Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'The Young Turk Revolution'

This thesis points to the existence of a bourgeois revolution in the history of the Ottoman Empire. Against all approaches of the historiography on the subject which employ outmoded criteria and point to a duality between the moments in 1908 and 1923
it employs contemporary arguments on bourgeois revolutions and argues that the Ottoman Empire witnessed a single revolutionary sequence which occurred between July 1908 and November 1922. The thesis also suggests the idea that this single revolutionary sequence of the Ottoman Empire was a bourgeois revolution.

European-imposed reforms in Ottoman-held Macedonia in the period 1904-1908 led to the diminution of Ottoman authority, the encouragement of Christian partisan activities and the consolidation of the Young Turk movement in the region. The Young Turk revolution of 1908 established a Constitutional and Parliamentary regime in the Ottoman Empire pledging institutional reform, equality and liberty for all nationalities. Between July 1908 and April 1909, it became clear that the Young Turk policies and the Macedonian aspirations of the Christian Balkan countries were incompatible. The Young Turks remained a predominantly Moslem movement committed to safeguard the territorial integrity of the Empire, prevent foreign interference in Ottoman affairs and counteract Christian Macedonian separatism. By contrast, following the withdrawal of European control from Macedonia, the Balkan Christians attempted to take advantage of the Ottoman Constitutional change to further their own political and national interests in Macedonia. Disillusioned by the Young Turk centralist tendencies and apprehensive of a resurgent Turkish nationalism, Bulgarian, Greek and Serb nationalists resorted -once more- to their original means of Macedonian propaganda: religious, cultural and revolutionary activity. During 1909-1912, the Committee of Union and Progress (C.U.P.) -the driving force in the Young Turk movement- initiated a policy of enforced denationalization on the non-Moslem ethnic groups. Implemented in a harsh manner in Macedonia, this practice irrevocably undermined any prospect of cooperation between Moslem Young Turks and Christian Macedonians. Its aftermath included the growth of the Albanian nationalist movement and the encouragement of rapprochement between the Christian Balkan states, which was to bring about the establishment of the Balkan Alliance and the collapse of European Turkey in the Balkan wars.

This thesis studies three novels of the Turkish writer Halide Edib (1884-1964) written between 1908 and 1912, and examines this historical period and her life during it. The thesis deals with the 1908 Constitutional Revolution, the '31 March Incident' and the Turkist movement, as reflected in her novels, as well as independently through secondary sources. The examination of Raik'in Annesi (1980) reveals Edib's ideas on 'ideal womanhood,' morality and divorce. Seviyye Talib (1990) includes her views on the Constitutional Revolution, women's modernisation and the '31 March Incident.' The study of Yeni Turan (1912) reveals much about Turkism, or Turanism, and its political opponent in the novel, Ottomanism. From these novels Edib's main ideas are brought out and examined. Among the recurrent themes analysed are her strong admiration for the Angle-Saxon culture, her understanding of Westernisation, her approach to Islam, and her views on women and family.

Thesis advisor: Cynthia Lyerly
My dissertation examines the social, cultural, and political lives of women in the early Republic through an analysis of the first women's literary circle formed in the United States after the Revolution, the Boston Gleaning Circle. The Gleaners, as the women referred to themselves, instead of engaging primarily in charitable and religious work, which was the focus of other women's groups, concentrated on their own intellectual improvement. The early Republican era witnessed the first sustained interest in women's education in North America and the Gleaners saw women as uniquely blessed by the Revolution and therefore duty-bound to improve their minds and influence their society. My study builds on, and challenges, the historiography of women in the early Republic by looking at writings from a group of unmarried women whose lives did not fit the ideal of "republican motherhood," but who still considered themselves patriotic Americans. The Gleaners believed that the legacy of the American Revolution left them, as young women, a crucial role in American public life. Five of the Gleaners had a father who was a Son of Liberty and participated in the Boston Tea Party. Their inherited legacy of patriotism and politics permeated the lives of these young women. Many historians argue that the Revolution brought few gains for women, but the Gleaners demonstrate that for these young Bostonians, the ideas of the Revolution impacted them. Making intellectual contributions was not easy, however, and the young women were constantly anxious about their Circle's place in society. By the 1820s, the opportunities that the Revolution brought women had been closed. Prescriptive literature now touted a cult of True Womanhood told women that they were to be selfless, pious, and submissive. These ideas influenced the Gleaners and by the 1820s they no longer met for their literary pursuits, but for charitable purposes. No place in society remained for women in a self-improvement society. Instead, women had to work to improve others, demonstrating the limited opportunities for women in the antebellum period
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History

The thesis examines the impact of cultural values on young people's patterns of political participation. The core argument of the thesis is that electoral and party politics do not anymore accurately describe young people's participation trends which are moving away from the formal political arena towards a more extra-institutional type of participation. The thesis acknowledges the new opportunities for participation offered by the internet and the unexplored role of cultural values in the online space. Inglehart's theory of value change is used to explore the impact of postmaterialism on political participation in both offline and online realms. The thesis compares the youths of Greece and Britain. The two countries are compared due to their differences in the levels of postmaterialism, economic development and internet penetration. The thesis puts forward new and revised questionnaire items for the study of political participation and introduces an entirely new battery of questions for researching online political participation. According to the results, extra-institutional participation is a far more popular type of participation than traditional political participation in both Greece and Britain and in both its offline and online forms. In bivariate analysis, postmaterialism has a positive and statistically significant relationship with offline and online extra-institutional participation in both countries, while online extra-institutional participation is significantly associated with its offline aspect. In multivariate analysis, postmaterialism is a statistically significant predictor for extra-institutional participation in the case of Greece but only in the offline environment. Results from multivariate analysis also show that postmaterialism is not a statistically significant predictor for online or offline extra-institutional participation in Britain but remains an important contributing factor. Overall, young people in Greece are more politically active in the offline and online extra-institutional arena than young Britons. However, levels of postmaterialism among young people in the two countries are not statistically different.

Includes bibliographical references.
My research interest can be framed as an investigation of how the contemporary neoliberal reordering of race, class and gender is negotiated, resisted or embraced by (young) socially mobile women at the University of Cape Town, South Africa. Through a qualitative mixed-method approach consisting of nine semi-structured, open-ended interviews with ten women and auto-ethnography, I wrote into existence counter-representations to the currently hegemonic – mainly northern-based – representations of neoliberal femininities. The Literature Review provides an overview of existing scholarship on neoliberalism, its intersection with postcolonialism and lastly neoliberal subjectivities/femininities. Given that neoliberalism as an ideology affects all areas of life, the two methodology chapters explore feminist epistemology in relation to neoliberal cooption. Additionally, by taking into account neoliberalism’s attendant ideology of non-racialism, I explore the effects of my own white subject position, the world view it affords me as well as how my whiteness affected the encounter with the participants and subsequent representation of their narratives. By utilizing discourse analysis and by reading the interview transcripts through a lens that allowed me to identify the tension and relationship between the two main neoliberal ideals of freedom and responsibility, I assembled the ‘data’ into two main clusters. The first cluster – Bodies and Heterosexuality, subdivided into two chapters – broadly explores gendered socialization and the (ab)use of gendered socialization by the neoliberal project as well as the participants’ representations of their engagements with male bodies. The second cluster – Education and Freedom – locates the reasons for the participants’ wish to become socially mobile/educated; the performances/techniques the participants embrace in order to be able to construct race and gender as choice and concludes with the claim that true human liberation will remain unfinished in neoliberal environments characterized by inequality, non-racialism as well as ideologies of choice and agency which neglect systemic analysis.

Mestrado em Marketing
Os produtos retro, com estéticas e caraterísticas aparentemente ultrapassadas, estão cada vez mais presentes no mercado contemporâneo. Parece não existir limite para esta tendência que afeta desde automóveis a eletrodomésticos, vestuário, produtos alimentares, entre outros. O objetivo desta investigação é estudar o comportamento dos jovens enquanto potenciais consumidores de produtos retro, clarificando se o público jovem tem intenção de adquirir este tipo de produtos e quais os motivos que influenciam essa intenção de compra. Considera-se pertinente esta população alvo pelo facto de estar particularmente disponível para efetuar consumos específicos e diferenciados. A investigação foi realizada adotando uma abordagem quantitativa e amostragem por conveniência, através de um questionário online administrado aos jovens entre os 18 e os 30 anos de idade, residentes em Portugal e Espanha. Em termos de conclusões, verifica-se que os jovens têm intenção de comprar produtos retro. Através da realização de uma regressão linear múltipla, evidencia-se que a familiaridade e o anseio pelo passado são fatores motivacionais que influenciam positivamente esta intenção de compra, verificando-se diferenças entre a nacionalidade portuguesa e a nacionalidade espanhola. Demostra-se ainda que não existem diferenças assinaláveis nas respostas por sexo e rendimento, mas que em termos de nacionalidade os portugueses apresentam maior intenção de compra. A presente dissertação é um contributo tanto a nível académico, melhorando o conhecimento sobre comportamento do consumidor associado aos produtos retro, como a nível empresarial, fornecendo informações relevantes que permitem que os marketers desenvolvam produtos e mensagens de comunicação mais adequadas, de forma a estimular o público jovem.
Retro products, with outdated aesthetics and characteristics, are more and more present in the contemporary market. There seems to be no limit to this trend, which affects cars, clothing, food products, among others. The aim of this research is to study the behavior of young people as potential consumers of retro products, clarifying if those have the intention to acquire this type of products and which are the motives that influence such purchasing intention. This target population is considered appropriated, since it is particularly available to consume in a specific and differentiated way. The investigation was carried out adopting a quantitative approach and convenience sampling, using an online questionnaire provided to young people with ages between 18 and 30 years, living in Portugal and Spain. As conclusions, one can verify that young people have the intention to buy retro products. It is emphasized, through a multiple linear regression, that familiarity and yearning for the past are motivational factors which positively influence that purchase intention, with differences between Portuguese and Spanish nationalities. It is further demonstrated that there are no considerable differences in responses by gender and income, but in terms of nationality one can verify that Portuguese individuals present a higher purchase intention. The present dissertation is a contribute both at an academic level, improving the knowledge on consumer behavior associated with retro products, and at a company level, providing relevant information that allow marketers to develop more adequate communication products and messages, in order to stimulate the young people.
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CHILDHOOD REVOLUTION AT UNGA KLARA - A performance analysis of ’För att jag säger det’ from a gender perspective LINNÉA WÄISÄNEN Abstract The Swedish professional theatre for children and young audiences is in a constant change, development and renewal due to adulthoods shifting view and understanding of the child and childhood through the ages. The shifting discourse of childhood can be seen both in the various theatre performances for children and young audiences throughout the 20th century, but also in the constant shifting discussions and debates about what sort of performances are appropriate for children. The base of this thesis is a performance analysis of a recorded version of Unga Klara’s För att jag säger det from a gender perspective, with a focus on the stage setting and the mise-en-scène, along with the actors’ performative actions. The purpose is to examine if and how these theatrical signs counteracts or correlates with gender and hetero norms, but also investigate if the complex relationship between childhood and adulthood can be seen in the performance. To do this, I use a combination of hermeneutics, theatre semiotics and phenomenology as my main methodological starting point. Theories about gender performativity and discourse analysis in childhood studies serve as perspectives to the analysis and interpretation of the performance. The analysis starts with a brief introduction to the performance along with a discussion about the dramaturgical structure and the course of events and situations taking place in För att jag säger det. The analysis continues with a discussion about the theatrical space, in particular the stage space in relation to the starting point of the performance, along with the theatrical communication between the actors and the audience. Then, I discuss the theatrical signs that first caught my attention; the actors’ performative bodies and the music and stage sounds, where I analyse my comprehension of the actors’ performative bodies from a gender perspective. The analysis then continues to a more argument based interpretation of the interactions between the actors and the audience, and follows by a discussion of the actors impersonation of childhood and adulthood. In the last part of the analysis I identify and discuss my understanding of various themes and messages in För att jag säger det. The result of the study implies that a few sequences of the staging along with the actors’ performative bodies in För att jag säger det correlates to gender and hetero norms, but mostly the performance discourages normativity in general. The complex relationship between childhood and adulthood are however well established in the performance’s staging, and can be found in how the actors portraits childhood versus adulthood. It is also visible in the interactive communicational parts between the stage and the auditorium, which only occurs under the terms and conditions of the actors. Keywords: Unga Klara, gender, performativity, performance analysis, childhood revolution, theatre for children and young audiences

In addition to his renowned musical output, Richard Wagner produced a logorrhoeic prose oeuvre, including a dramatic sketch of the last weeks of the life of Jesus Christ entitled Jesus von Nazareth. Though drafted in 1848-1849, it was published only posthumously, and has therefore been somewhat neglected in the otherwise voluminous Wagnerian literature. This thesis first examines the origins of Jesus von Nazareth amidst the climate of revolution wherein it was conceived, ascertaining its place within Wagner’s own internal development and amongst the radical thinkers who influenced it. While Ludwig Feuerbach has traditionally been seen as the most prominent of these, this thesis examines Wagner’s sources more broadly. The thesis then summarizes and analyzes Jesus von Nazareth itself, particularly in terms of Wagner’s use of biblical scripture. The thesis demonstrates how his not infrequent misuse thereof constitutes one way in which Wagner transmogrifies Jesus as mutable lens through which his own ideology of social revolution is reflected. It also attempts to provide a critical assessment of the relative dramatic merits of Jesus von Nazareth and looks into Wagner’s ultimate decision not to complete the work. The thesis then briefly summarizes the changes that occurred in Wagner’s mature Christological outlook subsequent to his drafting of Jesus von Nazareth, attempting to concisely demonstrate some developments beyond Wagner’s well-known encounter with the philosophy of Arthur Schopenhauer. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of how Jesus von Nazareth informed Wagner’s general religious outlook and the extent to which this worldview is a productive one.

The cultural dimension of the Cuban Revolution (1959) has an unquestionable reference: Casa de las Américas, international symbol of Cuba in the field of the arts. Of its multiple artistic expression, we have put our focus in the literary prizes with which this institution recognizes children’s literary creation, and our working hypothesis is that Casa de las Américas has played an essential role in the development and consolidation, in the Latin American context, of a genre that even today in day is considered minor. The goal of our study is therefore to investigate and analyze the reasons offered for that hypothesis, proving its veracity. Because of the link between the entity and the Cuban revolution, the first chapter is dedicated to deepen the knowledge of the political context in which emerges Casa de las Americas, while in the second one we rescue the literary precedents from an essential figure, José Martí, to the direct antecedent of the award, the first Forum of Literature for Children and Young People (1972). The third and final chapter is devoted entirely to the award, establishing and analyzing the works that compose the corpus.

This Diploma thesis focuses on the investigation of impact of French Revolution into the development of political views of three Englishmen who represent three levels of view of revolutionary events: idealistic, radical and critical. Helen Maria Williams (1761-1827) represents an idealistic school of thought especially within the idea on universal citizenship and messianism of French Revolution. Simultaneously, she also represents some opinions of female population and their expectations relating to the status of women. Thomas Paine (1737-1809), a member of Convention and a supporter of the Girondists is an example of a radical religious view. The last of the trio is a physiocrat and a writer Arthur Young (1741-1820) who visited France before the Revolution. He became a witness and also a critic of the early revolutionary events. Key Words Helen Maria Williams, Thomas Paine, Arthur Youn, The French Revolution.

A questão que orienta este trabalho é a de se os escritos elaborados por Max Stirner, sobretudo a sua obra-prima O Único e a sua Propriedade, poderiam suster um discurso de resistência contra formas modernas de dominação e, em particular, contra o Estado político moderno. Importa, desde logo, compreender como é que Stirner, seguindo o conceito hegeliano de Estado enquanto “realização em acto da liberdade”, chega a descrevê-lo, em sentido inverso, como uma instância de dominação. O Estado aparece, para Stirner como para Hegel, enquanto garante da ordem e da coesão nas sociedades modernas. Embora ambos reconheçam a génese do poder soberano como violenta, Hegel defende que, com o progresso da civilização, a força é erradicada da ordem pública, ao mesmo tempo que se engendra a reconciliação entre o interesse privado e o interesse comum. Stirner, por outro lado, insiste em expor a força como a outra face do direito, como o sustentáculo oculto da norma, que se descobre apenas nos momentos de crise. O enfoque de Stirner no caso extremo, sobejamente antecipado e desvalorizado por Hegel como unilateral e equívoco, parece ancorado na convicção de que o conflito é inerradicável, de que entre a minha própria vontade e a representação (política, social) dessa vontade existe sempre um desfasamento, impassível de ser colmatado por qualquer arranjo colectivo. Desta convicção sucede que, se o conflito pouco se manifesta nas sociedades modernas, não é por ter sido verdadeiramente resolvido, mas por ser eficazmente encoberto, em virtude da dissimetria de poder e da internalização da autoridade. O “único” aparece, neste ambiente de forte suspeita, como aquele que é irrepresentável, que excede toda a representação e que ameaça, por conseguinte, a autoridade de qualquer representante. Nesse sentido, o “único” reclama o seu próprio poder, sem aceitar mediar a satisfação da sua vontade pela obediência a instituições colectivas, afirmando-se antes soberano sobre si mesmo. Stirner sugere que a auto-afirmação do único acarreta inevitavelmente o confronto com os poderes extrínsecos que organizam a sua existência, mas Stirner escolhe pensar esse confronto em termos de uma “revolta”, de um acto reflexivo e individual pelo qual o indivíduo emerge da situação em que se encontra, por contraposição à “revolução”, um acto político ou social dirigido para a transformação sistémica do status quo. Ainda que admitamos a validade da crítica stirneriana a diversos discursos que legitimam a modernidade, põe-se o problema de esta crítica se fundar sobre o “único”, “uma palavra sem pensamento”, nome, sujeito ou princípio (?) flagrantemente auto-contraditório e auto-destrutivo. A possibilidade de fundar um discurso de resistência sobre o egoísmo de Max Stirner parece depender da resposta que escolhermos dar a duas questões intimamente ligadas: o que sobrevive à voragem destrutiva do “único” que possa ser fundamento suficiente para a resistência contra um estado de coisas que Stirner diz ser opressivo? Poderá esta resistência consumar-se na revolta de um único sem o reconhecimento de um outro com quem firmar as condições de liberdade?
The question which guides this work is whether the writings of Max Stirner, especially his masterpiece The Ego and Its Own, may sustain a discourse of resistance against modern forms of domination and, in particular, against the modern political State. One must right away understand how does Stirner, following the Hegelian concept of the State as the “actualization of freedom”, comes to describe it, in the opposite sense, as an instance of domination. The State appears, to Stirner as to Hegel, as the guardian of order and cohesion in modern societies. While both recognize the genesis of sovereign power as violent, Hegel sustains that, with the progress of civilization, force is eradicated from the public order, at the same time that the reconciliation between private interest and common interest is engendered. Stirner, on the other hand, insists in exposing force as the other face of right, as the hidden pillar of the norm, which only reveals itself in the moments of crisis. Stirner’s focus on the extreme case, largely anticipated and devalued by Hegel as unilateral and equivocal, seems to be anchored on the conviction that conflict is ineradicable, that between my own will and the (political, social) representation of that will there is always a gap, impassable to fill by any collective arrangement. From this conviction befalls that, if conflict is scarcely manifest in modern societies, it is not because it was truly solved, but because it is effectively masked, due to the dissymmetry of power and to the internalization of authority. The “unique one” appears, in this environment of great suspicion, as the one who cannot be represented, who surpasses every representation, hence threatening the authority of every representative. Accordingly, the “unique one” reclaims his own power, without allowing the satisfaction of his will to be mediated by the obedience to collective institutions, affirming himself instead as sovereign over himself. Stirner suggests that the self-affirmation of the “unique one” inevitably leads to the confrontation with the external powers which organize his existence. Stirner, nonetheless, chooses to think this confrontation in terms of a “revolt”, of a reflexive and individual act by which the individual emerges from the situation in which he is in, in contradistinction to the “revolution”, a political or social act directed towards the systemic transformation of the status quo. Even if we admit the validity of the Stirnerian critique of the diverse discourses which legitimate modernity, the problem arises of founding this critique on the “unique one”, “a thoughtless word”, an openly self-contradictory and self-destructive name, subject or principle (?). The possibility of founding a discourse of resistance on the egoism of Max Stirner seems to depend upon the answer that we choose to give to two intimately connected questions: what remains after the destructive vortex of the “unique one” that may sustain the resistance against a state that Max Stirner deems oppressive? May this resistance be realized in the revolt of a unique one without the recognition of another one with whom to build the conditions of freedom?