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Journal articles on the topic 'Theology, doctrinal, history'

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1

Ciftci, Mehmet. "Recovering the unity of theology by means of mariology." Scottish Journal of Theology 72, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 191–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693061900005x.

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AbstractThis paper argues that Western theology has lost a certain intellectual unity by becoming divided between dogmatic theology (or doctrine) and moral theology (or ethics). The history of theological reflection on Mary illustrates this, because it has become confined to dogmatic theology and has hardly ever been discussed in the context of morals. However, mariology can help us to understand the doctrinal foundations that must support any adequate moral theology. By helping us to see how morals depend on dogma, mariology can help us to recover the unity of theology.
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2

Rathel, David Mark. "John Gill and the History of Redemption as Mere Shadow." Journal of Reformed Theology 11, no. 4 (January 22, 2018): 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-01104001.

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Abstract John Gill was an influential minister and theologian of the eighteenth century. Deeply influenced by the Reformed tradition, he made significant innovation to the doctrine of the covenant of redemption. Current surveys of his theology have unfortunately not adequately explored this innovation. The primary cause of this failure is a lack of attention to Gill’s historical context, a context shaped by doctrinal antinomianism and no-offer Calvinism. This article will contextualize Gill’s thought and provide a more accurate reading of his covenant theology by arguing that he offered a unique construction of the covenant of redemption that radically minimized human agency in the reception of salvation.
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3

Sampson, John. "Unearthing Treasure in Clay Jars: T. C. Chao and the Formation of Chinese Dogmatic Theology." Studies in World Christianity 29, no. 2 (July 2023): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2023.0432.

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T. C. Chao (1888–1979) was a leading Chinese Protestant theologian renowned for his creative works of Chinese theology. Although scholars have traced significant changes and shifts in Chao’s theology in the 1940s, a particular formal aspect of his mature thinking has not received the attention it deserves. Chao began to emphasise and practise a particular form of Chinese theology in the 1940s and early 1950s, namely, doctrinal or dogmatic theology. This paper traces the development of Chao’s dogmatic theology and examines one representative dogmatic locus in his thinking, the doctrine of the Trinity. It argues that Chao’s turn to dogmatics not only richly illuminates a crucial aspect of his mature life and thought, but also sheds light on the legacy of Andrew Walls, whose work highlights Christianity’s cross-cultural diffusion and the gospel’s encounter with the cultural worlds it takes root within.
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Arnold, Jonathan. "New directions in music and theology." Theology 126, no. 1 (January 2023): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x221146276.

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This short article surveys one small but important debate taking place in Christian music theology regarding the arts and divine revelation. Jeremy Begbie’s theology through the arts allows for music’s revelatory testimony within the context of Scripture, doctrine and Christian history. David Brown and Gavin Hopps’ notion of the extravagance of music argues for music’s ability to break down doctrinal and scriptural limitations, where being open to the divine mystery through spiritual musical experience can replace the need for religious revelation through Scripture or the Church. I conclude that both camps start with theological concepts that shape the outcome of their arguments.
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Webster, John. "Hermeneutics in Modern Theology: Some Doctrinal Reflections." Scottish Journal of Theology 51, no. 3 (August 1998): 307–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600056738.

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The territory indicated by my title is impossibly vast, and some delimitations are in order at the beginning. What follows does not attempt any kind of thorough or nuanced historical analysis of the great tangle of issues to which the terms of the title refer. ‘Hermeneutics’ and ‘modern theology’ don't exist as simple entities; the terms are shorthand ways of identifying very complex traditions of thought and cultural practices, and a serious attempt to trace those traditions and the variations in their relationship would be little short of a history of Western Christian thought since the rise of nominalism. What is offered here is more restricted and precise, chiefly an essay in Christian dogmatics. At its simplest, my proposal is that the Christian activity of reading the Bible is most properly (that is, Christianly) understood as a spiritual affair, and accordingly as a matter for theological description. That is to say, a Christian description of the Christian reading of the Bible will be the kind of description which talks of God and therefore talks of all other realitiessub specie divinitatis. There is certainly an historical corollary to this proposal — namely, the need for some account of why the dominant traditions of Western Protestantism (and more recently of Western Catholicism) have largely laid aside, or at least lost confidence in, this kind of dogmatic depiction of the church's reading of the Bible, replacing it with, or annexing it to, hermeneutical theory of greater or lesser degrees of sophistication and greater or lesser degrees of theological content.
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Nessan, Craig L. "The Necessity and Limit of a Contextual Theology." Mission Studies 20, no. 1 (2003): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338303x00160.

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AbstractContextual theology is a necessity, but it also has limits. This is the thesis of Craig L. Nessan in this article. It is a necessity because of the Incarnation of Jesus Christ and the sacramental nature of Christian life. God is always revealed in particular times and places. Nevertheless, argues Nessan, contextual theology is limited by the consistency of God's character and activity. "While it is vital to pay attention to the particularity of God's revelation within a given context, it is equally necessary to affirm the coherence of God's characteristic way of becoming revealed." Careful reflection on the development of Christian doctrine demonstrates the value of attending both to its contextuality and its consistency. Doctrinal expression of faith provides the particularity of contextual expression (a certain language, culture, period) on the one hand, and provides the parameters of orthodoxy (the church's faith) on the other.
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7

Gregersen, Niels Henrik. "Dogmatik som samtidsteologi." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 71, no. 4 (June 26, 2023): 290–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v71i4.138285.

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This essay develops a program for defining doctrinal studies as the descriptive and normative study of contemporary Christian thought. “Dogmatics” is contemporary theology in the two-fold sense of studying current varieties of Christian doctrine, worldview formation and ethos, and of constructing coherent and self-reflexive proposals for Christian teachings in contemporary contexts. History of doctrine remains an important sub-discipline which serves the purpose of clarifying basic grammars and continuing patterns of Christian thought. Likewise, the study of major theologians exemplifies how well-winnowed theological proposals of the past may continue to inspire and inform contemporary theology. The focal interest, however, lies in analyzing and re-articulating contemporary expressions of Christian faith, while evaluating the potentials of Christian semantics for future Christian communication practices. The regulative rules of Christian grammars, the fluid forms of Christian semantics, and the communicative potentials of Christian pragmatics thus make up the core subject-matter of contemporary theology. It is furthermore argued that contemporary theology is to be pursued in the interest of the society at large. Yet the field has a special function for the Church. For while contemporary theologians propose, communities of faith dispose when it comes to the fate and fortunes of the theological proposals.
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8

Atwood, Craig D. "Apologizing for the Moravians: Spangenberg's “Idea Fidei Fratrum." Journal of Moravian History 8, no. 1 (2010): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41179900.

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Abstract After Zinzendorf's death in 1760, August Gottlieb Spangenberg became the major leader of the Moravian Church. Spangenberg's historical and doctrinal publications helped define Moravian theology and practice in the second half of the eighteenth century. In this article, the author argues that the Idea Fidei Fratrum (1779), Spangenberg's most important theological work, was primarily written as an apology for the Moravians as they were struggling with their public image after the death of Zinzendorf. It also serves as a rare example of a systematic theology written by a Moravian leader. By marginalizing key aspects of Zinzendorf's theology and placing Moravian teaching on the foundation of the Augsburg Confession, the Idea Fidei Fratrum was a public demonstration of the theological orthodoxy of the Moravian Church.
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9

Maschke, Timothy. ":The Substance of Faith: Luther's Doctrinal Theology for Today." Sixteenth Century Journal 42, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj23076713.

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10

Micali, Luciano. "The Notion of "communis schola" in the Thought of Jean Gerson (1363–1429)." Studia Ceranea 11 (December 30, 2021): 633–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.33.

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The article aims to analyze the meaning and the role of the notion of communis schola in the theological and ecclesiological thought of Jean Gerson (1363–1429), Chancellor of the University of Paris, schoolman influent in every intellectual debate of his time, and renowned spiritual advisor. Driven by a constant concern for the unity of the Church, Gerson is aware of the need to realize this unity first of all within the University environment, in order to avoid the circulation and the spread of heterodox or even heretical doctrines; his references to the concept of “common school”, in different textual contexts and with various shades of meaning, invest not only the doctrinal contents, but also the methodology, the moral attitudes, and the right theological models of the ideal master and of the ideal student of theology. The article also touches the way in which the Parisian chancellor deals with mysticism and mystical writers, using the concept of “common school” to define the borders and the terms in which it is possible to access the difficult and obscure field of the mystical theology.
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Dingel, Irene. "Das Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum und seine Nachwirkung." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2008.

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Abstract Hardly any corpus doctrinae had as intensive a reception and as wide a dissemination as the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum (1560). Situating it in the history of the concept of a corpus doctrinae and briefly sketching its origin and goal elucidate the function and significance of this collection of Melanchthon’s writings. An intensive investigation reveals however any connection of this work with the development of the Reformation in Siebenbürgen (ung. Erdély, rum. Transilvania) in the later 16th century. The records of the Siebenbürgen synods mention the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum occasionally, revealing the extent to which it served as a norm for public teaching. Unique and characteristic for Siebenbürgen is that the Formula of Concord (1577) did not replace this Corpus Doctrinae; it remained influential long into the seventeenth century. It was however interpreted within the horizon of a Wittenberg theology that was marked by the pre-confessional harmony and doctrinal agreement between Luther and Melanchthon while seeking to ignore Philippist interpretations and focusing on the common teachings of both reformers.
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12

te Velde, Dolf. "Eloquent Silence: The Doctrine of God in the Synopsis of Purer Theology." Church History and Religious Culture 92, no. 4 (2012): 581–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09220075.

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This article sketches the theological profile of the Synopsis Purioris Theologiae (1625) by focusing on its exposition of the doctrine of God. Earlier disputations by Leiden theologians Franciscus Junius (1545–1602) and Franciscus Gomarus (1563–1641) are discussed as a background for the theology of Antonius Thysius (1565–1640), the author of the disputation in the Synopsis on God’s nature and attributes. For a further specification of the doctrinal position presented in the Synopsis, it is contrasted with the more innovative accounts proposed by Jacob Arminius (1559–1609) in his disputation “De natura Dei” (1603) and by Conrad Vorstius (1569–1622) in his Tractatus theologicus de Deo (1606). This analysis yields the conclusion that both Arminius and Vorstius advocated a structural differentiation between God’s inner essence and his outward operations, which leaves room for human freedom and independence. While the Synopsis does not explicitly discuss their views, in its own formulations itmaintains the common Reformed orthodox notion of divine simplicity, and keeps the balance between—on the one hand—the (hypothetical) necessity of God’s foreknowledge and decree, and—on the other hand—the contingency and freedom in the created world.
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13

Marsh, Clive. "Rembrandt Reads the Gospels: Form, Context and Theological Responsibility in New Testament Interpretation." Scottish Journal of Theology 50, no. 4 (November 1997): 399–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600049735.

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Art is part of the history of the church, and relates to spirituality and to the practical expression of Christian faith. It illustrates theological loci and biblical themes. Often, the art which fulfils this function does so with the conscious intent of the artist; sometimes not. Attempts have been made, however, to argue that art not only illustrates theology, but also contributes to it. Even so, systematic theologians and biblical scholars — when they do talk to each other — still converse on the basis of largely word-centred approaches to their tasks. I am neither systematic theologian nor biblical scholar, precisely because I attempt to keep a foot in both camps. I am even less of an art critic. Yet it is clear that in the world of art there is a whole area of exploration yet to be ventured into not only historically (have we really sufficiently explored how biblical interpretation and doctrinal theology have been influenced by art?) but also from the perspective of constructive theology (what contribution can art past and present make to the very reformulation and expansion of Christian doctrine?). This paper offers a brief reading of three paintings by Rembrandt, of the Emmaus Road story in Luke 24.13–35. The theological significance of the changing interpretations of the passage is drawn out and the implications of the use of the paintings, in terms of the creative use of the Bible in Christian theology.
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14

Nweke, K. Chinedu, and Rowland Onyenali. "Contextualization as a Critical Transformative Agent in Christianity." Exchange 47, no. 2 (April 18, 2018): 154–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341476.

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Abstract There is an increasing acceptance that every theology is contextual. There is an equally commensurate rising concerns whether contextualization in theology is not undermining Christianity and devaluing the concept of ‘the Truth’. Among the reasons for this problem are the consequence of a blemished Christian history, the eternal truth of God in an ephemeral world, and the upsurge of pluralistic theologies with the ‘de-westernization’ of Christian theology. These have thematized contextualization in contemporary theology as important and at the same time, problematic. This work rather argues that contextualization has been part of Christianity in the interpretation and propagation of Christ’s message, and that as far as it is an indispensable aspect of Christian theologies, it must neither devalue Christian religiosity nor suggest that the eternal God who happened in history can be subjected to historicity. Through the exposé of the social-territorial, political, religious and economic contexts, and the analysis of the doctrinal, exegetical and missiological historicity of Christianity, this work reflects contextualization in different phases of Christian developments, and its relevance in the present time. It tries to establish that Christianity happened in context, and that it continues to happen in context to every person, group or culture it meets. Contextualization is a strength of Christianity.
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15

Walsham, Alexandra. "Eating the Forbidden Fruit: Pottery and Protestant Theology in Early Modern England." Journal of Early Modern History 24, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342661.

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Abstract This article offers insight into Protestant attitudes towards food by exploring seventeenth- and eighteenth-century English delftware dishes and chargers decorated with the biblical motif of the Temptation of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. It investigates the biblical story and doctrinal assumptions that underpinned this iconography and considers how objects decorated with it illuminate the ethics of eating in the godly household and reformed culture. Analyzing a range of visual variations on this theme, it approaches this species of Christian materiality as a form of embodied theology. Such pottery encouraged spectators to recognize the interconnections between sexual temptation and the sensual temptation presented by gluttony and to engage in spiritual and moral reflection. Probing the nexus between piety and bodily pleasure, the article also seeks to complicate traditional stereotypes about puritan asceticism.
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STEWART, DEVIN J. "Ibn al-Nadīm's Ismāʿīlī Contacts." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 19, no. 1 (January 2009): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186308009048.

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Iraq in the tenth and eleventh centuries witnessed a flowering of Shiite cultural production with lasting effects on the Islamic sciences such as law, hadith, theology, and Qur'anic commentary. The works of al-Shaykh al-Mufīd (d. 413/1022), al-Sharīf al-Murtaḍā (d. 436/1044), and al-Shaykh al-Ṭūsī (d. 460/1067) not only broke significant new ground in Shiite intellectual history and defended Shiite doctrinal positions against opponents, but also set parameters for production in these fields that would remain in effect, grosso modo, until modern times. During the same period, Shiite authors made substantial contributions to fields not directly related to Shiite religious doctrine, playing a crucial role in elaborating and preserving Islamic heritage in general. Al-Masʿūdī's (d. 345/956) famous history Murūj al-dhahab and Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī's (d. 356/967) collection of songs, poetry, and associated lore, Kitāb al-Aghānī, are prominent examples of Shiite authors' contributions to general Arabo-Islamic cultural production. Arguably yet more important is the Fihrist, composed in Baghdad in 377-378 ah/987-988 ce by Ibn al-Nadīm, an Imāmī Shiite bookseller. This work, a comprehensive catalogue of Arabic book titles, is widely recognised as one of the most important sources for the history of all learned disciplines recorded in Arabic in the course of the first four Islamic centuries. As a consequence, the present understanding of entire swaths of Islamic intellectual history, including the rise and development of Muʿtazilī theology and the translation of the Greek sciences into Arabic, is heavily indebted to a Shiite author.
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Weinreich, Spencer J. "Sums Theological: Doing Theology with the London Bills of Mortality, 1603–1666." Church History 90, no. 4 (December 2021): 799–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002833.

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AbstractFrom 1603 until the mid-nineteenth century, weekly bills of mortality were printed and published in London, providing detailed statistics on births, deaths, and plague fatalities for each parish. This article analyzes the currency of the bills and their numbers in English religious thought during and after the four great plague epidemics London experienced in the course of the seventeenth century (1603–1604, 1625–1626, 1636, and 1665–1666). A broad survey of sermons, pamphlets, treatises, poems, and dialogues from these years reveals not only the bills’ ubiquity as an index of divine punishments, but the new kinds of intellectual work made possible by a multiplicity of numbers keyed to times and places. Claims about the moral, doctrinal, and political meanings behind the plague could now be made with an unprecedented specificity and sophistication, seized upon by High Church Anglicans, Puritans, and Dissenters alike. As an episode in the history of empirical theology, the bills’ ecclesiastical reception vindicates theology's central place in the epistemological transformations of the early modern period, as well as the influence of new kinds of empirical data on the parameters of religious thought.
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Pettersen, Alvyn. "The Arian Context of Athanasius of Alexandria's Tomus ad Antiochenos VII." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 41, no. 2 (April 1990): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900074388.

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In the last decade of the reign of Emperor Constantius (351–61), Christians in Antioch in Syria were still in a state of turmoil. This turmoil had ecclesiastical overtones, but was essentially doctrinal in origin. The doctrinal issues were of two kinds, one theological and the other Christological, the former centring around the relationship of the Son to the divine Father and the latter around the nature of Christ's humanity. Regarding the first there was a contest for supremacy between the theologies of the hard-line Nicene party, the successors of Bishop Eustathius, who supported the Nicene assertion of consubstantiality of Father and Son, the Meletians, who to all intents were Nicene, and the Arians under their bishop Eudoxius, who resisted the Nicene thinking. The Christological issue, a concern of Eustathius for some time, was given new impetus in Antioch by Eudoxius when he denied Christ's human soul. Meanwhile, in Laodicea, not far south of Antioch, Apollinarius was active. He was an orthodox Nicene trinitarian in his fight against the Arian theology of George of Laodicea.
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Kärkkäinen, Veli-Matti. "“Epistemology, Ethos, and Environment”: In Search of a Theology of Pentecostal Theological Education." Pneuma 34, no. 2 (2012): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007412x639889.

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Abstract The purpose of this essay is to take a theological look at Pentecostal theological education at the global level. While dialoguing widely with various current and historical discussions of the theology of theological education, particularly with David Kelsey of Yale University, the essay urges Pentecostals to negotiate an epistemology that corrects and goes beyond both modernity and postmodernity. The essay also urges Pentecostals to negotiate several seeming opposites such as “academic” versus “spiritual” or “doctrinal” versus “critical.” The final part of the essay offers Pentecostals some advice and inspiration from the reservoirs of the long history and experience of non-Pentecostal theological institutions.
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Fuhrer, Therese. "Augustine’s Moulding of the Manichaean Idea of God in the Confessions." Vigiliae Christianae 67, no. 5 (2013): 531–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341155.

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Abstract The present study aims to ask whether Augustine utilised elements of Manichaean theology to give an account of and profile to the Nicene Christian doctrinal system. In the Confessions Augustine links his narrative of the encounter with the Manichaeans, right from the start, to an epistemologically grounded critique of their idea of God (conf. 3.10f.). Whereas the pagan myths can be assigned the function of referring to non-fictional and thus ‘true’ spheres of meaning, the motifs of Manichaean myth are empty forms (phantasmata) without any reference to reality, which they are supposed to explain. The paper argues that this anti-Manichaean critique of myth is the starting-point for a theory of knowledge of God which opposes the biblical imago dei to the Manichaean phantasmata and can thus be understood as having been conceptualised in opposition to Mani’s doctrine of God.
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García-Alonso, Marta. "Le pouvoir disciplinaire chez Calvin." Renaissance and Reformation 33, no. 4 (December 12, 2011): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v33i4.15970.

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This paper discusses the doctrinal foundations of criminal law in Calvin’s ecclesiology, namely his theology of the original sin, and its practical implementation in Geneva’s consistory. On these grounds, I analyse the distinction between civil and ecclesiastical criminal law. Both State and Church were granted by Calvin a ius gladii, but only the former can claim a right to impose physical punishment, whereas the latter should just punish spiritually. Here lays, in my view, the difference between law and discipline.
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Lockley, Philip. "Church Planting and the Parish in Durham Diocese, 1970–1990: Church Growth Controversies in Recent Historical Perspective." Journal of Anglican Studies 16, no. 2 (March 20, 2018): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355318000025.

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AbstractThis article unearths the forgotten history of the first modern church planting scheme in the Church of England: an attempt to restructure parish ministry in Chester-le-Street, near Durham, in the 1970s and 1980s. This story of rapid growth followed by decline, and of an evangelical church’s strained relations with their liberal bishop, David Jenkins, has pertinence for contemporary Anglican antagonisms over ‘fresh expressions’ and other church planting programmes. A culture of mistrust is arguably apparent both then and now, between liberals and conservatives in ecclesiology, even as the same line divides those of the reverse tendency in broader, doctrinal theology: conservatives from liberals. Developments, decisions and, indeed, debacles in the story of Chester-le-Street parish point to the urgent need for liberals and conservatives in Anglican ecclesiology and theology to overcome their mistrust of each other by recognizing the other as valuable for the mutual strengthening and renewal of the Church.
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O'Connor, Priscilla. "Irish Students in the Paris Faculty of Theology: Aspects of Doctrinal Controversy in the Ancien Regime, 1730-60." Archivium Hibernicum 52 (1998): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25484165.

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Brown, Christopher Boyd. "Art and the Artist in the Lutheran Reformation: Johannes Mathesius and Joachimsthal." Church History 86, no. 4 (December 2017): 1081–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717002062.

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Luther's student Johann Mathesius, longtime pastor in the Bohemian mining town of Joachimsthal, provides a lens for seeing early modern art and artists through Lutheran eyes, challenging modern interpretations of the dire consequences of the Reformation for the visual arts.1For Mathesius, pre-Reformation art provided not only evidence of old idolatry but also testimony to the preservation of Evangelical faith under the papacy. After the Reformation, Joachimsthal's Lutherans were active in commissioning new works of art to fill the first newly built Protestant church, including an altarpiece from Lucas Cranach's workshop. Mathesius's appreciation of this art includes not only its biblical and doctrinal content but also its aesthetic quality. In an extended sermon on the construction of the Tabernacle in Exodus 31, Mathesius draws on Luther's theology of the special inspiration of the “great men” of world history to develop a Lutheran theology of artistic inspiration, in which artists are endowed by the Holy Spirit with extraordinary skills and special creative gifts, intended to be used in service of the neighbor by adorning the divinely appointed estates of government, church, and household.
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Cumin, Paul. "Robert Jenson and the spirit of it all: or, you (sometimes) wonder where everything else went." Scottish Journal of Theology 60, no. 2 (April 20, 2007): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930607003183.

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Three aspects of Robert Jenson's theology are investigated and then related according to their common pneumatological implications. First Jenson's neo-Barthian doctrine of revelation is considered as it leads him to an immediate or near-immediate relation of the being and act of God. This puts particular tensions on how he maintains the ontological distinction between creator and creation. Second, the same tension is found repeated in the way Jenson rejects the notion of divine timelessness. In bringing the being of God into history, and time into the being of God, he eventually calls the Father, Son and Spirit the ‘past’, ‘present’ and ‘future’ of the triune life. These tensions are heightened even further in the third section. With his characteristic concept of ‘narrative causality’ Jenson attempts a constructive recovery of Hegelian categories by suggesting the ‘End’ – as brought about by the Spirit-‘Outcome’ of God – is that ‘sublation which is itself not sublated’. The article concludes without entering the specifically Hegelian controversy, rather with more simple questions about the doctrinal integrity of Jenson's eschatology.
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ANDRÉE, ALEXANDER. "PETER COMESTOR'S LECTURES ON THE GLOSSA “ORDINARIA” ON THE GOSPEL OF JOHN THE BIBLE AND THEOLOGY IN THE TWELFTH-CENTURY CLASSROOM." Traditio 71 (2016): 203–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2016.2.

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The traditional account of the development of theology in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is that the emerging “academic” discipline of theology was separated from the Bible and its commentary, that the two existed on parallel but separate courses, and that the one developed in a “systematic” direction whereas the other continued to exist as a separate “practical” or “biblical-moral” school. Focusing largely on texts of an allegedly “theoretical” nature, this view misunderstands or, indeed, entirely overlooks the evidence issuing from lectures on the Bible — postills, glosses, and commentaries — notably the biblical Glossa “ordinaria.” A witness to an alternative understanding, Peter Comestor, master and chancellor of the cathedral school of Paris in the second half of the twelfth century, shows that theology was created as much from the continued study of the Bible as from any “systematic” treatise. Best known for his Historia scholastica, a combined explanation and rewrite of the Bible focusing on the historical and literal aspects of sacred history, Comestor used the Gloss as a textbook in his lectures on the Gospels both to elucidate matters of exegesis and to help him deduce doctrinal truth. Through a close reading of Comestor's lectures on the Gospel of John, this essay reevaluates the teaching of theology at the cathedral school of Paris in the twelfth century and argues that the Bible and its Gloss stood at the heart of this development.
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Shyovitz, David I. "“You Have Saved Me from the Judgment of Gehenna”: The Origins of the Mourner's Kaddish in Medieval Ashkenaz." AJS Review 39, no. 1 (April 2015): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000646.

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This article traces the origins and rapid spread of the Mourner's Kaddish, a liturgical custom first attested in late twelfth- early thirteenth-century Ashkenazic halakhic texts. While scholars have traditionally linked it to the martyrological needs of post-1096 Ashkenazic communities, this article suggests that the rise of the Mourner's Kaddish was one manifestation of a broader shift in medieval Jewish conceptions of the afterlife. An analysis of the exemplum that provided the new custom with a “myth of origins” reveals carefully inserted allusions and symbolism, which together propound a coherent theology of eschatology, divine recompense, and intercessory prayer. This theology closely mirrors doctrinal developments underway in Christian Europe—specifically the “birth of purgatory” and its accompanying commemorative and intercessory practices. The exemplum, moreover, couches its message in subtly polemical terms, criticizing and ridiculing those very elements of Christian belief and practice that were being covertly incorporated into the Jewish liturgical realm.
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French, Talmadge. ""In Jesus' Name": A Key Resource on the Worldwide Pentecostal Phenomenon & the Oneness, Apostolic, or Jesus' Name Movement." Pneuma 31, no. 2 (2009): 267–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/027209609x12470371387921.

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AbstractThe review summarizes the implications of David Reed's excellent study of Oneness Pentecostalism as a major treatment of the movement in which the sections regarding its background, history, and theology are equally comprehensive. Reed's work sets the movement, not in the context of its global expansion and impact, but within the context of its historical development amidst an array of Evangelical-Pentecostal tensions. It characterizes the movement as a sect, rather than a cult, and as a worldwide expression of Pentecostalism in its own right. This review, therefore, explores Reed's argumentation in which he explains its historical development as a movement rooted, first and foremost, in pietism, especially Wesleyan, which used Jewish categories, similar to the practice of early Jewish rather than Nicene Christianity. Reed contends that a tendency towards a Jesus-centric 'reductionism' in Evangelicalism shaped the movement and most of its patterns of doctrinal 'imbalances.' The specific setting for this influence is seen as the theology of William Durham, specifically, and the restoration impulses of Pentecostalism, generally.
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Thyssen, Henrik Pontoppidan. "Philosophical Christology in the New Testament." Numen 53, no. 2 (2006): 133–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852706777974531.

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AbstractThe idea of this article is to determine the sense of the Logos in the Prologue of John's gospel by making use of the subsequent Christian doctrinal tradition. As an introduction, the general influence of Hellenistic Judaism on early Christian speculative theology and exegesis is illustrated by examples from Philo and Justin. Justin's exegesis is evaluated in accordance with the principle of Wilhelm Bousset, that learned scriptural demonstration (Schriftgelehrsamkeit) is not the source of doctrine but a post-rationalisation of existing doctrines. Then, Justin's argument from Scripture for Logos-Christology (Dial. 61–62), which is based on Genesis 1:26 and Wisdom 8:22–30, is taken as the point of departure. This argument informs us about the philosophical ideas behind Justin's Logos-Christology, which according to Bousset's principle preceded it. Further, it is argued that Justin's scriptural argument shows that the traditional derivation of the Logos of the Prologue from the word of creation of Genesis 1 did not exist at that early stage, since if it did, that derivation ought to have appeared in Justin. Since no other derivation of a Logos in the cosmological sense from the Bible is possible, the presence of this idea in John can only be explained as the result of influence from the eclectic philosophy of Jewish Hellenism (Philo). This conclusion is confirmed by the demonstration that the idea of universal innate knowledge, familiar from Justin's doctrine of the Logos, also appears in the Prologue of John. The argument for this is that it cannot be fortuitous that the traditional translation of John 1:9 lends itself to this interpretation. As the idea of universal innate knowledge is an idea unique to Greek philosophy, this observation settles the matter definitively. The origin of the traditional interpretation of the Logos goes back to Tertullian's interest in producing an exegesis that complies with the Latin translation of John 1.
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Lie, Geir. "The Theology of E. W. Kenyon: Plain Heresy or Within the Boundaries of Pentecostal-Charismatic "Orthodoxy"?" Pneuma 22, no. 1 (2000): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007400x00079.

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AbstractEssek William Kenyon (1867-1948) is a figure not readily identified by students of American religious history, and yet his influence on the twentieth-century religious history (particularly its Pentecostal and Charismatic expressions) is profound....Although Kenyon himself was never a Pentecostal, his influence on this segment of Christendom is extensive. Indeed, the earliest and most profound split among Pentecostals came as the result of William Durham's sermons on "the Finished Work of Christ"teachings that he apparently had received from Kenyon....Kenyon's writings have been widely plagiarized, thus spreading his teachings, if not his name, to millions worldwide. This last trend is especially evident in the independent Charismatic movement (led by Kenneth E. Hagin), whose entire doctrinal framework has been lifted from Kenyon without acknowledgement. Through its virtual domination of the electronic church and the thousands of graduates of its Bible training schools, the independent Charismatic movement has helped to spread Kenyon's influence on an ever-widening scale.
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Storch, Neil T. "John Ireland and the Modernist Controversy." Church History 54, no. 3 (September 1985): 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165660.

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The effects of the condemnation of Modernism in the opening decades of the twentieth century were deep and far reaching. The Vatican, continuing its long-standing feud with doctrinal Modernism, took sharp, decisive action on 3 July 1907 when the Holy Office issued a syllabus, Lamentabili sane exitu, listing sixty-five condemned propositions taken mostly from the writings of the noted French theologian and exegete Alfred Loisy.1 Two months later, on 8 September, Pius X renewed the attack with his anti-Modernist encyclical, Pascendi Dominici gregis.2 The encyclical outlined and condemned “most attempts then being made by European Catholics, priests and laity, to incorporate the most recent nonscholastic research and scholarship into the development of theology and scripture studies.”
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Alvrtsyan, Haykazun. "Perception Of The Spiritual Symbol In Armenian Medieval Philosophy And Theology." WISDOM 13, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v13i2.274.

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The article presents the perceptions and viewpoints of the Armenian medieval literary men concerning the spiritual symbol. Being anchored in the pan-Christian perception of the symbol, it laid the basis of the symbolic-allegorical thinking of the Armenian spiritual culture. In the history of the Armenian medieval literature and art studies, the analysis of symbols, in essence, the discovery of the epiphany in them, which is the fundamental meaning of the culture, have often been neglected. Today there is a necessity to analyse the spiritual culture in a new way to dig out its ideological – world outlook basis conditioned by the artistic and the festival and ritual functions of the different types of art. Such a research also enables us to comprehend the aesthetic, artistic and doctrinal - philosophical merits of the spiritual culture (literature, miniature, architecture, etc.) created throughout the centuries and still unknown to us in a new way, to review the system of criteria and ideological-methodological basis of the evaluation, which bears a great significance for the complete and precise perception and evaluation of the Armenian art and literature of the Middle Ages.
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Astorri, Paolo, and Søren Frank Jensen. "Heinrich Hahn (1605–1668). A Portrait of a Lutheran Jurist at the University of Helmstedt." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 108, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 204–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2022-0005.

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Abstract This article provides a first sketch of the scholarly and confessional identity of the Helmstedt law professor, Heinrich Hahn (1605–1668). It analyses Hahn’s most important work, a commentary on the Paratitla by Matthaeus Wesenbeck (1531–1586), and a funeral sermon delivered by Balthasar Cellarius (1614–1689) at Hahn’s funeral. By exploring what Hahn’s work reveals about his religious convictions alongside Cellarius’ portrait of him, the article presents a paradigmatic model of the interaction between law and religion in the early modern period. In his commentary, Hahn employs Scholastic moral theology, both at the level of general principles and in the resolution of legal problems. However, when it comes to decisive doctrinal points, Hahn turns away from Catholic sources. In the sermon, Cellarius presents Hahn as an ideal law professor whose faith was the foundation of his professional ethos as well as his private life. Throughout the sermon, he questions whether jurists can be good Christians and negotiates the relationship between faith and works.
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van den Brink, Gert. "Calvin, Witsius (1636–1708), and the English Antinomians." Church History and Religious Culture 91, no. 1-2 (2011): 229–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124111x557881.

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At the core of the Reformation lies the belief that good works are excluded from man’s justification before God. Roman Catholic adversaries feared the rise of immorality and thus accused the Reformed of antinomianism. In this paper the term “doctrinal antinomians” is used for those who deny any human activity within the order of salvation. Within the Reformed tradition we do indeed find examples of such antinomians. As might be expected, they were highly criticised from within their own Reformed camp. However, as part of their defensive strategy they appealed to Calvin as one of their champions. This paper first investigates the manner in which the antinomians referred to him, and then goes on to consider whether their appeal is justified. In order to evaluate to what extent antinomian aspects can be detected in Calvin’s theology, the analysis of the antinomian position by Herman Witsius, a seventeenth-century Dutch theologian, will be used as an investigative tool.
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Vélez, Juan R. "Newman’s Compelling Reasons for a Medical School with Catholic Professors." Linacre Quarterly 87, no. 3 (April 23, 2020): 292–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0024363920917495.

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Only one year after starting the Catholic University of Ireland (1854), John Henry Newman arranged for the purchase of a medical school, the Cecilia-Street Medical School, which gained immediate success and has continued to this day as a part of University College Dublin. This article is a historical piece that examines the importance Newman gave to Catholic doctrine for the formation of medical students. He understood that according to a hierarchy of sciences, theology and religion are above medicine and its practice and that there are some important religious truths that future Catholic physicians need to learn. In this article, we present a brief history of the origins of the medical school, and discuss his choice of only Catholic professors, and his concern for the doctrinal and moral formation of future doctors. Summary: When John Henry Newman established a medical school in Dublin he chose from only Catholic professors to ensure that the students, almost all Catholic, would receive teaching consistent with their faith, and also that they would have as role models Catholic physicians. He understood the harmony between science and faith, and thus sought professors with very good medical knowledge, who at the same time professed the Catholic faith.
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Kunka, Sławomir Jerzy. "Is a Theological Synthesis Still Possible? The Paradigm of Objective Mariology." Religions 14, no. 7 (June 25, 2023): 831. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14070831.

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As a “doctrinal synthesis of the Christian faith” (St. John Paul II), the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of the Mother of God could serve as a focal point that brings together various theological concepts and approaches pertaining to salvation history. For that to happen, however, it is necessary to delve into and discover the richness of Mariology. Often regarded as a secondary discipline, as a context for other disciplines or even as a source of difficulties in ecumenical dialogue, Mariology nowadays needs a revival of its own. The call for constructing an “objective Mariology” presumes that the autonomy of theology as an academic discipline will be preserved and that theological reflection on the Virgin Mary will be objectivized in terms of both form and content. To meet these demands, one must strive to respect the supernatural purpose and sources of theology as such, and strengthen and develop biblical Mariology as well as the reflection of the Church Fathers. Furthermore, there is a need to draw from the rich legacy of the Franciscan school when reflecting on the unity of God’s plan of creation and Redemption in His eternal reasons. Finally, one must not accept a departure from the “hermeneutic of continuity” in the Catholic doctrine on the Most Blessed Virgin Mary, Mother of God, Immaculate and Assumed. The article sets out to describe the essence of the above assumptions and proposes specific conditions that would foster the development of an “objective Mariology”. In that respect, it is important to establish the First Person of the Holy Trinity as the starting point for any reflection on the plan of salvation—of which the Immaculate Conception is the ultimate origin and ultimate goal.
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Dreyer, Frederick. "A “Religious Society under Heaven”: John Wesley and the Identity of Methodism." Journal of British Studies 25, no. 1 (January 1986): 62–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385854.

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Methodism figures as a kind of puzzle in the history of eighteenth-century England. Even writers who are not unsympathetic to John Wesley sometimes find his thought incoherent and confused. “The truth should be faced,” writes Frank Baker, “that Wesley (like most of us) was a bundle of contradictions.” Albert Outler celebrates Wesley's merits not as a thinker but as a popularizer of other men's doctrines. His Wesley was “by talent and intent, afolk-theologian: an eclectic who had mastered the secret of plastic synthesis, simple profundity, the common touch.” One man's eclecticism, however, is another man's humbug. The very qualities that Outler admires are those that E. P. Thompson condemns inThe Making of the English Working Class. Here Methodist theology is dismissed as “opportunist, anti-intellectual, and otiose.” Wesley “appears to have dispensed with the best and selected unhesitatingly the worst elements of Puritanism.” In doctrinal terms Methodism was not a plastic synthesis but “a mule.” What offends Thompson is not so much Wesley's incoherence as the social ambivalence of the movement that he had created. In class terms Methodism was, Thompson says, “hermaphroditic.” It attracted both masters and men. It catered to hostile social interests. It served a “dual role, as the religion of both the exploiters and the exploited.” The belief that Methodism is socially incomprehensible and perhaps in some sense socially illegitimate is not original with Thompson. Early statements of this assumption can be found in Richard Niebuhr'sThe Social Sources of Denominationalismand in John and Barbara Hammond's The Town Labourer.
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Higgins, Sørina. "Double Affirmation: Medievalism as Christian Apologetic in the Arthurian Poetry of Charles Williams." Journal of Inklings Studies 3, no. 2 (October 2013): 59–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ink.2013.3.2.5.

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In his unfinished cycle of Arthurian poems, Charles Williams developed a totalizing mythology in which he fictionalized the Medieval. First, he employed chronological conflation, juxtaposing events and cultural references from a millennium of European history and aligning each with his doctrinal system. Second, following the Biblical metaphor of the body of Christ, Blake’s symbolism, and Rosicrucian sacramentalism, he embodied theology in the Medieval landscape via a superimposed female figure. Finally, Williams worked to show the validity of two Scholastic approaches to spirituality: the kataphatic and apophatic paths. His attempts to balance via negativa and via positiva led Williams to practical misapplication—but also to creation of a landmark work of twentieth century poetry. . . . the two great vocations, the Rejection of all images before the unimaged, the Affirmation of all images before the all-imaged, the Rejection affirming, the Affirmation rejecting. . . —from ‘The Departure of Dindrane’ —O Blessed, pardon affirmation!— —O Blessed, pardon negation!— —from ‘The Prayers of the Pope’
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Temple, Liam. "‘Have we any motherJuliana’samong us?’: The multiple identities of Julian of Norwich in Restoration England." British Catholic History 33, no. 3 (March 30, 2017): 383–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2017.3.

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The true identity of the fourteenth-century anchoress Julian of Norwich has been lost to history. Yet in the seventeenth century Catholic and Protestant polemicists created different ‘Julians’ to construct and contrast their own confessional positions. This article traces the different identities prescribed to Julian and argues that they allow us fresh insight into some of the most prevalent religious and political issues of Restoration England. It begins by tracing the positive reception of Julian’s theology among the Benedictine nuns of Paris and Cambrai, including the role of Augustine Baker in editing Julian’s text. It then explores how the Benedictine Serenus Cressy and the Anglican Edward Stillingfleet created different identities for Julian in their ongoing polemical battles in the Restoration period. For Cressy, Julian was proof of the strength of Catholic devotional and spiritual traditions, while Stillingfleet believed she was evidence of the religious melancholy encouraged by monasticism. By exploring these identities, this article offers new perspective on issues of Catholic loyalty, enthusiasm, sectarianism and doctrinal authority.
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Lottes, Günther. "The Transformation of Apologetical Literature in the Early Enlightenment." Grotiana 35, no. 1 (December 6, 2014): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-03501007.

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Context and argumentative style of Grotius’s De veritate are that of Reformation controversialist theology and of humanist historical notions of truth. Controversialism, however, no longer operated from shared principles, and the textual criticism of humanist scholarship implied looking at the book of revelation as an historical document, in a double sense: a product of history, and (one among other) historical narratives. To what intellectual juggling this leads Grotius, is evident in his considering the historical proofs of the resurrection of Christ, the role therein of witnesses and of pagan historical support. Justifying Christ’s resurrection with pagan theories of metempsychosis, however, was another step towards a rational justification of Christianity. His defence of a minimalist doctrinal content was not yet deist or neological, as his reliance on miracles and resurrection demonstrate. One thus might locate this text at the ‘false dawn’ of the Enlightenment, as a comparison with Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury’s homonymous book, abstract and general enough to become a really Deist manifesto, finally shows.
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Kolb, Robert. "Melanchthonian Method as a Guide to Reading Confessions of Faith: The Index of the Book of Concord and Late Reformation Learning." Church History 72, no. 3 (September 2003): 504–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700100332.

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Horst Kunze, the contemporary German authority on indexing, writes, “An index is not a tool that has its own independent existence. It is an aid for the use of another literary object. It is like a signpost. Like a signpost it has no other purpose than to point the way in certain directions.” Indices seldom attract scholarly investigation. Casual users accept the index as a more or less objective guide to the contents of a book. However, the index prepared in 1580 for the initial publication of the Book of Concord, appearing in several of its first printings, was designed to point in specific directions, to cultivate a particular way for its primary audience to read the volume and put it to use. It took the form of loci communes—topics—as they had been developed a generation earlier by Martin Luther's Wittenberg colleague Philip Melanchthon for the proper, fruitful, study of theology. By selecting the doctrinal topics and categories into which pastors and teachers were to organize the content of this volume for their own use, this index offers one of the first theological commentaries on the Book of Concord. The index also reveals how Melanchthon's theological method continued to dominate the way the heirs of the Wittenberg Reformation thought—in spite of the fact that it directs readers away from and against the theology of some of Melanchthon's followers whom scholars have dubbed with his name, “Philippists.” (In fact, some contemporaries objected to the Book because they believed it to be anti-Melanchthonian.)
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Abramov, Alexander. "Catholic Magisterium on euthanasia: from Pope Pius XII to Pope Francis." Философская мысль, no. 7 (July 2021): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8728.2021.7.36102.

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The subject of this research is the so-called Magisterium of the Popes on the topic of euthanasia, i.e. a set of formal texts that have high authority and normativity in the Roman Catholic Church. The history of development of the Vatican doctrine in this field stretches from 1950s, undergoing substantial changes. The author traces the evolution of philosophical and religious-ethical grounds of the views of the Holy See on euthanasia and assisted suicide. The goal of this article consists in determination of continuity of the concept of Magisterium, as well as the level of adaptability to the challenges of time. The author reveals the moral concepts and categorical apparatus that are essential for the formation of the magisterial doctrine in its modern form. Within the Russian research practice, the materials of the Catholic Magisterium has not previously become the subject of a separate in-depth examination as special group of philosophical-religious texts. The set of papal doctrinal documents dedicated to euthanasia is studied in the chronological aspect, as well as in light of the development of the socio-philosophical value system of Catholicism. The article employs virtually all documents that are of key importance for studying the establishment of the Roman doctrine of euthanasia. Many text, namely of the last two decades, are introduced into the Russian-language scientific discourse for the first time. The conclusion is made that the social transformations become a serious challenge for the conceptual core of the Magisterium, and force the Vatican theology to reason out the renewed system of argumentation in the post-secular and anti-clerical space of the Western society.
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Abidin, Zain. "Islam Inklusif: Telaah Atas Doktrin dan Sejarah." Humaniora 4, no. 2 (October 31, 2013): 1273. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v4i2.3571.

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This work is entitled Inclusive Islam: The study of doctrine and history. This study uses hermeneutic approach (hermeneutics approach), and method used in collecting data is library research (library research). This work was motivated by a phenomenon that is now Muslims no longer perform the inclusive theology. Religion expected to bring the mercy mission to the world no longer show its role significantly. This may be due to religious thought has been contaminated by a variety of politic, economic, culture, and so forth. Now religious understanding is necessary to be reconstructed, by putting forward the spirit of togetherness and a mercy to the world. Religious understanding seems to be justified by faith, when in fact it is not; in fact,it conflicts with any religious teachings. Therefore, in this work, the author would like to show an understanding of Islam that is open, flexible, and tolerant (Islam Inclusive). Inclusive Islam is the religious understanding or insight that is open, flexible, and tolerant. Open has a meaning that Islam provides opportunities for people to criticize, if the truth or wisdom is delivered, then a tolerant religious have to accept, though of anyone or anything coming. Flexible means meaningful contact with others, without feeling awkward, and also regardless of the differences that exist, whether religion, creed, or origin. Tolerant means respecting the differences that exist, either with the same religion/belief or with a different religion/belief. Such an understanding is not only shaped by history but the doctrinal background can be found in the major source of the teachings of Islam, namely the Qur'an and the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad SAW.
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Wiedermann, Gotthelf. "Alexander Alesius' Lectures on the Psalms at Cambridge, 1536." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 1 (January 1986): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900031894.

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In the summer of 1535 Anglo-German relatios assumed a new dimension. Faced with the prospect of a Catholic alliance on the continent and the possibility of a general council in the near future, Henry VIII was forced to consider more seriously than ever before a defensive alliance with the German Protestants. In August of that year, while Robert Barnes was approaching Wittenberg via Hamburg, commissioned by Henry both to prevent Melanchthon's rumoured visit to France and to make preparations for a full diplomatic mission to the princes of Lutheran Germany, Philip Melanchthon sent copies of the latest edition of his Loci Communes to the king of England, to whom they had been dedicated. The envoy on this mission was the Scottish Augustinian, Alexander Alesius, who was lecturing at the University of Wittenberg at that time. Alesius had received his own university education in St Andrews. Upon his graduation in 1515, he had entered the Augustinian priory there and subsequently proceeded to the study of theology. As a successful student of scholastic theology he had felt himself called to refute Lutheran theology as soon as it began to be debated in Scotland. In February 1528 he was commissioned to bring about the recantation of Patrick Hamilton, but the discussions with this first martyr of the Scottish Reformation as well as the latter's steadfast death at the stake led to a profound questioning of his own convictions. In the following year Alesius emerged as a severe critic ofthe old Church, for which he paid dearly by persecution and imprisonment. After an adventurous escape from St Andrews and months of travelling he finally reached Wittenburg, where he was inscribed in the faculty of arts in October 1532. So far very litde is known about Alesius' activities in Wittenberg. Yet there are two reasons why some elucidation of his academic activities and theological development during his three years at Wittenberg is highly desirable. First, it would be surprising indeed if his first experiences at this university, and especially the direct contact with Luther and Melanchthon, had not left a mark on his thought and career as a reformer. Second, his close friendship with the English reformers and his involvement in the doctrinal debates in England during the late 1530s suggests that Alesius formed an important link between the Reformation in England and in Germany.
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Fadeyev, Ivan. "Confessional (Self-)Identification of the Church of England and Calvinism." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018211-1.

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The most difficult aspect of the problem of the Church of England’s identity is constituted by a lack of specific confessional orthodoxy in the reformed English Church forming the core of her identity. One of many reasons for it lies in the fact that there are no explicit doctrinal sources. The Church of England’s doctrine is dispersed over several documents, called “historical formularies”, that are either political, like the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion, or liturgical, like the Book of Common Prayer and the Ordinal, in nature, but are neither discursive nor analytical in character. In this article, the author attempts to verify and falsify the validity of the claim that the Church of England’s hamartiology and soteriology are fundamentally Calvinistic. To achieve that goal, he turns to “Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity” by Richard Hooker, a prominent 16th-century English theologian, who played a pivotal role as the primary apologist of the “Elizabethan settlement” and a “Founding Father” of the Church of England’s orthodoxy, in order to analyse his hamartiological and soteriological views. Taking into consideration Richard Hooker’s “place of honour” in the political and religious history of the reformed English Church, the author concludes that the doctrine of the Established Church in England used by the Crown as a litmus test of political loyalty, was not Calvinistic either in its form or content, but preserving continuity with the pre-Reformation Latin theology, on the one hand, and, in the spirit of Christian Humanism, receiving and adopting Eastern Christian theological thought, on the other, it, somewhat unsuccessfully, tended towards a via media between Roman Catholicism, Eastern Orthodox, and radical reformers, i.e. was used as a negative identification tool marking the Christians of England along the “us — them” line.
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Beemon, F. E. "Poisonous Honey or Pure Manna: The Eucharist and the Word in the “Beehive” of Marnix of Saint Aldegonde." Church History 61, no. 4 (December 1992): 382–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167792.

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With the publication of his Den Byencorf der H. Roomische Kercke (The Beehive of the Holy Roman Church) in 1569, the Netherlandic Calvinist Marnix of Saint Aldegonde launched a satirical attack onthe clergy, polity, and sacramental practice of Catholicism. Though the fame of the book and its author have been eclipsed, they were both well known during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuriesas shown by the frequency of publication. Marnix's task, in common with other sixteenth-century religious propagandists, was to communicate a theological message to a popular audience. The success of this effort depended on reaching across the separation between systematic theology and folk religiosity. The object was not original theology, nor even doctrinal subtleties, but the creativeuse of common terms to explain divergent schemes of basic dogma. Because the subject was more religious than theological, the separation between Latin and the vernacular cultures could be bridged by the use of metaphors common to both high and popular culture. In this, Marnix's work is distinguished by his use of the metaphors of beehive, honey, and manna to explain the differences between the Catholic Eucharist and the Calvinist Lord's Supper. The use of manna is not surprising as one would expect it to be a common image; however, the metaphors of hive and honey are less expected. While the former is clearly biblical in origin, the apiary metaphors are not. Thus, Marnix relies on the common sociocultural context of the beehive to instruct a popular Dutch audience in a fundamental difference between Calvinism and Catholicism. By identifying the Catholic host with polluted honey, Marnix defends the necessary presence of the Word for the Calvinist Lord's Supper, which he portrays as pure manna. Rather than feeding on the body of Christ, Marnix argues, the true Church feeds on the Word of God, which is present in the Calvinist wafer.
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Denny Firmanto, Antonius. "Signifikansi Ekumenisme Dalam Perspektif Teologis Katolik." Seri Filsafat Teologi 33, no. 32 (December 19, 2023): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35312/serifilsafat.v33i32.198.

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Ecclesiology discusses the identity, essence of existence, and function of the Church concerning the identity and mission of the Church in the world. It explored aspects of the experience of the Christian community as a framework for interpreting the experience of faith. Conflicts on interpretations and applications of the Scripture’s messages about justification by faith in the sixteenth century were the cause of the doctrinal divisions and conflicts between the Lutheran Confession and the Roman Catholic Church’s Council of Trent. This study exploited a qualitative research method by exploring literature. By improving recent studies of Scripture and referring to the history of theology and dogma, the ecumenical dialogue after the Second Vatican Council resulted in renewed opinion towards ecumenical unity. Ecumenism means a religious initiative towards the oneness of the Church. It increased cooperation and better understanding between groups within Christianity or church denominations. The study results showed that the Roman Catholic Church had various views on the existence of churches. The context of the times, the dominant thoughts of the time, and the meaning of the Christian faith were the main contributors that gave birth to this diversity.
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48

Кудласевич, Платон. "History of Mariology at the Second Vatican Council." Церковный историк, no. 1(1) (June 15, 2019): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/chist.2019.1.1.005.

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В статье рассматривается деяние Второго Ватиканского собора на предмет обсуждения и принятия марилогических вопросов. До открытия собора часть епископата призывала совсем не затрагивать мариологических вопросов, другие ожидали нового мариологического догмата, а третьи призывали вынести соборное определение о посреднической роли Матери Божией в деле спасения. В исследовании представлены противоположные точки зрения на принятие определений о Матери Божией (в качестве отдельного независимого документа или же в составе учения о Церкви). После полемики и нескольких голосований в конечном итоге 21 ноября 1964 года было торжественно провозглашено «Догматическое постановление о Церкви» (“Lumen Gentium” (лат.) - «Свет народам»), в восьмой главе которого излагается соборное учение о Марии. В этой главе собор подтвердил принятые ранее мариологические догматы (о непорочном зачатии и телесном вознесении Девы Марии), а также признал Матерь Иисуса Христа образом и началом Церкви. В настоящее время соборное постановление «Свет народам» стало полноправным документом Католической Церкви. Оно является официальным выражением католической веры в лице её епископов, богословов и простых верующих. Можно сказать, что Второй Ватиканский собор привёл к сдвигу в мариологических исследованиях от своей изначально обособленной в богословии позиции к более плотной связанности со Христом и Церковью. This article examines the work of the Second Vatican Council with regard to the discussion and reception of mariological questions. Prior to the opening of the Council, some of the episcopate called for no Mariological issues at all, others expected a new Mariological dogma, and still others called for a conciliar definition concerning the intermediary role of the Mother of God in salvation. The study presents proponents of opposing views on the adoption of definitions on the Mother of God (as a separate independent document or as part of the doctrine of the Church). After controversy and several votes, the doctrinal statement on the Church was finally solemnly proclaimed on November 21, 1964 (Lumen Gentium, Latin for Light to the Nations), chapter eight of which sets out the council's teaching on Mary. In this chapter, the Council reaffirmed the earlier Mariological dogmas (about the Immaculate Conception and the bodily ascension of the Virgin Mary) and recognized the Mother of Jesus Christ as the image and origin of the Church. Nowadays, the council resolution "Light to the Nations" has become a full-fledged document of the Catholic Church. It is the official expression of the Catholic faith represented by its bishops, theologians and ordinary faithful. The Second Vatican Council can be said to have led to a shift in Mariological studies from its originally separate position in theology to a tighter connection with Christ and the Church.
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49

Fogleman, Alex. "Becoming the Song of Christ." Augustinian Studies 50, no. 2 (2019): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies201943051.

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While the connections between exegesis, music, and moral formation are well known, what Augustine’s use of particular metaphors reveals about his theology that more literal renderings do not is less clear. This article explores how Augustine’s use of musical metaphors in Enarratio in Pslamum 32(2) illuminate his understanding of the relationship between grace and human virtue. After first offering a doctrinal description of the rightly ordered will and its Christological foundation, Augustine proceeds to narrate the Christian life as one of various stages of learning to sing the “new song” of Christ. He interprets references to the lyre and psaltery as figures of earthly and heavenly life, and then exegetes the psalm’s language of jubilation as laudatory praise of the ineffable God. The chief contribution of the musical metaphors here are twofold. First, they enable Augustine to display the mysterious process of the will transformed over time. Second, the musical figures help Augustine account for how a human will, encompassed in time, can align with the will of an eternal God whose will is ultimately inexpressible. Augustine’s musical exegesis is able to gesture towards the profound mystery of human life in time and its relation to an eternally un-timed God.
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50

Wang, Junqi. "The Formation of Biaoquan and Zhequan as a Pair of Philosophical Concepts in Chinese Buddhism." Religions 14, no. 4 (April 8, 2023): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14040516.

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The general consensus in the field of Buddhist studies is that the terms “biaoquan” and “zhequan” are a pair of Buddhist philosophical concepts often used to designate two diametrically opposed forms of rhetoric. The former term constitutes its affirmative statement, while the latter defines a fact in negative terms—known in Christian theology as cataphatic and apophatic uses of language, respectively. Looking at the terms for which biaoquan and zhequan initially served as translations, especially in Xuanzang’s works, it would seem that these two concepts have not always appeared as a related pair representing the above-mentioned affirmative–negative dichotomy. The former could designate both affirmation (*vidhi) as well as the general activity of speech, syllables, and words (nāma). In the case of zhequan, it corresponds, in different texts, to the three Indian Buddhist concepts of negation (*pratiṣedha, *vyāvṛtti, *nivṛtti), implicative negation (paryudāsa), and exclusion of others (anyāpoha), with each use of the term “zhequan” carrying a different set of meanings and associated doctrines. Indeed, in various texts, the concept of zhequan might be opposed to the concept of biaoquan (*vidhi *sadhana) or opposed to pure negation (prasajya), or it might be applied on its own with no opposing concept. However, as Chinese Buddhism continued to develop throughout the Tang, biaoquan and zhequan came to be firmly associated and popularized as a pair of opposites. Looking at the doctrinal as well as the translation history of these two terms, this paper focuses on how they were used as a pair of opposing philosophical concepts, followed by an analysis of the profound influence of these two concepts on Chinese Buddhism.
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