1378-83. Edwardes, Brennan, and Frank Frizelle. “Globalisation and its Impact on the South Pacific.” The New Zealand Medical Journal 122.1291 (2009). 4 Aug. 2010 Englberger, L., V. Halavatau, Y. Yasuda, & R, Yamazaki. “The Tonga Healthy Weight Loss Program.” Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition 8.2 (1999): 142-48. Gentles, Dudley, et al. “Metabolic Syndrome Prevalence in a Multicultural Population in Auckland, New Zealand.” Journal of the New Zealand Medical Association 120.1248 (2007). 4 Aug. 2010 Kirk, Sara F.L., Andrew J. Cockbain, and James Beasley. “Obesity in Tonga: A cross-sectional comparative study of perceptions of body size and beliefs about obesity in lay people and nurses.” Obesity Research & Clinical Practice 2.1 (2008): 35-41. Larsen, Gregor, et al. “Phylogeny and Ancient DNA of Sus Provides New Insights into Neolithic Expansion in Island Southeast Asia and Oceania.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 104.12 (2007): 4834-39. Martin, John. Tonga Islands: William Mariner’s Account, 1817. Neiafu, Tonga: Vava‘u, 1981. Menzies, Isa. “Cultural Tourism and International Development in Tonga: Notes from the Field”. Unpublished paper. Oceanic Passages Conference. Hobart, June 2010. Pollock, Nancy J. These Roots Remain: Food Habits in Islands of the Central and Eastern Pacific since Western Contact. Honolulu: Institute for Polynesian Studies, 1992. Rosen, Rochelle K., Judith DePue, and Stephen T. McGarvey. “Overweight and Diabetes in American Samoa: The Cultural Translation of Research into Health Care Practice.” Medicine and Health/ Rhode Island 91.12 (2008): 372-78. Spennemann, Dirk H.R. “On the Diet of Pigs Foraging on the Mud Flats of Tongatapu: An Investigation in Taphonomy.” Archaeology in New Zealand 37.2 (1994): 104-10. Thomas, Nicholas. Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Objects and Colonialism in the Pacific. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard UP, 1991.

Sinopse: Em meio ao colorido de goiabas, batatas e flores mais que cheiros e sabores, descobrir pessoas. Agricultoras e agricultores que com suas histórias e lutas, estão representados nas varandas e nas mesas da cidade. Trazer a imagem não de uma feira, mas de cada pessoa que diariamente se dedica ao cultivo e à produção de alimentos. Encontrar o rosto e as escolhas de outros modos de fazer agricultura, de outros modos de se alimentar. De assentados e suas lutas pela preservação de sementes crioulas, de jovens universitários e sua determinação em permanecer no campo e de fumicultores aposentados dispostos a limpar suas terras dos venenos de mais 30 anos de cultivos agressivos, é feita a Feira Sabores da Terra. Feira da agricultura familiar do município de Canguçu, Rio Grande do Sul, que acontece todas as segundas-feiras à tarde e reúne cerca de 18 produtores. Em um pavilhão de madeira no centro da cidade são expostos doces coloniais, panificados, frangos congelados, farinhas, feijões, legumes, verduras, frutas e flores, em variedade conforme a estação do ano. Produtos que são vendidos entre boas conversas, rodas de chimarrão e é claro, uma melancia bem gelada ou uma deliciosa rapadura. Para a permanência e continuação da feira, que se realiza há pouco mais de um ano, os feirantes têm enfrentado e superado dificuldades. A distância de suas propriedades até a cidade, muitas das vezes são mais do que duas horas de viagem. A demanda, pelos consumidores, por produtos conforme padrões estéticos dos alimentos produzidos com veneno. O cansaço de mãos que, com mais de 40 anos de trabalho, ainda enfrentam a roça durante toda a semana e o frio, a chuva e o calor de uma feira praticamente ao ar livre. O conciliar o trabalho agrícola e a feira com os estudos, cujo acesso limitado pela distância das universidades, das oportunidades de estágios e pela dificuldade de ascender ao ensino público superior. Apesar de tão próximos, rostos e mãos muitas vezes invisíveis em escolhas alimentares. Gente que oportuniza uma alternativa à alimentação. Alimentação proveniente da relação de mulheres e homens com a terra, de suas sabedorias e ações. Feira Sabores da Terra, um ponto de aproximação entre o campo e a cidade, entre o cultivo e o alimento, entre o cuidado e o sabor. De agricultoras e agricultores e seus feijões, morangos e biscoitos. Este ensaio fotográfico é parte da agenda de pesquisa “Saberes e Sabores da Colônia”, desenvolvida no âmbito do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas em Alimentação e Cultura (GEPAC) e vinculada ao Bacharelado e ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Antropologia da Universidade Federal de Pelotas. Synopsis: In the middle of colored places with guava , potatoes and flowers more than smells of flavors, we discover people. Farmers, with your stories and struggles, are represented on the balconies and tables of the city. Representing the image of each person that daily is dedicated to the cultivation and food production, not just the image of a fair is much more than that. Find the face and choices of other ways of doing agriculture and others ways of feeding. From the land reform settlements and their struggles for the preservation of native seeds, of university students and their determination to remain in the field and retires tobacco growers willing to clear their land of the poisons of another 30 years of aggressive crops, is made the Flavors of the Earth Fair. Family Agriculture Fair, in the Canguçu City in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, of what happens on every Monday afternoon and brings together about 18 small farmers. In a wooden pavilion in Downtown city are exposed colonial sweets, bakery products, quick-frozen, flours, beans, vegetables, fruits and flowers in variety according to season. Products that are sold as God´s taste is of course chimarrão, and watermelon ice-cold or a delicious rapadura. For the permanence and continuation of the green fair, been held little more than a year ago, the small farmers have had and overcome difficulties. The distance of their properties of the Downtown , often last more than two hours of the trip. The consumer demand by products according to aesthetic standards of foods produced with venom. The fatigue of hands, still for more than 40 years of work, are still facing small farm during the days in a cool, rain and heat weather and the a fair still open. To reconcile agricultural work and the fair with studies, to which access is restricted by distances from universities, internship opportunities, and the difficulty of access to higher public education. Although close, often invisible faces and hands in food choices. People who offer alternative food. Food derived from the relationship of men and women to the land, of his wisdom and actions. Flavors of The Hearth Fair, a point of approximation between the countryside and the city, between the crop and the food, between care and taste. Of farmers and agriculturists and their beans, strawberries and biscuits. This photo essay is part of research agenda “Knowledge and tastes of the agricultural colony”, developed in the framework of the Group of the Studies and Researches in Food an Culture (GEPAC) and linked to the Bachelor’s and the Postgraduate Program In Anthropology of Federal University of Pelotas. Palavras-chave: Agricultura Familiar – Campesinato – Feira – Alimentação - Consumo Key-words: : Family Agriculture - Peasantry – Fair – Food - Consumption Ficha técnica: Direção: Larissa Fonseca Roteiro: Larissa Fonseca Fotografia: Larissa Fonseca Coordenação de Pesquisa: Renata Menasche Edição de Imagem: Larissa Fonseca e Hamilton Bittencourt Assessoria em Imagem: Claudia Turra Magni Credits: Author: Larissa Fonseca Photographs: Larissa Fonseca Direction: Larissa Fonseca Research Coordination: Renata Menasche Image Editing: Larissa Fonseca e Hamilton Bittencourt Image Consulting: Claudia Turra Magni.

The first time I read Hélène Cixous’s The Laugh of the Medusa I swooned. I wanted to write the whole thing out, large, and black, and pin it across an entire wall. I was 32 and vulnerable around polemic texts (I was always copying out quotes and sticking them to my walls, trying to hold onto meaning, unable to let the writing I read slip out and away). You must "write your self, your body must be heard" (Cixous 880), I read, as if for the hundredth time, even though it was the first. Those decades old words had an echoing, a resonance to them, as if each person who had read them had left their own mnemonic mark there, so that by the time they reached me, they struck, immediately, at my core (not the heart or the spine, or even the gut, but somewhere stickier; some pulsing place in amongst my organs, somewhere not touched, a space forgotten). The body that read The Laugh was so big its knees had trouble lifting it from chairs (“more body, hence more writing”, Cixous 886), and was soon to have its gallbladder taken. Its polycystic ovaries dreamed, lumpily and without much hope, of zygotes. The body that read The Laugh was a wobbling thing, sheathed in fat (as if this could protect it), with a yearning for sveltness, for muscle, for strength. Cixous sang through its cells, and called it to itself. The body that read The Laugh wrote itself back. It spoke about dungeons, and walls that had collected teenaged fists, and needles that turned it somnambulant and concave and warm until it was not. It wrote trauma in short and staggering sentences (out, get it out) as if narrative could save it from a fat-laden and static decline. Text leaked from tissue and bone, out through fingers and onto the page, and in increments so small I did not notice them, the body took its place. I was, all-of-a-sudden, more than my head. And then the body that read The Laugh performed the ultimate coup, and conceived.The body wrote then about its own birth, and the birth of its mother, and when its own children were born, of course, of course, about them. “Oral drive, anal drive, vocal drive–all these drives are our strengths, and among them is the gestation drive–all just like the desire to write: a desire to live self from within, a desire for the swollen belly, for language, for blood” (Cixous 891). The fat was gone, and in its place this other tissue, that later would be he. What I know now is that the body gets what the body wants. What I know now is that the body will tell its story, because if you “censor the body [… then] you censor breath and speech at the same time” (Cixous 880).I am trying to find a beginning. Because where is the place where I start? I was never a twinkle in my mother’s eye. It was the seventies. She was 22 and then 23–there was nothing planned about me. Her eyes a flinty green, hair long and straight. When I think of her then I remember this photo: black and white on the thick photo paper that is hard to get now. No shiny oblong spat from a machine, this paper was pulled in and out of three chemical trays and hung, dripping, in a dark red room to show me a woman in a long white t-shirt and nothing else. She stares straight out at me. On the shirt is a women’s symbol with a fist in the middle of it. Do you know the one? It might have been purple (the symbol I mean). When I think of her then I see her David Bowie teeth, the ones she hated, and a packet of Drum tobacco with Tally-Hos tucked inside, and some of the scars on her forearms, but not all of them, not yet. I can imagine her pregnant with me, the slow gait, that fleshy weight dragging at her spine and pelvis. She told me the story of my birth every year on my birthday. She remembers what day of the week the contractions started. The story is told with a kind of glory in the detail, with a relishing of small facts. I do the same with my children now. I was delivered by forceps. The dent in my skull, up above my right ear, was a party trick when I was a teenager, and an annoyance when I wanted to shave my head down to the bone at 18. Just before Jem was born, I discovered a second dent behind my left ear. My skull holds the footprint of those silver clamps. My bones say here, and here, this is where I was pulled from you. I have seen babies being born this way. They don’t slide out all sealish and purple and slippy. They are pulled. The person holding the forcep handles uses their whole body weight to yank that baby out. It makes me squirm, all that pulling, those tiny neck bones concertinaing out, the silver scoops sinking into the skull and leaving prints, like a warm spoon in dough. The urgency of separation, of the need to make two things from one. After Jem was born he lay on my chest for hours. As the placenta was birthed he weed on me. I felt the warm trickle down my side and was glad. There was nothing so right as my naked body making a bed for his. I lay in a pool of wet (blood and lichor and Jem’s little wee) and the midwives pushed towels under me so I wouldn’t get cold. He sucked. White waffle weave blankets over both of us. That bloody nest. I lay in it and rested my free hand on his vernix covered back; the softest thing I had ever touched. We basked in the warm wet. We basked. How do I sew theory into this writing? Julia Kristeva especially, whose Stabat Mater describes those early moments of holding the one who was inside and then out so perfectly that I am left silent. The smell of milk, dew-drenched greenery, sour and clear, a memory of wind, of air, of seaweed (as if a body lived without waste): it glides under my skin, not stopping at the mouth or nose but caressing my veins, and stripping the skin from the bones fills me like a balloon full of ozone and I plant my feet firmly on the ground in order to carry him, safe, stable, unuprootable, while he dances in my neck, floats with my hair, looks right and left for a soft shoulder, “slips on the breast, swingles, silver vivid blossom of my belly” and finally flies up from my navel in his dream, borne by my hands. My son (Kristeva, Stabat Mater 141). Is theory more important than this? The smell of milk (dried, it is soursweet and will draw any baby to you, nuzzling and mewling), which resides alongside the Virgin Mother and the semiotics of milk and tears. The language of fluid. While the rest of this writing, the stories not of mothers and babies, but one mother and one baby, came out smooth and fast, as soon as I see or hear or write that word, theory, I slow. I am concerned with the placement of things. I do not have the sense of being free. But if there’s anything that should come from this vain attempt to answer Cixous, to “write your self. Your body must be heard” (880), it should be that freedom and theory, boundary-lessness, is where I reside. If anything should come from this, it is the knowing that theory is the most creative pursuit, and that creativity will always speak to theory. There are fewer divisions than any of us realise, and the leakiness of bodies, of this body, will get me there. The smell of this page is of lichor; a clean but heady smell, thick with old cells and a foetus’s breath. The smell of this page is of blood and saliva and milk mixed (the colour like rotten strawberries or the soaked pad at the bottom of your tray of supermarket mince). It is a smell that you will secretly savour, breathe deeply, and then long for lemon zest or the sharpness of coffee beans to send away that angelic fug. That milk and tears have a language of their own is undeniable. Kristeva says they are “metaphors of non-language, of a ‘semiotic’ that does not coincide with linguistic communication” (Stabat Mater 143) but what I know is that these fluids were the first language for my children. Were they the first language for me? Because “it must be true: babies drink language along with the breastmilk: Curling up over their tongues while they take siestas–Mots au lait, verbae cum lacta, palabros con leche” (Wasserman quoted in Giles 223). The enduring picture I have of myself as an infant is of a baby who didn’t cry, but my mother will tell you a different story, in the way that all of us do. She will tell you I didn’t smile until I was five months old (Soli and Jem were both beaming at three months). Born six weeks premature, my muscles took longer to find their place, to assemble themselves under my skin. She will tell you I screamed in the night, because all babies do. Is this non-language? Jem was unintelligible much of the time. I felt as if I was holding a puzzle. Three o’clock in the morning, having tried breastfeeds, a bath with Nick Drake’s Pink Moon, bouncing him in a baby sling on the fitball (wedged into a corner so that if I nodded off I would hopefully swoon backwards, and the wall would wake me), walking him around and around while rocking and singing, then breastfeeding again, and still he did not sleep, and still he cried and clawed at my cheeks and shoulders and wrists and writhed; I could not guess at what it was he needed. I had never been less concerned with the self that was me. I was all breasts and milk and a craving for barbecued chicken and watermelon at three in the morning because he was drinking every ounce of energy I had. I was arms and a voice. I was food. And then I learnt other things; about let downs and waking up in pools of the stuff. Wet. Everywhere. “Lactating bodies tend towards anarchy” (Bartlett 163). Any body will tend towards anarchy – there is so much to keep in – but there are only so many openings a person can keep track of, and breastfeeding meant a kind of levelling up, meant I was as far from clean and proper as I possibly could be (Kristeva, Powers of Horror 72).In the nights I was not alone. Caren could not breastfeed him, but could do everything else, and never said I have to work tomorrow, because she knew I was working too. During waking hours I watched him constantly for those mystical tired signs, which often were hungry signs, which quickly became overtired signs. There was no figuring it out. But Soli, with Soli, I knew. The language of babies had been sung into my bones. There is a grammar in crying, a calling out and telling, a way of knowing that is older than I’ll ever be. Those tiny bodies are brimming with semiotics. Knees pulled up is belly ache, arching is tired, a look to the side I-want-that-take-me-there-not-there. There. Curling in, the whole of him, is don’t-look-at-me-now-hands-away. Now he is one he uses his hands to tell me what he wants. Sign language because I sign and so, then, does he, but also an emphatic placing of my hands on his body or toys, utensils, swings, things. In the early hours of a Wednesday morning I tried to stroke his head, to close his wide-open eyes with my fingertips. He grabbed my hand and moved it to his chest before I could alight on the bridge of his nose. And yesterday he raised his arm into the air, then got my hand and placed it into his raised hand, then stood, and led me down to the laundry to play with the dustpan and broom. His body, literally, speaks.This is the language of mothers and babies. It is laid down in the darkest part of the night. Laid down like memory, like dreams, stitched into tiredness and circled with dread adrenalin and fear. It will never stop. That baby will cry and I will stare owl-eyed into the dark and bend my cracking knees (don’t shake the baby it will only make it worse don’t shake don’t). These babies will grow into children and then adults who will never remember those screaming nights, cots like cages, a stuffed toy pushed on them as if it could replace the warmth of skin and breath (please, please, little bear, replace the warmth of skin and breath). I will never remember it, but she will. They will never remember it, but we will. Kristeva says too that mothers are in a “catastrophe of identity which plunges the proper Name into that ‘unnameable’ that somehow involves our imaginary representations of femininity, non-language, or the body” (Stabat Mater 134). A catastrophe of identity. The me and the not-me. In the night, with a wrapped baby and aching biceps, the I-was batting quietly at the I-am. The I-am is all body. Arms to hold and bathe and change him, milk to feed him, a voice to sing and soothe him. The I-was is a different beast, made of words and books, uninterrupted conversation and the kind of self-obsession and autonomy I didn’t know existed until it was gone. Old friends stopped asking me about my day. They asked Caren, who had been at work, but not me. It did not matter that she was a woman; in this, for most people we spoke to, she was the public and I was the private, her work mattered and mine did not. Later she would commiserate and I would fume, but while it was happening, it was near impossible to contest. A catastrophe of identity. In a day I had fed and walked and cried and sung and fed and rocked and pointed and read books with no words and rolled inane balls across the lounge room floor and washed and sung and fed. I had circled in and around while the sun traced its arc. I had waited with impatience for adult company. I had loved harder than I ever had before. I had metamorphosed and nobody noticed. Nobody noticed. A catastrophe of identity it was, but the noise and visibility that the word catastrophe invokes was entirely absent. And where was the language to describe this peeling inside out? I was burnished bright by those sleepless nights, by the requirement of the I-am. And in those nights I learned what my mother already knew. That having children is a form of grief. That we lose. But that we gain. At 23, what’s lost is possibility. She must have seen her writer’s life drilling down to nothing. She knew that Sylvia Plath had placed her head, so carefully on its pillow, in that gas filled place. No pungent metaphor, just a poet, a mother, who could not continue. I had my babies at 34 and 36. I knew some of what I would lose, but had more than I needed. My mother had started out with not enough, and so was left concave and edged with desperation as she made her way through inner-city Sydney’s grime, her children singing from behind her wait for me, wait for me, Mama please wait for me, I’m going just as fast as I can.Nothing could be more ‘normal’ than that a maternal image should establish itself on the site of that tempered anguish known as love. No one is spared. Except perhaps the saint or the mystic, or the writer who, by force of language, can still manage nothing more than to demolish the fiction of the mother-as-love’s-mainstay and to identify with love as it really is: a fire of tongues, an escape from representation (Kristeva, Stabat Mater 145).We transformed, she and I. She hoped to make herself new with children. A writer born of writers, the growing and birthing of our tiny bodies forced her to place pen to paper, to fight to write. She carved a place for herself with words but it kept collapsing in on her. My father’s bi-polar rages, his scrubbing evil spirits from the soles of her shoes in the middle of the night, wore her down, and soon she inhabited that maternal image anyway, in spite of all her attempts to side step it. The mad mother, the single mother, the sad mother. And yes I remember those mothers. But I also remember her holding me so hard sometimes I couldn’t breathe properly, and that some nights when I couldn’t sleep she had warm eyes and made chamomile tea, and that she called me angel. A fire of tongues, but even she, with her words, couldn’t escape from representation. I am a writer born of writers born of writers (triply blessed or cursed with text). In my scramble to not be mad or bad or sad, I still could not escape the maternal image. More days than I can count I lay under my babies wishing I could be somewhere, anywhere else, but they needed to sleep or feed or be. With me. Held captive by the need to be a good mother, to be the best mother, no saint or mystic presenting itself, all I could do was write. Whole poems sprang unbidden and complete from my pen. My love for my children, that fire of tongues, was demolishing me, and the only way through was to inhabit this vessel of text, to imbibe the language of bodies and tears and night, and make from it my boat.Those children wrote my body in the night. They taught me about desire, that unbounded scribbling thing that will not be bound by subjectivity, by me. They taught me that “the body is literally written on, inscribed, by desire and signification” (Grosz 60), and every morning I woke with ashen bones and poetry aching out through my pores, with my body writing me.This Mother ThingI maintain that I do not have to leavethe house at nightall leathery and eyelinered,all booted up and raw.I maintain that I do not miss thosesmoky rooms (wait that’s not allowed any more)where we strut and, without looking,compare tattoos.Because two years ago I had you.You with your blonde hair shining, your eyes like a creek after rain, that veinthat’s so blue on the side of your small nosethat people think you’ve been bruised.Because two years ago you cameout of me and landed here and grew. There is no going out. We (she and me) washand cook and wash and clean and love.This mother thing is the making of me but I missthose pulsing rooms,the feel of all of you pressing in onall of me.This mother thing is the making of me. And in text, in poetry, I find my home. “You only have to look at the Medusa straight on to see her. And she’s not deadly. She’s beautiful and she’s laughing” (Cixous 885). The mother-body writes herself, and is made new. The mother-body writes her own mother, and knows she was always-already here. The mother-body births, and breastfeeds, and turns to me in the aching night and says this: the Medusa? The Medusa is me.ReferencesBartlett, Alison. Breastwork: Rethinking Breastfeeding. Sydney: UNSW Press, 2005.Cixous, Hélène, Keith Cohen, and Paula Cohen (Trans.). "The Laugh of the Medusa." Signs 1.4 (1976): 875-93. Giles, Fiona. Fresh Milk. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2003. Grosz, Elizabeth. Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1994.Kristeva, Julia, and Leon S. Roudiez (Trans.) Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982.Kristeva, Julia, and Arthur Goldhammer (Trans.). "Stabat Mater." Poetics Today 6.1-2 (1985): 133-52.

Introduction The social roles of alcohol consumption are rich and varied, with different types of alcoholic beverages reflecting important symbolic and cultural meanings. Sparkling wine is especially notable for its association with secular and sacred celebrations. Indeed, sparkling wine is rarely drunk as a matter of routine; bottles of such wine signal special occasions, heightened by the formality and excitement associated with opening the bottle and controlling (or not!) the resultant fizz (Faith). Originating in England and France in the late 1600s, sparkling wine marked a dramatic shift in winemaking techniques, with winemakers deliberately adding “fizz” or bubbles to their product (Faith). The resulting effervescent wines were first enjoyed by the social elite of European society, signifying privilege, wealth, luxury and nobility; however, new techniques for producing, selling and distributing the wines created a mass consumer culture (Guy). Production of Australian sparkling wines began in the late nineteenth century and consumption remains popular. As a “new world” country – that is, one not located in the wine producing areas of Europe – Australian sparkling wines cannot directly draw on the same marketing traditions as those of the “old world”. One enterprising company, Treasury Wine Estates, markets a range of wines, including a sparkling variety, called 19 Crimes, that draws, not on European traditions tied to luxury, wealth and prestige, but Australia’s colonial history. Using Augmented Reality and interactive story-telling, 19 Crimes wine labels feature convicts who had committed one or more of 19 crimes punishable by transportation to Australia from Britain. The marketing of sparkling wine using convict images and convict stories of transportation have not diminished the celebratory role of consuming “bubbly”. Rather, in exploring the marketing techniques employed by the company, particularly when linked to the traditional drink of celebration, we argue that 19 Crimes, while fun and informative, nevertheless romanticises convict experiences and Australia’s convict past. Convict Heritage and Re-Appropriating the Convict Image Australia’s cultural heritage is undeniably linked to its convict past. Convicts were transported to Australia from England and Ireland over an 80-year period between 1788-1868. While the convict system in Australia was not predominantly characterised by incarceration and institutionalisation (Jones 18) the work they performed was often forced and physically taxing, and food and clothing shortages were common. Transportation meant exile, and “it was a fierce punishment that ejected men, women and children from their homelands into distant and unknown territories” (Bogle 23). Convict experiences of transportation often varied and were dependent not just on the offender themselves (for example their original crime, how willing they were to work and their behaviour), but also upon the location they were sent to. “Normal” punishment could include solitary confinement, physical reprimands (flogging) or hard labour in chain gangs. From the time that transportation ceased in the mid 1800s, efforts were made to distance Australia’s future from the “convict stain” of its past (Jones). Many convict establishments were dismantled or repurposed with the intent of forgetting the past, although some became sites of tourist visitation from the time of closure. Importantly, however, the wider political and social reluctance to engage in discourse regarding Australia’s “unsavoury historical incident” of its convict past continued up until the 1970s (Jones 26). During the 1970s Australia’s convict heritage began to be discussed more openly, and indeed, more favourably (Welch 597). Many today now view Australia’s convicts as “reluctant pioneers” (Barnard 7), and as such they are celebrated within our history. In short, the convict heritage is now something to be celebrated rather than shunned. This celebration has been capitalised upon by tourist industries and more recently by wine label 19 Crimes. “19 Crimes: Cheers to the Infamous” The Treasury Wine Estates brand launched 19 Crimes in 2011 to a target population of young men aged between 18 and 34 (Lyons). Two limited edition vintages sold out in 2011 with “virtually no promotion” (19 Crimes, “Canadians”). In 2017, 19 Crimes became the first wine to use an Augmented Reality (AR) app (the app was later renamed Living Wines Labels in 2018) that allowed customers to hover their [smart] phone in front of a bottle of the wine and [watch] mugshots of infamous 18th century British criminals come to life as 3D characters who recount their side of the story. Having committed at least one of the 19 crimes punishable by exile to Australia, these convicts now humor and delight wine drinkers across the globe. (Lirie) Given the target audience of the 19 Crimes wine was already 18-34 year old males, AR made sense as a marketing technique. Advertisers are well aware the millennial generation is “digitally empowered” and the AR experience was created to not only allow “consumers to engage with 19 Crimes wines but also explore some of the stories of Australia’s convict past … [as] told by the convicts-turned-colonists themselves!” (Lilley cited in Szentpeteri 1-2). The strategy encourages people to collect convicts by purchasing other 19 Crimes alcohol to experience a wider range of stories. The AR has been highly praised: they [the labels] animate, explaining just what went down and giving a richer experience to your beverage; engaging both the mind and the taste buds simultaneously … . ‘A fantastic app that brings a little piece of history to life’, writes one user on the Apple app store. ‘I jumped out of my skin when the mugshot spoke to me’. (Stone) From here, the success of 19 Crimes has been widespread. For example, in November 2020, media reports indicated that 19 Crimes red wine was the most popular supermarket wine in the UK (Lyons; Pearson-Jones). During the UK COVID lockdown in 2020, 19 Crimes sales increased by 148 per cent in volume (Pearson-Jones). This success is in no small part to its innovative marketing techniques, which of course includes the AR technology heralded as a way to enhance the customer experience (Lirie). The 19 Crimes wine label explicitly celebrates infamous convicts turned settlers. The website “19 Crimes: Cheers to the Infamous” incorporates ideas of celebration, champagne and bubbles by encouraging people to toast their mates: the convicts on our wines are not fiction. They were of flesh and blood, criminals and scholars. Their punishment of transportation should have shattered their spirits. Instead, it forged a bond stronger than steel. Raise a glass to our convict past and the principles these brave men and women lived by. (19 Crimes, “Cheers”) While using alcohol, and in particular sparkling wine, to participate in a toasting ritual is the “norm” for many social situations, what is distinctive about the 19 Crimes label is that they have chosen to merchandise and market known offenders for individuals to encounter and collect as part of their drinking entertainment. This is an innovative and highly popular concept. According to one marketing company: “19 Crimes Wines celebrate the rebellious spirit of the more than 160,000 exiled men and women, the rule breakers and law defying citizens that forged a new culture and national spirit in Australia” (Social Playground). The implication is that by drinking this brand of [sparkling] wine, consumers are also partaking in celebrating those convicts who “forged” Australian culture and national spirit. In many ways, this is not a “bad thing”. 19 Crimes are promoting Australian cultural history in unique ways and on a very public and international scale. The wine also recognises the hard work and success stories of the many convicts that did indeed build Australia. Further, 19 Crimes are not intentionally minimising the experiences of convicts. They implicitly acknowledge the distress felt by convicts noting that it “should have shattered their spirits”. However, at times, the narratives and marketing tools romanticise the convict experience and culturally reinterpret a difficult experience into one of novelty. They also tap into Australia’s embracement of larrikinism. In many ways, 19 Crimes are encouraging consumers to participate in larrikin behaviour, which Bellanta identifies as being irreverent, mocking authority, showing a disrespect for social subtleties and engaging in boisterous drunkenness with mates. Celebrating convict history with a glass of bubbly certainly mocks authority, as does participating in cultural practices that subvert original intentions. Several companies in the US and Europe are now reportedly offering the service of selling wine bottle labels with customisable mugshots. Journalist Legaspi suggests that the perfect gift for anyone who wants a sparkling wine or cider to toast with during the Yuletide season would be having a customisable mugshot as a wine bottle label. The label comes with the person’s mugshot along with a “goofy ‘crime’ that fits the person-appealing” (Sotelo cited in Legaspi). In 2019, Social Playground partnered with MAAKE and Dan Murphy's stores around Australia to offer customers their own personalised sticker mugshots that could be added to the wine bottles. The campaign was intended to drive awareness of 19 Crimes, and mugshot photo areas were set up in each store. Customers could then pose for a photo against the “mug shot style backdrop. Each photo was treated with custom filters to match the wine labels actual packaging” and then printed on a sticker (Social Playground). The result was a fun photo moment, delivered as a personalised experience. Shoppers were encouraged to purchase the product to personalise their bottle, with hundreds of consumers taking up the offer. With instant SMS delivery, consumers also received a branded print that could be shared so [sic] social media, driving increased brand awareness for 19 Crimes. (Social Playground) While these customised labels were not interactive, they lent a unique and memorable spin to the wine. In many circumstances, adding personalised photographs to wine bottles provides a perfect and unique gift; yet, could be interpreted as making light of the conditions experienced by convicts. However, within our current culture, which celebrates our convict heritage and embraces crime consumerism, the reframing of a mugshot from a tool used by the State to control into a novelty gift or memento becomes culturally acceptable and desirable. Indeed, taking a larrikin stance, the reframing of the mugshot is to be encouraged. It should be noted that while some prisons were photographing criminals as early as the 1840s, it was not common practice before the 1870s in England. The Habitual Criminals Act of 1869 has been attributed with accelerating the use of criminal photographs, and in 1871 the Crimes Prevention Act mandated the photographing of criminals (Clark). Further, in Australia, convicts only began to be photographed in the early 1870s (Barnard) and only in Western Australia and Port Arthur (Convict Records, “Resources”), restricting the availability of images which 19 Crimes can utilise. The marketing techniques behind 19 Crimes and the Augmented app offered by Living Wines Labels ensure that a very particular picture of the convicts is conveyed to its customers. As seen above, convicts are labelled in jovial terms such as “rule breakers”, having a “rebellious spirit” or “law defying citizens”, again linking to notions of larrikinism and its celebration. 19 Crimes have been careful to select convicts that have a story linked to “rule breaking, culture creating and overcoming adversity” (19 Crimes, “Snoop”) as well as convicts who have become settlers, or in other words, the “success stories”. This is an ingenious marketing strategy. Through selecting success stories, 19 Crimes are able to create an environment where consumers can enjoy their bubbly while learning about a dark period of Australia’s heritage. Yet, there is a distancing within the narratives that these convicts are actually “criminals”, or where their criminal behaviour is acknowledged, it is presented in a way that celebrates it. Words such as criminals, thieves, assault, manslaughter and repeat offenders are foregone to ensure that consumers are never really reminded that they may be celebrating “bad” people. The crimes that make up 19 Crimes include: Grand Larceny, theft above the value of one shilling. Petty Larceny, theft under one shilling. Buying or receiving stolen goods, jewels, and plate... Stealing lead, iron, or copper, or buying or receiving. Impersonating an Egyptian. Stealing from furnished lodgings. Setting fire to underwood. Stealing letters, advancing the postage, and secreting the money. Assault with an intent to rob. Stealing fish from a pond or river. Stealing roots, trees, or plants, or destroying them. Bigamy. Assaulting, cutting, or burning clothes. Counterfeiting the copper coin... Clandestine marriage. Stealing a shroud out of a grave. Watermen carrying too many passengers on the Thames, if any drowned. Incorrigible rogues who broke out of Prison and persons reprieved from capital punishment. Embeuling Naval Stores, in certain cases. (19 Crimes, “Crimes”) This list has been carefully chosen to fit the narrative that convicts were transported in the main for what now appear to be minimal offences, rather than for serious crimes which would otherwise have been punished by death, allowing the consumer to enjoy their bubbly without engaging too closely with the convict story they are experiencing. The AR experience offered by these labels provides consumers with a glimpse of the convicts’ stories. Generally, viewers are told what crime the convict committed, a little of the hardships they encountered and the success of their outcome. Take for example the transcript of the Blanc de Blancs label: as a soldier I fought for country. As a rebel I fought for cause. As a man I fought for freedom. My name is James Wilson and I fight to the end. I am not ashamed to speak the truth. I was tried for treason. Banished to Australia. Yet I challenged my fate and brought six of my brothers to freedom. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. While the contrived voice of James Wilson speaks about continual strain on the body and mind, and having to live in a “living tomb” [Australia] the actual difficulties experienced by convicts is not really engaged with. Upon further investigation, it is also evident that James Wilson was not an ordinary convict, nor was he strictly tried for treason. Information on Wilson is limited, however from what is known it is clear that he enlisted in the British Army at age 17 to avoid arrest when he assaulted a policeman (Snoots). In 1864 he joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood and became a Fenian; which led him to desert the British Army in 1865. The following year he was arrested for desertion and was convicted by the Dublin General Court Martial for the crime of being an “Irish rebel” (Convict Records, “Wilson”), desertion and mutinous conduct (photo from the Wild Geese Memorial cited in The Silver Voice). Prior to transportation, Wilson was photographed at Dublin Mountjoy Prison in 1866 (Manuscripts and Archives Division), and this is the photo that appears on the Blanc de Blancs label. He arrived in Fremantle, Western Australia on 9 January 1868. On 3 June 1869 Wilson “was sentenced to fourteen days solitary, confinement including ten days on bread and water” (photo from the Wild Geese Memorial cited in The Silver Voice) for an unknown offence or breach of conduct. A few years into his sentence he sent a letter to a fellow Fenian New York journalist John Devoy. Wilson wrote that his was a voice from the tomb. For is not this a living tomb? In the tomb it is only a man’s body is good for the worms but in this living tomb the canker worm of care enters the very soul. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. (Wilson, 1874, cited in FitzSimons; emphasis added) Note the last two lines of the extract of the letter have been used verbatim by 19 Crimes to create their interactive label. This letter sparked a rescue mission which saw James Wilson and five of his fellow prisoners being rescued and taken to America where Wilson lived out his life (Reid). This escape has been nicknamed “The Great Escape” and a memorial was been built in 2005 in Rockingham where the escape took place. While 19 Crimes have re-created many elements of Wilson’s story in the interactive label, they have romanticised some aspects while generalising the conditions endured by convicts. For example, citing treason as Wilson’s crime rather than desertion is perhaps meant to elicit more sympathy for his situation. Further, the selection of a Fenian convict (who were often viewed as political prisoners that were distinct from the “criminal convicts”; Amos) allows 19 Crimes to build upon narratives of rule breaking by focussing on a convict who was sent to Australia for fighting for what he believed in. In this way, Wilson may not be seen as a “real” criminal, but rather someone to be celebrated and admired. Conclusion As a “new world” producer of sparkling wine, it was important for 19 Crimes to differentiate itself from the traditionally more sophisticated market of sparkling-wine consumers. At a lower price range, 19 Crimes caters to a different, predominantly younger, less wealthy clientele, who nevertheless consume alcoholic drinks symbolic to the occasion. The introduction of an effervescent wine to their already extensive collection encourages consumers to buy their product to use in celebratory contexts where the consumption of bubbly defines the occasion. The marketing of Blanc de Blancs directly draws upon ideas of celebration whilst promoting an image and story of a convict whose situation is admired – not the usual narrative that one associates with celebration and bubbly. Blanc de Blancs, and other 19 Crimes wines, celebrate “the rules they [convicts] broke and the culture they built” (19 Crimes, “Crimes”). This is something that the company actively promotes through its website and elsewhere. Using AR, 19 Crimes are providing drinkers with selective vantage points that often sensationalise the reality of transportation and disengage the consumer from that reality (Wise and McLean 569). Yet, 19 Crimes are at least engaging with the convict narrative and stimulating interest in the convict past. Consumers are being informed, convicts are being named and their stories celebrated instead of shunned. Consumers are comfortable drinking bubbly from a bottle that features a convict because the crimes committed by the convict (and/or to the convict by the criminal justice system) occurred so long ago that they have now been romanticised as part of Australia’s colourful history. The mugshot has been re-appropriated within our culture to become a novelty or fun interactive experience in many social settings. For example, many dark tourist sites allow visitors to take home souvenir mugshots from decommissioned police and prison sites to act as a memento of their visit. The promotional campaign for people to have their own mugshot taken and added to a wine bottle, while now a cultural norm, may diminish the real intent behind a mugshot for some people. For example, while drinking your bubbly or posing for a fake mugshot, it may be hard to remember that at the time their photographs were taken, convicts and transportees were “ordered to sit for the camera” (Barnard 7), so as to facilitate State survelliance and control over these individuals (Wise and McLean 562). Sparkling wine, and the bubbles that it contains, are intended to increase fun and enjoyment. Yet, in the case of 19 Crimes, the application of a real-life convict to a sparkling wine label adds an element of levity, but so too novelty and romanticism to what are ultimately narratives of crime and criminal activity; thus potentially “making light” of the convict experience. 19 Crimes offers consumers a remarkable way to interact with our convict heritage. The labels and AR experience promote an excitement and interest in convict heritage with potential to spark discussion around transportation. The careful selection of convicts and recognition of the hardships surrounding transportation have enabled 19 Crimes to successfully re-appropriate the convict image for celebratory occasions. References 19 Crimes. “Cheers to the Infamous.” 19 Crimes, 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.19crimes.com>. ———. “The 19 Crimes.” 19 Crimes, 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.19crimes.com/en-au/the-19-crimes>. ———. “19 Crimes Announces Multi-Year Partnership with Entertainment Icon Snoop Dogg.” PR Newswire 16 Apr. 2020. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/19-crimes-announces-multi-year-partnership-with-entertainment-icon-snoop-dogg-301041585.html>. ———. “19 Crimes Canadians Not Likely to Commit, But Clamouring For.” PR Newswire 10 Oct. 2013. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/19-crimes-canadians-not-likely-to-commit-but-clamouring-for-513086721.html>. Amos, Keith William. The Fenians and Australia c 1865-1880. 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