Journal articles: 'The Young Turk Revolution'

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Laderman, Charlie. "American missionaries and the Young Turk Revolution." Heritage Turkey 4 (December 1, 2014): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18866/biaa2015.090.

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Zürcher, Erik Jan. "The Young Turk revolution: comparisons and connections." Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 4 (February 20, 2019): 481–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124.

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TAUBER, Eliezer. "Four Syrian Manifestos after the Young Turk Revolution." Turcica 19 (January 1, 1987): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/turc.19.0.2014275.

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Brummett, Palmira. "Dogs, Women, Cholera, and Other Menaces in the Streets: Cartoon Satire in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908–11." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 4 (November 1995): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800062498.

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History is enamored of revolutions. This essay takes as its subject a revolution—the Young Turk Revolution of 1908—which overthrew one of the most enduring autocracies of early modern times. It concerns itself, however, with revolution of a specific kind, cartoon revolution: where images could take precedence over words; where the past, present, and future were created and imagined; where the celebration of new freedoms brought citizens into contact with menaces in the streets.

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Sina, AKŞİN. "THE PLACE OF THE YOUNG TURK REVOLUTION IN TURKISH HISTORY." Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 50, no. 3 (1995): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/sbfder_0000001858.

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Mikhailov, V. V. "YOUNG KURDS AND YOUNG TURKS: FEATURES OF NATIONAL-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN THE LATE XIX — EARLY XX CENTURIES." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 1 (2021): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-1-96-103.

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The article examines the little-studied question of the relationship between the young Turk and young Kurd movements in the crucial years for the Ottoman Empire preceding the revolution of 1908. The formation of the Kurdish identity and the beginning of the cultural and political movement in the late XIX century. it was received ambiguously in the Ottoman Empire. Thus, unlike the Armenian political movement, the leaders of Turkey’s Kurds expressed the full commitment of the Central government and the Empire reforms, whose purpose in part was to involve the Kurdish population in a more active participation in economic life. It is significant that after the victory of the young Turk revolution of 1908, there was a split in Kurdish society and among its leaders in relation to the new government and its slogans. The Kurdish movement showed great conservatism and adherence to traditional Islamic values, while the pan-Turkist Pro-European ideology of the young Turk political elite was not accepted by the main Kurdish mass. Nevertheless, during the First world war, the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire remained loyal to the government, actively waging an armed struggle against the enemies of the Empire.

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Yaşar, Murat. "Learning the Ropes: The Young Turk Perception of the 1905 Russian Revolution." Middle Eastern Studies 50, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2013.849694.

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Ünal, Hasan. "Britain and Ottoman Domestic Politics: From the Young Turk Revolution to the Counter-Revolution, 1908-9." Middle Eastern Studies 37, no. 2 (April 2001): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004391.

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HACISALIHOGLU, Mehmet. "The Young Turk Revolution and the Negotiations for the Solution of the Macedonian Question." Turcica 36 (December 1, 2004): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/turc.36.0.578728.

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Findley, Carter Vaughn. "Economic Bases of Revolution and Repression in the Late Ottoman Empire." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 1 (January 1986): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011853.

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Central to late Ottoman history is a series of events that marks a milestone in the emergence of modern forms of political thought and revolutionary action in the Islamic world. The sequence opened with the rise of the Young Ottoman ideologues (1865) and the constitutional movement of the 1870s. It continued with the repression of these forces under Abdülhamid 11 (1876–1909). It culminated with the resurgence of opposition in the Young Turk movement of 1889 and later, and especially with the revolution of 1908. Studied so far mostly in political and intellectual terms, the sequence seems well understood. The emergence of the Young Ottomans—the pioneers of political ideology, in any modern sense, in the Middle East—appears to result from the introduction of Western ideas and from stresses created within the bureaucracy by the political hegemony of the Tanzimat elite (ca. 1839–71). The repression under Abdülhamid follows from the turmoil of the late 1870s, the weaknesses of the constitution of 1876, and the craft of the new sultan in creating a palace-dominated police state. The emergence of the Young Turks shows that terror ultimately fostered, rather than killed, the opposition. Too, their eventual revolutionary success shows how much more effective than the Young Ottomans they were as political mobilizers.

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Ben-Bassat, Yuval. "A Zionist torn between two worlds: Aharon Eisenberg's correspondence after the Young Turk Revolution." Journal of Israeli History 33, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2014.886824.

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Hanssen, Jens. "“MALHAMÉ–MALFAMÉ”: LEVANTINE ELITES AND TRANSIMPERIAL NETWORKS ON THE EVE OF THE YOUNG TURK REVOLUTION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810001182.

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AbstractThis article examines the rise and fall of the Malhamé family at the court of Abdülhamit II. The point of departure is the flight and arrest of six Malhamé brothers and the accompanying outbursts of popular anger at them during the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. The analysis locates the historical conditions that made the Malhamé phenomenon possible in the interstices between Levantine society, late Ottoman bureaucracy, and European diplomacy and capitalist expansion. In order to bring into conversation the hitherto unconnected literatures on the Levant and the Ottoman state, the Malhamé story is framed in the analytical concept of transimperialism. This concept shares affinities with wider transnational studies. But it is also grounded in the specific political, economic, and social processes of the Levant—both within the Ottoman Empire and among it and its British, French, German, and Italian imperial rivals at the height of the “Eastern Question.”

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Ben-Bassat, Yuval. "Rethinking the Concept of Ottomanization: TheYishuvin the Aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution of 1908." Middle Eastern Studies 45, no. 3 (May 2009): 461–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200902853488.

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Carter, Gregg L. "Book Review: Giray Fidan. Chinese Witness of the Young Turk Revolution: Kang Youwei's Turk Travelogue. Translated by Giray Fidan. New York: Kopernik Inc., 2019." NETSOL: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 5, no. 1 (June 15, 2020): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2020.02.

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Kayali, Hasan. "Elections and the Electoral Process in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1919." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 3 (August 1995): 265–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800062085.

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The 1876 constitution and its reinstitution in 1908 have been acknowledged as landmarks in the historiography of the late Ottoman Empire. The promulgation of a constitution signified a critical political transformation despite the brevity of the First Constitutional Period (1876–78). During the next three decades of Sultan Abdülhamid's autocratic rule, the ultimately successful struggle to restore the constitution against the Sultan's relentless resistance became central to the political life of the empire. In 1908, the Young Turk Revolution inaugurated a decade of social and political change, the Second Constitutional Period.

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El-Khawas, M. A. "Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902-1908." Mediterranean Quarterly 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-13-1-113.

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Bein, Amit. "A “YOUNG TURK” ISLAMIC INTELLECTUAL: FILIBELI AHMED HILMI AND THE DIVERSE INTELLECTUAL LEGACIES OF THE LATE OTTOMAN EMPIRE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 4 (October 30, 2007): 607–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807071103.

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Among the late Ottoman thinkers and writers who laid the foundations of intellectual life in modern Turkey, Filibeli Ahmed Hilmi (1865–1914) is a prominent figure. His intellectual legacy survived the destruction of the Ottoman Empire and the founding of the Republic of Turkey. Virtually all his books have been republished in recent years in simplified modern Turkish versions accessible to present-day readers, and some have also been the subject of academic studies. His oeuvre includes dozens of historical, philosophical, theological, and political works, as well as novels, poems, satirical pieces, and plays. All were produced in a six-year period, between the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 and his death by poisoning in 1914. The overtly modernist underpinnings of his works on the one hand, and his Sufi piety and firm rejection of materialism and positivism on the other, have earned him recognition as an early exponent of a modernist, nonliteralist Islamic agenda of a kind that has been conspicuous in a variety of Turkish-Islamic movements in recent decades. His untimely death, later attributed to a Freemason–Zionist conspiracy, added further to his mystique in some Islamic circles. Modernist yet deeply devout, Islamist yet uninterested in scripturalist paths of religious revival, Ahmed Hilmi stands out as a representative of an important intellectual trend that has often been overlooked in studies of the late Ottoman period.

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Türesay, Özgür. "Between Science and Religion: Spiritism in the Ottoman Empire (1850s-1910s)." Studia Islamica 113, no. 2 (December 5, 2018): 166–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341375.

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Abstract Spiritism reached the Ottoman Empire very quickly via the European and Levantine communities in Istanbul in the 1850s. At the outset of 1910, spiritism had become a very popular topic in the press. Spiritist publishing burst in Ottoman Turkish is connected to the environment of a more or less liberal press in the aftermath of the Young Turk revolution of 1908. As was the case in the history of spiritism elsewhere, in the Ottoman Empire reactions against spiritism came mainly from two intellectual circles: the positivistic (or scientific and materialist) ones and the non-positivistic (or religious-spiritual and anti-materialist) ones. Besides, all this spiritist, para-spiritist and anti-spiritist publishing activity involved a respective translation activity into Ottoman Turkish, which enhanced cultural transfer processes.

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Unal, Hasan. "Ottoman policy during the Bulgarian independence crisis, 1908–9: Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria at the outset of the Young Turk revolution." Middle Eastern Studies 34, no. 4 (October 1998): 135–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209808701247.

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Clay, Christopher. "The Bank Notes of the Imperial Ottoman Bank, 1863-1876." New Perspectives on Turkey 9 (1993): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002235.

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During the middle and later decades of the nineteenth century successive generations of Ottoman statesmen made a sustained effort to transform the traditional-style Islamic empire, responsibility for which they had inherited, into a modern state. The difficulties they faced were enormous and, as is well known, ultimately proved insurmountable, so that what was left of the their territories finally disintegrated in the decade following the revolution of 1908. However, if there was one problem above all others to which could be ascribed the failure in turn of the Tanzimat, Hamidian, and Young Turk reformers, it was the financial weakness of the central government. Partly because of the inadequate tax base provided by an overwhelmingly agricultural economy, partly because of an inadequate administrative machine (especially in respect of tax collection and the control of expenditure), and partly because of the high level of military expenditure necessitated by constant external and internal threats to its integrity, the nineteenth century Ottoman state never had enough money, and from this one overwhelming fact derived a host of other woes.

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Ben-Bassat, Yuval. "Rural Reactions to Zionist Activity in Palestine before and after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 as Reflected in Petitions to Istanbul." Middle Eastern Studies 49, no. 3 (May 2013): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2013.783823.

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Iljazi, Ajsel, and Mahmut Mahmut. "THE MOVEMENT OF THE TURKISH LITERATURE." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2367–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072367a.

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The movement of Turkish literature is divided into several broad periods of Turkish writers. Older literature covers the period from the Seljuks (900-1300) and the Ottoman period (1300-1922). The early period of the Ottoman literature, until the 16th century, was influenced by the Persian ideas, and after the 1520s, Arab ideas began to dominate.The movement of Turkish literature is often a part of political movements. Turkish patriotism gradually replaced the old Ottoman and Muslim traditions. This publicatoin will focus on the influence of the West, in particular the French concept of nationalism in Turkish Literature.The Young Turk Revolution, World War I, the Turkish War of Independence and the Reformation of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk all profoundly influenced the development of modern Turkish literature."New Turkish Literature" is a literary genre developed and transformed in parallel with Western effects. Starting from the birth until the 19th century, it is possible to mention the existence of Turkish literature formed under the influence of Central Asia and the Orient.The "New Turkish Literature" is a literary reflection of pro-Western oriented Turks, or the modernization process that began in 1839 in the Tanzimat period (Reorganization).

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Iljazi, Ajsel, and Mahmut Mahmut. "THE MOVEMENT OF THE TURKISH LITERATURE." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2367–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082367a.

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The movement of Turkish literature is divided into several broad periods of Turkish writers. Older literature covers the period from the Seljuks (900-1300) and the Ottoman period (1300-1922). The early period of the Ottoman literature, until the 16th century, was influenced by the Persian ideas, and after the 1520s, Arab ideas began to dominate.The movement of Turkish literature is often a part of political movements. Turkish patriotism gradually replaced the old Ottoman and Muslim traditions. This publicatoin will focus on the influence of the West, in particular the French concept of nationalism in Turkish Literature.The Young Turk Revolution, World War I, the Turkish War of Independence and the Reformation of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk all profoundly influenced the development of modern Turkish literature."New Turkish Literature" is a literary genre developed and transformed in parallel with Western effects. Starting from the birth until the 19th century, it is possible to mention the existence of Turkish literature formed under the influence of Central Asia and the Orient.The "New Turkish Literature" is a literary reflection of pro-Western oriented Turks, or the modernization process that began in 1839 in the Tanzimat period (Reorganization).

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Esenbel, Selçuk. "A fin de siècle Japanese romantic in Istanbul: the life of Yamada Torajirō and his Toruko gakan." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59, no. 2 (June 1996): 237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00031554.

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The modern Japanese tourist visiting the Topkapi Sarai may well be struck by a display of sixteenth-century samurai armour and helmet held there. It was presented, along with a sword, to the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II in 1892 by Yamada Torajirō (1866–1957), an important pioneer in the history of Turkish-Japanese relations and the subject of this paper. Yamada, who was to remain in the imperial capital for almost twenty years, was witness to the history of the Hamidian era of conservative modernism under the despotic regime of the so-called ‘Red Sultan’, and the subsequent dramatic transition to constitutionalism that came with the Young Turk revolution of 1908. He was one of only two Japanese resident in the city (possibly in the whole empire) in this period. The other was Nakamura Ejirō, owner of the first Japanese shop in Istanbul, and Yamada's friend and partner.

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Fujinami, Nobuyoshi. "Law for Tanzimat: Islam and Sovereignty in Kemalpaşazade Sait’s Legal Thought." Die Welt des Islams 59, no. 2 (May 31, 2019): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-00592p02.

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AbstractKemalpaşazade Sait (1848-1921) is widely acknowledged as one of the first Ottomans to have published textbooks on both international and domestic law, but few studies inquire into the characteristics of his thought in the context of modern legal studies. In his discussion of international law, Sait neglects Islam and fails adequately to examine the question of semi-sovereignty, a vital concern of Ottoman diplomacy at the time. In the field of domestic law, Sait concentrates on praising Reşit Pasha and the Tanzimat reforms he orchestrated, by identifying Islam with the modern Western ideal of law. Throughout his texts, Sait has little to say about the (secular) state’s sovereignty and its exercises. Sait’s approach to Islam and sovereignty, arguably two of the most fundamental issues in Ottoman law, apparently failed to keep pace with the development of legal studies after the Young Turk Revolution.

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Figer, Donald F. "Young Massive Clusters." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 3, S250 (December 2007): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921308020565.

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AbstractOver the past ten years, there has been a revolution in our understanding of massive young stellar clusters in the Galaxy. Initially, there were no known examples having masses >104, yet we now know that there are at least a half dozen such clusters in the Galaxy. In all but one case, the masses have been determined through infrared observations. Several had been identified as clusters long ago, but their massive natures were only recently determined. Presumably, we are just scratching the surface, and we might look forward to having statistically significant samples of coeval massive stars at all important stages of stellar evolution in the near future. I review the efforts that have led to this dramatic turn of events and the growing sample of young massive clusters in the Galaxy.

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Greely, Henry T. "Conflicts in the Biotechnology Industry." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 23, no. 4 (1995): 354–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.1995.tb01377.x.

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True revolutions turn the entire world upside down, in ways expected and surprising, profound and mundane. The revolution spawned by advances in molecular biology is no exception. Most of the attention has gone, deservedly, to the possible effects of these advances on medicine, on society, and on our understanding of what it means to be human. But the revolution has already had effects—large and small, good and bad—in other areas. This paper analyzes one aspect of the industry created by that revolution in molecular biology–biotechnology. Specifically, it surveys the various kinds of conflicting interests, both real and perceived, that develop among commercial enterprises, government, and institutions in biotechnology; and it examines the legal implications and public policy concerns of these conflicting interests.The paper focuses on three different kinds of conflicting interests that confront private and public enterprises competing or collaborating in the biotechnology industry: (1) those among businesses involved within the industry; (2) those in relationships between industry and government; and (3) those in relationships between industry and universities. These types of conflicts raise very different issues, but each stems from circumstances unique to the young biotechnology industry.

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Quataert, Donald, and David Gutman. "COAL MINES, THE PALACE, AND STRUGGLES OVER POWER, CAPITAL, AND JUSTICE IN THE LATE OTTOMAN EMPIRE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 2 (April 16, 2012): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000025.

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AbstractThis article is based on a case file examining the allegedly corrupt behavior of the district governor (kaymakam) of Ereğli, located in the Black Sea coal district of the Ottoman Empire, before the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. It paints a vivid picture of the cronyism, greed, and demands for justice that abound in the testimonies and petitions of a diverse array of local actors that were included in the case file. These documents provide the opportunity to shed light on, among other things, the growing nexus between state power and capital in the late Ottoman Empire within a little-studied peripheral context. As the article shows, prospects of control over the region's burgeoning coal economy led to abuses among officials at various levels of the local and imperial bureaucracy, the impacts of which were felt (to varying degrees) by a wide cross-section of Ereğli society. The behavior of the district governor and his allies, along with the final decision made in the case, reveals much about power, wealth, and justice in the final years of the Abdülhamit regime.

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Aytekin, E. Attila. "Tax Revolts During the Tanzimat Period (1839–1876) and Before the Young Turk Revolution (1904–1908): Popular Protest and State Formation in the Late Ottoman Empire." Journal of Policy History 25, no. 3 (June 17, 2013): 308–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030613000134.

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Bishku, Michael B. "The Interactions and Experiences of Armenians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey from the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 to the Present." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2017.1380461.

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Gershoni, Israel. "Reviews of Books:Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902-1908 M. Sukru Hanioglu." American Historical Review 108, no. 1 (February 2003): 304–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/533224.

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Ben-Bassat, Yuval. "The Ottoman institution of petitioning when the sultan no longer reigned: a view from post-1908 Ottoman Palestine." New Perspectives on Turkey 56 (April 21, 2017): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2017.6.

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AbstractThe Young Turk Revolution of 1908 helped transform the time-honored Ottoman petitioning system. The reinstatement of parliamentary life, the reintroduction of the suspended constitution of 1876, and the lifting of the ban on the press and political action all generated profound political and social changes. Subjects’ petitions reflected these changes vividly and in often surprising detail. As the sultan became a figurehead with little actual power, petitions which hitherto had been addressed to the sultan either directly or through the grand vizier and had requested his benevolence and mercy, while also granting him much needed legitimacy, now began to be sent instead to the Council of State (Şura-yı Devlet), the parliament, and various government ministries. Their content changed as well, as will be shown in this article through an analysis of dozens of petitions from Ottoman Palestine. Petitions now sought to obtain political rights and ensure civil equity and constitutional rights. In focusing on rights, the rule of law, and the deficiencies of the former system, the petitions echoed changes in popular discourse and mirrored the transformation from justice as a sultanic prerogative to constitutional and civil law.

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Vanderlippe, John M. "METIN HEPER, İsmet İnönü: The Making of a Turkish Statesman, Social, Economic and Political Studies of the Middle East and Asia (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998). Pp. 280." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 554–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002816.

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İsmet İnönü had one of the longest public careers of any statesman of the 20th century, serving as soldier, diplomat, revolutionary, prime minister, president, and party leader in a career that spanned eight decades, from the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 to his retirement from politics, at age 88, a year before his death in 1973. Moreover, for most of his career, İnönü was at the very center of the events and decisions that shaped the Turkish Republic and its involvement in regional and global affairs. But as Metin Heper points out in his eloquent study of İnönü's career, this is a “neglected statesman.” One of the major lacunae of Western studies of modern Turkish history has been an English-language biography of İ smet İnönü. Heper's study is not a biography as such, but it has three main goals: to cover İnönü's entire career; to explore how his self-education and personality shaped his views on the state and democracy, and thus his policies; and to present a picture of İnönü free of the deification or vilification that marks much of the existing scholarship (p. ix).

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Videnović, Milan, and Miroslav Pešić. "THE REPORTS OF THE DAILY NEWSPAPER “POLITIKA” ABOUT THE SITUATION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA PRECEDING THE ANNEXATION CRISIS OF 1908." MEDIA STUDIES AND APPLIED ETHICS 3, no. 1 (March 11, 2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/msae.1.2021.01.

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In this paper, the writings of the daily newspaper “Politika” regarding the events preceding the Annexation Crisis were analyzed. The political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the XX century was extremely complex and tense. Combined with the already complicated international circumstances, a favorable environment was created for one of the greatest political crises in Europe at the time. The period between the Young Turk Revolution and the Annexation Crisis was characterized by the attempts of Serbs from Bosnia and Herzegovina to resolve legally the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina without changing the state and legal status of the territory, as well as by the attempts by Austria-Hungary to integrate Bosnia and Herzegovina into its state structure. Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina and thus abused its mandate for occupying Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was provided by the Treaty of Berlin from 1878. The preparations for the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina were covered by the correspondents of “Politika”, who informed the Serbian public about it. The articles published in “Politika” at the time are invaluable for obtaining an accurate picture of the state of affairs at the time, as well as of a reign of terror that the Austro-Hungarian rule imposed in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Zhigulskaya, Darya. "The “Turkish Ideal” in the Philosophy of Ziya Gökalp." Ideas and Ideals 13, no. 2-2 (June 15, 2021): 340–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.2.2-340-350.

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Topic: The philosophy and views on the process of nation building of Ziya Gökalp – the revolutionary ideologist of Turkish nationalism and one of the founding fathers of Kemalism, who played a key role in the articulation of Turkish national identity in the early 20th century. It is hard to overestimate his impact on Mustafa Kemal Atatürk: the founder of the Turkish Republic described Gökalp as the “father of my thoughts”. Gökalp’s ideas come together in the concept of the “Turkish ideal” or “mefkure” (Turk. mefkûre). The principle of “mefkure” was subsequently adopted by the majority of nationalist thinkers. Methodology: Contextual analysis of sources on the research topic; historical comparativism; synthesis and generalization of factual material. Results of the study: Ziya Gökalp’s ideas were focused on the transition from the multinational Ottoman state to a national state and the promulgation of the Turkish Republic. They were largely derived from the philosophy of Émile Durkheim, including idealist epistemology, positivist methodology and solidarist corporatism - together known as positivist idealism. Gökalp’s ideas can be summarized as cultural Turkism, ethical Islamism and Durkheimian solidarism. Gökalp succeeded in synthesizing different philosophical approaches, while avoiding eclectic mixing of ideas. Conclusions: Gökalp’s nationalism was heavily influenced by the West, though he tried to withstand this influence. The romantic principle of the “Turkish ideal” largely reiterates the concept of Volksgeist (German: “spirit of the people”) characteristic of German nationalism. Gökalp’s works clearly illustrate one of the key internal problems of Turkish nationalism – the question of how to restore national self-respect, which had been undermined by the prolonged decline of the Ottoman state and its stature in the eyes of the West. Gökalp’s philosophy clearly links the Young Turk ideology with the Atatürk regime. But in the course of his life, Gökalp’s views underwent significant changes, as he gradually turned away from the principles of the 1908-1909 revolution (constitutional monarchy, Ottomanism, Islamic reformism etc.) and laid the theoretical foundations of Kemalism and the modern Turkish state.

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Alkan, Necati. "Fighting for the Nusayrī Soul: State, Protestant Missionaries and the 'Alawīs in the Late Ottoman Empire." Die Welt des Islams 52, no. 1 (2012): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006012x627896.

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AbstractBased on their writings, the religious beliefs of the Nusayrīs have been studied since the 19th century. But historical knowledge and information about them in the 19th century, based on Ottoman sources has been rather meager. Only in recent years this kind of research intensified. In the Ottoman Empire real interest in the Nusayrīs started during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909). Due to fear of infiltration of heterodox Muslims by foreigners, especially by American and English Protestant missionaries, the Sultan was pressed to attract them to the Hanafī-Sunnī school. In this process, the status of the Nusayrīs underwent changes. After summarizing the attitude of the provincial Syrian administration and of Istanbul toward the Nusayrīs in the first decades of the 19th century, the article will give an overview of the developments regarding the Nusayrīs during the Tanzimat and the Hamidian era until roughly the Young Turk revolution. The following questions will be asked: How did Protestant missionaries integrate the Nusayrīs into their millenarian belief in a new social order? By what means did the Ottoman pacifying or "civilizing" mission attempt to integrate the Nusayrīs? And how did the Nusayrīs respond to the efforts of the Christian missionaries and the Ottoman state? The article will also challenge the view that the name "'Alawī" was only used after 1920.

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Secord, James A. "Revolutions in the head: Darwin, Malthus and Robert M. Young." British Journal for the History of Science 54, no. 1 (March 2021): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087420000631.

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AbstractThe late 1960s witnessed a key conjunction between political activism and the history of science. Science, whether seen as a touchstone of rationality or of oppression, was fundamental to all sides in the era of the Vietnam War. This essay examines the historian Robert Maxwell Young's turn to Marxism and radical politics during this period, especially his widely cited account of the ‘common context’ of nineteenth-century biological and social theorizing, which demonstrated the centrality of Thomas Robert Malthus's writings on population for Charles Darwin's formulation of the theory of evolution by natural selection. From Young's perspective, this history was bound up with pressing contemporary issues: ideologies of class and race in neo-Darwinian evolutionary theory, the revival of Malthusian population control, and the role of science in military conflict. The aim was to provide a basis for political action – the ‘head revolution’ that would accompany radical social change. The radical force of Young's argument was blunted in subsequent decades by disciplinary developments within history of science, including the emergence of specialist Darwin studies, a focus on practice and the changing political associations of the history of ideas. Young's engaged standpoint, however, has remained influential even as historians moved from understanding science as ideology to science as work.

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Gil, Agnieszka. "Between vanguard and exclusion - young people of the twenty-first century." Journal of Education Culture and Society 2, no. 2 (January 14, 2020): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20112.124.132.

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This study has been narrowed down to reveal aparadox. here the vanguard of cul-ture and civilization - which is regarded as young people of the twenty-first century – is embroiled in adiscourse of exclusion: economic, political and cultural life. in secondary school programs and high schools we do not find specific references and studies, pri-marily based on the needs of students, about the theory of popular culture and cultural education in the area of pop culture. The paradox of exclusion of mainstream culture from educational discourse is schizophrenic. The political exclusion of young people of the xxicentury i consider all the disparaging scientific discourse, which skips the actual media and communication competence of young people. Prosumers, cognitar-chy, digital natives, C-generation – they are for the modern economy “Silicon Valley” - their market power to exclude is already unstoppable. in other areas it remains to be considered whether excluding young people from the cultural discourse will not deprive our future teachers and translators of the next civilization revolution of social reality...

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DUMONT, PAUL. "Freemasonry in Turkey: a by-product of Western penetration." European Review 13, no. 3 (July 2005): 481–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870500058x.

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Towards the middle of the nineteenth century, various European Masonic obediences set up lodges throughout the Ottoman empire, many in Istanbul, while another important centre was Smyrna. Freemasons were also active in Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Cyprus and Macedonia. Lodges were established in the main political, economic and cultural centres of the Empire. There was a strong parallelism between the Ottoman Masonic geography and that of European colonial expansion. It is easy to delineate the social and ethnic structure of lodges, but we know less about what was going on behind the walls of Masonic temples. For sure, Ottoman Freemasons, like their brethren in other parts of the world, when not busy with ‘table works’ or ceremonies, dedicated themselves to philanthropic activities. A considerable part of the annual income of the lodges was used to finance various charitable works (assistance to orphans, to brethren in distress …) and to fund educational institutions. The lodges were also places for the discussion and exchange of ideas about current themes: socialism, feminism, venereal diseases, progress of science, etc. Some mingled with politics, displaying a highly nationalistic discourse. The politicization of Ottoman/Turkish freemasonry climaxed during the years of the Young Turk revolution (1908–1914), when an autochthonous obedience was created. One of the goals of the new organization, coldly received by most European freemasonries, was to rid the Ottoman Empire of foreign penetration. After the proclamation of the Turkish Republic in 1923, this national freemasonry continued to flourish, except for 13 years between 1935 and 1948 when Masonic activity was banned.

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Sarabiev, Aleksei V. "THE RUSSIAN CONSUL IN DAMASCUS PRINCE BORIS N. SHAKHOVSKOY’S ROLE IN INTERFAITH PEACE ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-162-178.

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Prince Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First World War, left to his descendants a legacy of attentive and balanced diplomacy. His reports to the Russian Embassy in Constantinople and to the 1st Division of the Foreign Ministry contain invaluable information shedding light on interfaith relations in the Syrian regions of the Ottoman Empire on the eve and after of the Young Turk Revolution, as well as on the early months of the so-called Great War (WWI). The article analyzes the messages of the diplomat on various aspects of the religious situation in the region. He considered the activities of the Islamist organization Muslim League in Damascus, which aimed at enforcing Sharia law throughout Syrian society and countering non-Muslim and European influence in the region. An anxious change in interfaith relations is being evaluated, when Muslim suspicion towards Christians grew, aggravated by the common conscription in the context of the Tripolitan and two Balkan wars. The consul attentively followed the problems of the participation of the Orthodox Arabs in the Ottoman institutions, as well as the attempts to join the English Old-Catholics to Orthodoxy, acting through Metropolitan of Beirut. Of historical interest is also the information about the transition of the Syrian Jacobites to Catholicism, as well as notes on the Catholic missions activities in the region. All these issues in the Syrian soil are viewed by the diplomat through the prism of competition between European powers, especially France and Italy.

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Todorova, Maria. "Balkan Nationalism(s) and the Ottoman Empire. Vol. 1, National Movements and Representations. Vol. 2, Political Violence and the Balkan Wars. Vol. 3, The Young Turk Revolution and Ethnic Groups ed. by Dimitris Stamatopoulos." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 35, no. 1 (2017): 268–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2017.0012.

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Thompson, Elizabeth. "PALMIRA BRUMMETT, Image and Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908–1911 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000). Pp. 489. $86.50 cloth, $29.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802291060.

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The reader plunges into the whirlwind of revolution in this study of the satirical press that circulated after the Young Turks reinstated the Ottoman constitution in 1908. The brave new world depicted in the more than one hundred cartoons reprinted in this work is headed in unknown and often paradoxical directions: we see starving peasants confront fur-coated revolutionaries; dragon-headed despots leading Lady Liberty by the arm; cadaverous cholera victims patrolling the streets; and a woman steering an airplane above the revolutionary city of the future. The 1908 revolution will never look quite the same to readers familiar with the (still scant) treatment of the subject in the English language. Palmira Brummett addresses her innovative study not only to revisionist historians of the late Ottoman period, but also to a wider community of scholars interested in the history of publishing and the construction of identity in the Middle East, Europe, and elsewhere.

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Tang, Xiaobing. "The Ocular Turn, Misty Poetry, and a Postrevolutionary Imagination." Prism 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 62–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-7480333.

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Abstract “The Answer,” a poem by Bei Dao first published in 1978, marks the emergence of a defiant voice in contemporary Chinese poetry and asserts skepticism as the political stance of a young generation in post–Cultural Revolution China. It also heralds a historic transition from an era of sonic agitation to an aesthetics based on visual perception and contemplation. This rereading of Bei Dao's canonical poem and other related texts goes back to the late 1970s, when the political implications of the human senses were firmly grasped and heatedly debated. The author shows that an ocular turn occurs in “The Answer” and drives the aesthetic as well as political pursuits of a new generation of poets. He further argues that, in a moment still enthralled with a revolutionary sonic culture, Misty poetry disavowed aural excitement and was part of the reconditioning of the human senses in preparation for a postrevolutionary order and sensibility.

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HICKOK, MICHAEL ROBERT. "M. ŞÜKRÜ HANIOĞLU, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902–1908 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). Pp. 554. $75.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 35, no. 1 (February 2003): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743803280077.

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Smith, Pamela Jane. "‘The Coup’: How Did the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia Become the Prehistoric Society?" Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 65 (1999): 465–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00002103.

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One of Piggott's Young Turks, C.W. Phillips (1987, 48), wrote in his autobiography, ‘By 1935, I was to be part-author of a revolution in the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia and become Hon. Secretary of the national Prehistoric Society conjured from its ashes.’To this day, the transition of the regional Prehistoric Society of East Anglia to the national Prehistoric Society is remembered as a well planned coup. The story of an abrupt and resisted occupation of this key institution stands vividly in collective archaeological memory. In a recent interview, Thurstan Shaw, who took a First in the Cambridge Archaeology and Anthropology Tripos in 1936, clearly remembered his very young teacher, Grahame Clark, ‘referring to the take-over with considerable satisfaction’ (Shaw, in conversation with the author, 1996). Another of Clark's students, Jack Golson, who graduated in '51, maintains that Phillips, Clark, Hawkes, and Piggott took the Society out of an ‘East Anglia frame to a national level … They stacked it!’ (Golson, in conversation with the author, 1996).

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Elman, Cheryl. "Old Age, Economic Activity, and Living Arrangements in the Early-Twentieth-Century United States." Social Science History 20, no. 3 (1996): 439–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018733.

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Two major transitions in U.S. household structure involving the living arrangements of the elderly have taken place over the last two centuries. The first transition, around 1820, marked the demise of the colonial household economy and the rise of a privatized household economy (Degler 1980; Demos 1986; Lasch 1977; Ruggles 1987; Rutman 1977; Ryan 1981). The old tended to share households with the nonold after this time, and the prevalence of coresidence peaked at the turn of the twentieth century (Ruggles 1987). The second shift, around the late 1940s, marked a quiet “demographic revolution” in living arrangements (Smith 1986). It brought a rapid decline in intergenerational coresidence and a parallel rise in young adults and the elderly living as primary individuals.

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SCHOCKET, ANDREW M. "Little Founders on the Small Screen: Interpreting a Multicultural American Revolution for Children's Television." Journal of American Studies 45, no. 1 (May 13, 2010): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875810000630.

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From 2002 to 2004, the children's animated series Liberty's Kids aired on the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS), the United States' public television network. It runs over forty half-hour episodes and features a stellar cast, including such celebrities as Walter Cronkite, Michael Douglas, Yolanda King, Whoopi Goldberg, Billy Crystal, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Liam Neeson, and Annette Bening. Television critics generally loved it, and there are now college students who can trace their interest in the American Revolution to having watched this series when they were children. At the turn of the twenty-first century, it is the most extended and in-depth encounter with the American Revolution that most young people in the United States are likely to have encountered, and is appropriately patriotic and questioning, celebratory and chastening. Although children certainly learn a great deal about multiculturalism from popular culture, the tropes and limitations of depicting history on television trend toward personification, toward reduced complexity and, for children, toward resisting examining the darker sides of human experience. As this essay suggests, the genre's limits match the limits of a multicultural history in its attempt to show diversity and agency during a time when “liberty and justice for all” proved to be more apt as an aspiration at best and an empty slogan at worst than as an accurate depiction of the society that proclaimed it. This essay is not an effort to be, as Robert Sklar put it, a “historian cop,” policing the accuracy of the series by patrolling for inaccuracies. Rather, it is a consideration of the inherent difficulties of trying to apply a multicultural sensibility to a portrayal of the American Revolution.

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Norris, Pippa. "Are We All Green Now? Public Opinion on Environmentalism in Britain." Government and Opposition 32, no. 3 (July 1997): 320–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00773.x.

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OWING TO THE GROWTH OF THE GREEN MOVEMENT IN THE 1980S MANY feel that Britain has experienced a cultural revolution on environmental issues. According to conventional wisdom, public opinion has come to reflect a deep-rooted and widespread sense of environmental awareness, with long-term consequences for British politics. Yearley suggests that there has been a significant ‘greening’ of British public opinion in recent years.’ In a series of articles reviewing attitudes towards environmental values, Young concludes that evidence for a culture shift ‘is almost beyond dispute’. Environmentalists commonly make three distinct claims, namely: there has been a growth of public concern about environmental issues; as a result public support for green policies and ideas has increased; in turn this has led to greater environmental activism, including support for the Green Party, involvement in environmental groups and green consumerism.

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Zürcher, Erik Jan. "Atatürk as a Young Turk." New Perspectives on Turkey 41 (2009): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005422.

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Tarasti, Eero. "The semiotics of A. J. Greimas: A European intellectual heritage seen from the inside and the outside." Sign Systems Studies 45, no. 1/2 (July 5, 2017): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2017.45.1-2.03.

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The essay deals with the formation of the Greimassian thought from its earliest origins in his young years at Kaunas University, i.e. his connections with Wilhelm Sesemann, Lev Karsavin and Russian formalism, to the rise of structuralism in Paris. The Paris School approach stems from Sémantique structurale (1967) leading to the ‘third semiotic revolution’, as Greimas called it, by the invention of the modalities. This made his method close to even analytic philosophy and modal logics. In both, a linguistic turn and use of formal logics took place. Yet Greimas’ semiotics grew out of a purely linguistic framework into a broader philosophical approach. Nowadays, considered one of the classics of the semiotic scene, his method still has not lost anything of its analytic acuity and epistemic temptation. Even such new paradigms as existential semiotics grow organically from some Greimas’ ideas which have kept their relevance.

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Journal articles on the topic 'The Young Turk Revolution'

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