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Journal articles on the topic 'Theories of international security'
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1
Koster, Ferry, and Maria Fleischmann. "Under pressure: an international comparison of job security, social security, and extra effort." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 37, no. 13/14 (December 4, 2017): 823–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-03-2016-0031.
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Purpose Previous research leads to contrasting hypotheses about the relationship between extra effort of employees and the level of job security. According to agency theory, job security leads to lower levels of extra effort and social exchange theory argues that extra effort requires job security. The purpose of this paper is to formulate a set of hypotheses based on these theories. Besides considering them as mutually exclusive, they are integrated into a single theoretical framework that argues that both theories can apply, depending on the conditions and social context (in terms of the social security system). Design/methodology/approach Data from the International Social Survey Program (2005) including 22 countries from around the globe are analyzed using multilevel analysis. Findings The study provides evidence that social security moderates the relationship between job security and extra effort. Originality/value This study differs from previous research as it focuses on two sides of insecurity in the workplace and because it analyzes a large data set to include institutional factors.
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Lebow, Richard Ned. "The long peace, the end of the cold war, and the failure of realism." International Organization 48, no. 2 (1994): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028186.
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Three of the more important international developments of the last half century are the “long peace” between the superpowers, the Soviet Union's renunciation of its empire and leading role as a superpower, and the post-cold war transformation of the international system. Realist theories at the international level address the first and third of these developments, and realist theories at the unit level have made an ex post facto attempt to account for the second. The conceptual and empirical weaknesses of these explanations raise serious problems for existing realist theories. Realists contend that the anarchy of the international system shapes interstate behavior. Postwar international relations indicates that international structure is not determining. Fear of anarchy and its consequences encouraged key international actors to modify their behavior with the avowed goal of changing that structure. The pluralist security community that has developed among the democratic industrial powers is in part the result of this process. This community and the end of the cold war provide evidence that states can escape from the security dilemma.
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Akbar, Asma, and Khawaja Alqama. "An Introduction to the Problematic of Security: Theory- Building in International Relations." PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/pjh.v1i2.8.
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The paper discusses the problematic of security studies in relation to theory building in international relations.It aims to highlight apertures in the dominant explanations of security studies, and further provides an indication about mending these lacunas. To this end, dominant theories of international relations: Realism, Liberalism, and their progenies have been critically analyzed, and their problematics have been discussed in detail. Through critical analysis of dominant explanations in international relations theory, this paper helps to identify the gaps in the conceptual, methodological, and practical domains of security studies.
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Hussein, Dalsooz Jalal. "Theoretical approaches towards the steps of non-state actors in world politics: global para-diplomacy of the Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI)." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2021): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2021.1.34461.
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This article presents a theoretical approach towards the global political steps of non-state actors. Particular attention is given to a number of theories of international relations, such as neorealism, international liberalism, and constructivism, which are able to encompass current global actions of non-state political actors. For a clearer perspective on the subject matter, the article employs the example of Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI); as a non-state actor, KRI has recently become a vivid example for the theories of international relations. The conclusion is made that security, economy, culture, religion and identity are the key and post powerful instruments of non-state actors of international politics. The example of KRI demonstrates that international relations of non-state actors focus on security, economy and culture, as well as serve as the instruments of interaction with both, state and non-state actors. The article reviews such activity within the framework of neorealism, international liberalism, and constructivism. It is underlines that the example of Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI) fully meets all the criteria of a non-state actor of international politics. It is also a brilliant example for the theories of international relations.
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Hussein, Dalsooz Jalal. "Theoretical approaches towards the steps of nongovernmental actors in world politics: global paradiplomacy of the Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI)." SENTENTIA. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, no. 1 (January 2021): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/1339-3057.2021.1.34624.
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This article presents a theoretical approach towards the global political steps of non-state actors. Particular attention is given to a number of theories of international relations, such as neorealism, international liberalism, and constructivism, which are able to encompass current global actions of non-state political actors. For a clearer perspective on the subject matter, the article employs the example of Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI); as a non-state actor, KRI has recently become a vivid example for the theories of international relations. The conclusion is made that security, economy, culture, religion and identity are the key and post powerful instruments of non-state actors of international politics. The example of KRI demonstrates that international relations of non-state actors focus on security, economy and culture, as well as serve as the instruments of interaction with both, state and non-state actors. The article reviews such activity within the framework of neorealism, international liberalism, and constructivism. It is underlines that the example of Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI) fully meets all the criteria of a non-state actor of international politics. It is also a brilliant example for the theories of international relations.
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DEUDNEY, DANIEL, and G. JOHN IKENBERRY. "The nature and sources of liberal international order." Review of International Studies 25, no. 2 (April 1999): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210599001795.
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Debates about the future of relations among the advanced industrial countries after the Cold War hinge on theories about the sources of international political order. Realism advances the most defined—and pessimistic—answers drawing on theories of anarchy, balance, and hegemony. But these theories are not able to explain the origins and continuing stability of relations among the United States and its European and Asian partners. This article develops a theory of liberal international order that captures its major structures, institutions, and practices. Distinctive features mark postwar liberal order—co-binding security institutions, penetrated American hegemony, semi-sovereign great powers, economic openness, and civic identity. It is these multifaceted and interlocking features of Western liberal order that give it a durability and significance.
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Vukadinović, Lidija Čehulić, and Monika Begović. "NATO Summit in Wales: From global megatrends to the new Euro-Atlanticism." Croatian International Relations Review 20, no. 71 (October 1, 2014): 11–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2014-0007.
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Abstract Numerous representatives of theories of international relations, security theories or alliance theories have examined the new role of the North Atlantic Alliance or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-bipolar world. Parallel with the theoretical examination of goals and tasks, NATO has transformed itself in practice, following the realities of the contemporary global era. In trying to achieve and keep the primacy of the strongest military- political organization, the Alliance has - especially in the Strategic Concept adopted in Lisbon in 2010-set the normative and institutional foundations of its global engagement, fulfilling the military (hard) and a wide array of non-military (soft) security challenges. This strategy has given rise to "Euro-Atlanticism", as a subsystem of international relations based on strong American-European relations, to fit with the process of regionalization of global politics. However, the 2013-2014 crisis in Ukraine has turned the focus of interest and activities of NATO once again primarily to Europe and it has stressed the importance and necessity of strengthening Euro-Atlantic security and defence ties. The most powerful member of the Alliance, the United States, is again strongly engaged in Europe and Russia, as a kind of successor to the Soviet Union, is once more detected as a major threat to European security. There have been many aspects of theories of international relations that have tried to explain the dynamic of the post-Cold War international community. However, the approach based on neo-realistic assumptions of the role of a security community, collective defence and the use of military force has proved to be dominant. NATO will continue to work on its political dimension as an alliance of the democratic world and the September 2014 Wales Summit will certainly mark the return of NATO to its roots, strengthening its security and military dimensions in the collective defence of Europe from Russia.
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Langendonck, Jef Van. "The meaning of the right to social security." Revista Brasileira de Direitos Fundamentais & Justiça 2, no. 2 (March 31, 2008): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30899/dfj.v2i2.553.
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This article initially dwells on the concept of social security's historical development. It starts with the characteristics and the spirit behind the inclusion of such right in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It then discusses the now ancient paradigm set by the I.L.O and the neo-liberal approach by the World Bank, pointing both theories merits as well as unmasking their flaws. It concludes by offering a new concept of international social security via the collaboration between nations, grounded mainly on the solidarity principle.
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Czaputowicz, Jacek. "European cooperation in the field of security and defence. International Relation theories perspective." Securitologia 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/18984509.1129716.
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McCalla, Robert B. "NATO's persistence after the cold war." International Organization 50, no. 3 (1996): 445–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033440.
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Neorealist theories help explain alliance formation and longevity but have trouble explaining why the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) continues to exist after the cold war. Organizational theories further our understanding by noting that organizations have strong survival instincts, yet NATO survives only as long as its members wish it to. To understand NATO's persistence after the cold war, we must turn to international institutionalist theories to explain why, contrary to neorealist expectations, NATO remains the key international security institution for its members. International institutionalist theories add the conception of NATO as part of a broad multilevel and multi-issue relationship among member states, and this broader context is necessary to explain NATO's persistence.
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Kilinç‐Pala, Pinar Buket. "Approaches in Energy Exclusive Security: Theories of Energy Security and the Dominance of Realism." Politics & Policy 49, no. 3 (May 28, 2021): 771–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12411.
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Baele, Stephane J., Travis G. Coan, and Olivier C. Sterck. "Security through numbers? Experimentally assessing the impact of numerical arguments in security communication." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 2 (October 30, 2017): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117734791.
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Numerical arguments are increasingly present in security communication and are widely assumed to possess a distinct capacity to make an argument convincing, thereby contributing to the dynamics of securitization. Yet, does the inclusion of numbers really enhance the strength of rhetorical attempts to convince an audience that something or someone is a security problem? We examine this question by developing an experimental design that connects cognitive theories of information processing with theories of security and risk communication. Contrary to a widely shared view, our results suggest that numbers do not have a direct, unambiguous, or unconditional impact on the strength of security rhetoric. Quantitative information only enhances direct attempts to securitize issues under very specific circumstances and, even in these cases, has ambiguous effects. Factors such as the legitimacy of the individual who makes the argument may play an important role in determining the impact of numbers in security communication.
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Velázquez, Arturo C. Sotomayor. "Civil-Military Affairs and Security Institutions in the Southern Cone: The Sources of Argentine-Brazilian Nuclear Cooperation." Latin American Politics and Society 46, no. 4 (2004): 29–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2004.tb00292.x.
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AbstractThis paper analyzes the conditions in which the governments of Argentina and Brazil founded security institutions in the early 1990s, while they were democratizing. It advances the hypothesis that international cooperation in the security field is often linked to the evolution of civil-military relations. Civilian leaders in both countries established institutions and sought international participation deliberately to achieve civilian control and gain leverage over the military establishment, which they sorely distrusted. The need to stabilize civil-military relations at home was therefore the prime motivating force behind the emergence of security institutions in the Southern Cone. Three mechanisms were at work: omnibalancing, policy handling, and managing uncertainty. These mechanisms are derived from three different schools of thought: realism, organizational-bureaucratic models, and theories of domestic political institutions. Besides explaining the sources of nuclear bilateral cooperation, this argument also serves as a critique of two prominent theories in international relations that attempt to explain cooperation and peaceful relations among democracies: neoliberal insti-tutionalism and democratic peace theory.
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Kertzer, Joshua D. "Microfoundations in international relations." Conflict Management and Peace Science 34, no. 1 (September 19, 2016): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216665488.
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Many of our theories of international politics rely on microfoundations. In this short note, I suggest that although there has been increasing interest in microfoundations in international relations (IR) over the past 20 years, the frequency with which the concept is invoked belies a surprising lack of specificity about what microfoundations are, or explicit arguments about why we should study them. I then offer an argument about the value of micro-level approaches to the study of conflict. My claim is not that all theories of IR need to be developed or tested at the micro-level in order to be satisfying, but rather, that many of our theories in IR already rest on lower-level mechanisms—they either leave these assumptions unarticulated or fail to test them directly. In these circumstances, theorizing and testing micro-level dynamics will be especially helpful. I illustrate my argument using the case of resolve, one of the central explanatory variables in the study of international security. I argue that the absence of microfoundations for resolve is one reason why IR scholars have had difficulties testing whether resolve has the effects we often claim, and sketch out a two-stage research design political scientists can use to study unobservable phenomena.
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Varga, Márton. "The Place of the Sahel Region in the Theory of Regional Security Complex." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 19, no. 2 (2020): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2020.2.4.
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The theory of regional security complex is one of the main theories of the regional approach of the international security system. The international organisations, the different strategies and concepts use many different definitions for the Sahel region. However, the ongoing changes of the global and the regional security and the complexity of the crisis of the Sahel region bring up the question whether the Sahel region is a unit based on the Regional Security Complex Theory or not? Which countries are part of the Sahel? Can it be treated as a region? In this article I will give my answer to that question.
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Kułaga, Aleksandra. "Wyzwania natury gospodarczej w świetle krytycznych studiów nad bezpieczeństwem." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2016 (June 26, 2016): 8–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.16.1.
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This article presents the theories of critical security studies of the Copenhagen, Welsh and Paris schools approach. An important concept presented by researchers form the Copenhagen School is securitisation. It involves the transfer of security challenges to the category of threats. Classical realism is criticised for privileging military aspects, and the assumption that the state is the only referent object of security. The author claims that classical theory does not respond to the challenges of the XXI century. Today, economic factors are gaining importance, and they consist of the issues related to security of the energy sector, trade cooperation and technological advancement. The subject of this article is describing the objectives, methods and measures to ensure security of the political community, in the light of critical security studies. The author shows that the conduct of such research is necessary. Critical studies complement traditional theories with important safety features that cannot be ignored in the era of a changing reality in the international arena.
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Akanya, Esther. "Book Review: International Relations: Critical Approaches to Security: An Introduction to Theories and Methods." Political Studies Review 13, no. 1 (January 12, 2015): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12073_26.
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Moran, Clare Frances. "The Problem of the Authority of the International Criminal Court." International Criminal Law Review 18, no. 5 (September 28, 2018): 883–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01805001.
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This research examines the problem of the authority of the International Criminal Court (ICC), focusing on its claim to jurisdiction as its primary exercise of authority. The research questions the basis of the Court’s authority, beginning with an analysis of current theories of authority and exploring their relevance to the Court. It then explores the ‘permission’ that it has to act, based on the consent of States and the UN Security Council mandate, and questions whether the Court has the authority to act, based on current legal theories. The problems associated with using current theory and methods of thinking about authority to explain the authority that the ICC are then explored.
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Rahim, Nazim, and Asghar Ali. "Critical Analysis of Social Constructivism: Myth or Reality for Peace and Security." Global Strategic and Securities Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-i).02.
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Subjectivity is the mother of all social sciences. There is no universal truth, there is no objective reality and there is no finality in social sciences. Final truth belongs to heaven, not to this world and none of the theories can claim finality or objectivity. Nonetheless, theories try to explain the truth, holding water, either more or less. Theories, highlighting the intrinsic nature of humans [good & bad], the structure of international system (anarchic)or class struggle[bourgeois & proletariat]are both researchable and discernible. Social Constructivism, on the other hand labels all the theories as social constructions and itself constructs an endless desert of ideas, develops absurdity, and makes the truth less accessible and more mythical. Social Constructivism, instead of explaining the truth is making it blurred and doubtful. Instead of ensuring clarity, its own assumptions are constructing a mythical world. This analytical paper critically analyzes the social constructivists' assumptions and their critique on all the established beliefs in general and mainstream perspectives in particular.
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Koschut, Simon. "Regional order and peaceful change: Security communities as a via media in international relations theory." Cooperation and Conflict 49, no. 4 (January 17, 2014): 519–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836713517570.
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The security community concept generally inhabits a rather small niche in the study of International Relations, as the logic of community fundamentally challenges the prevailing logic of anarchy. In this article, it is argued both on ontological and theoretical grounds that the concept’s intellectual heritage and depth transcends the boundaries of existing theories. In this sense, the concept of security community serves as a via media by linking different strands of International Relations theory together and by bridging various theoretical gaps. This argument will be developed in two steps. Firstly, it will be shown that the security community framework developed by Karl W Deutsch is deeply rooted in International Political Theory without belonging to one particular branch. By locating the concept in International Political Theory, an exercise that has been neglected by the security community literature; it will be secondly demonstrated that the concept of security community takes the middle ground between specific strands of International Relations theory, as these strands are ultimately based on concepts of moral philosophy.
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Czernicka, Marzena. "Realizm i liberalizm w badaniach nad bezpieczeństwem i polityką bezpieczeństwa państwa." Przegląd europejski 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.9996.
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Security issues have always been one of the main points of interest of all states. Scientifically, this issue can be researched using a wide range of perspectives. Security studies use much from the general theory of international relations. The field uses theoretical paradigms and concrete methods of research. In this article, a wide approach to the issue of security and security policy is presented. In accordance with the theoretical-methodological foundation of realist and liberal theories, this article inquires in what way research concerning the issues of security and security policy of contemporary states can be conducted.
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Nuri, Najafov Zafar. "Conceptual Bases of the İmpact of Ethnic Conflicts on Regional and İnternational Security." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 1, no. 2 (June 5, 2021): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v1i2.447.
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The article examines the impact of ethnic conflicts on regional and international security. It is noted that during the Cold War, it was impossible to conduct serious research in this area. Because ethnic conflicts were seen as an internal affair of states. However, with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of absolute sovereignty intensified the interaction between the domestic life of the country and the international community. Such a development in the context of globalization has turned ethnic conflicts into a problem of international politics, taking them out of the context of the internal affairs of states. The globalization of ethnic conflicts has strengthened its impact on regional and international security and laid the groundwork for the "ethnicization of international relations". The impact of ethnic conflicts on regional and international security can be studied in the context of instrumentalism, neomondialism, the Brubaker’s Triangle, ethno-political movements, and theories of protracted conflict. In the theory of instrumentalism, ethnic conflict is seen as a means of struggle by elites. Even this struggle serves the interests of the ruling forces not only within the country, but also abroad. In the theory of protracted social conflicts, the main processes revolve around internal conflicts and identities. The Brubaker’s Triangle and theories of the ethnopolitical movement play an important role in the study of the external resources of separatism and its transformation into an interstate war. In the context of neomondialism, S. Huntington's theory of "clash of civilizations" tried to justify the fact that future conflicts will occur between religious and civilizational systems stemming from cultural factors.
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Baldwin, David A. "Security Studies and the end of the Cold War." World Politics 48, no. 1 (October 1995): 117–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1995.0001.
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The end of the cold war has generated numerous reflections on the nature of the world in its aftermath. The reduced military threat to American security has triggered proposals for expanding the concept of national security to include nonmilitary threats to national well-being. Some go further and call for a fundamental reexamination of the concepts, theories, and assumptions used to analyze security problems. In order to lay the groundwork for such a reexamination, the emergence and evolution of security studies as a subfield of international relations is surveyed, the adequacy of the field for coping with the post—cold war world is assessed, and proposals for the future of security studies are discussed. It is argued that a strong case can be made for reintegration of security studies with the study of international politics and foreign policy.
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JERVIS, ROBERT. "Theories of War in an Era of Leading-Power PeacePresidential Address, American Political Science Association, 2001." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402004197.
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The motor of international politics has been war among the leading states. The most developed states in the international system—the United States, Western Europe, and Japan—form what Karl Deutsch called a security community, which is a group of countries among which war is unthinkable. These states are the most powerful ones in the world and, so, are traditional rivals. Thus the change is striking and consequential. Constructivists explain this in terms of changed ideas and identities; liberals point to democracy and economic interest; realists stress the role of nuclear weapons and American hegemony. My own explanation combines the high cost of war, the gains from peace, and the values that are prevalent within the security community. Whatever the cause, the existence of the community will bring with it major changes in international politics and calls into question many traditional theories of war.
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Shipilov, Alexander Yurievich. "West African International Studies: Approaches to Regional Security." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-207-217.
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This article covers the most significant theoretical schools in West Africa in the framework of the international relations analysis, with special focus on the regional security. Major respective theoretical approaches to the given issues are assessed based on the writings of local experts that frequently reevaluate the major articles of faith connected with neo-Realist, neo-Liberal and Marxist views. Particular attention is drawn to the examination of various interpretations of the role that belongs to supranational regional structures in West African conflict resolution using the case of the Liberian civil war. The most crucial part of the research presented is an analysis of publications issued by Adekye Adebajo and Ismail Rashid, two leading West African specialists in the field of regional security. Their appraisal of collective security mechanisms’ perspectives in the most poverty-stricken and unstable regions of the world is elaborated upon. The aim of the article is to determine the extent of uniqueness present in Adebajo and Rashid’s approaches compared to their Western and African colleagues but also to figure how West African 1990-2000’s conflicts’ analysis did have an impact on the scholars’ theoretical views and more broadly what was its contribution to the regional understanding of international relations. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The major elements composing the scholars’ analysis of successes and failures in the path of West African integration are presented along with their appraisal of the ECOWAS security component. A comparison is made between their views and those of their regional colleagues belonging to other schools of thought as well as Western theories that had the greatest impact on these authors.
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Ghamari, Magdalena El. "Culture Security - Selected Issues." Economic and Regional Studies / Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne 10, no. 4 (December 20, 2017): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.29316/ers-seir.2017.38.
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Abstract Subject and purpose of work: The main goal is to offer more productive approach to security culture: viewing culture as a logical system which can be understood using theories and principles developed. Materials and methods: Cultural security issue collaborative research and discovery of literature to fully exploit social networks and open source material. Results: Cultural security issue analyzes the hard and soft power of antiquities, artworks, religious monuments, and historic structures as indicators of the political economy of cultural property. Conclusions. Analyses of the political significance of historic structures and religious monuments and the licit and illicit global market for antiquities and artworks provide insights into the strategic role of cultural property in diplomacy and international security. Integrating operational cultural principles into the specific conditions is the future and will bring depth to touchstones such as “no better friend, no worse enemy,” and “first, do no harm”.
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Hudson, Valerie M., Mary Caprioli, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Rose McDermott, and Chad F. Emmett. "The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States." International Security 33, no. 3 (January 2009): 7–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.33.3.7.
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Does the security of women influence the security and behavior of states? Existing evidence linking the situation of women to state-level variables such as economic prosperity and growth, health, and corruption is fairly conclusive. Questions remain, however, concerning the degree to which state security and state security-related behavior is linked to the security of women. The “women and peace” thesis draws upon evolutionary biology/psychology for ultimate causes of this linkage, and sociological theories of social diffusion and psychological theories of social learning for more proximate causal mechanisms. Together, a new data resource—the WomanStats Database—and conventional methodology find a robust, positive relationship between the physical security of women and three measures of state security and peacefulness. In addition, a comparison of this proposition to alternative explanations involving level of democracy, level of economic development, and civilizational identity shows that the physical security of women is a better predictor of state security and peacefulness. Although these results are preliminary, it is still possible to conclude that the security of women must not be overlooked in the study of state security, especially given that the research questions to be raised and the policy initiatives to be considered in the promotion of security will differ markedly if the security of women is seriously considered as a significant influence on state security.
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Elbe, Stefan, and Gemma Buckland-Merrett. "Entangled security: Science, co-production, and intra-active insecurity." European Journal of International Security 4, no. 2 (May 15, 2019): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2019.4.
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AbstractThis article advances a new account of security as an intensely relational and ontologically entangled phenomenon that does not exist prior to, nor independently of, its intra-action with other phenomena and agencies. Security's ‘entanglement’ is demonstrated through an analysis of the protracted security concerns engendered by ‘dangerous’ scientific experiments performed with lethal H5N1 flu viruses. Utilising methodological approaches recently developed in the field of Science and Technology Studies (STS), the article explicates the intensely ‘co-productive’ dynamics at play between security and science in those experiments, and which ultimately reveal security to be a deeply relational phenomenon continuously emerging out of its engagement with other agencies. Recovering this deeper ontological entanglement, the article argues, necessitates a different approach to the study of security that does not commence by fixing the meaning and boundaries of security in advance. Rather, such an approach needs to analyse the diverse sites, dynamics, and processes through which security and insecurity come to intra-actively materialise in international relations. It also demands a fundamental reconsideration of many of the discipline's most prominent security theories. They are not merely conceptual tools for studying security, but crucial participants in its intra-active materialisation.
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Krolikowski, A. "State Personhood in Ontological Security Theories of International Relations and Chinese Nationalism: A Sceptical View." Chinese Journal of International Politics 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pon003.
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Sidorova, Elena. "Features of the International Regulation of Space Activities." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 19 (April 30, 2013): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.19.7.
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To identify key prerequisites for the formation of the international system of space activities regulation, there are analyzed the paper starts with the analysis of four distinctive space security theories. The author compares and contrasts special features relating to the international space activities regulation in the 20th century with the contemporary ones. Apart from the military side of the issue, there is tackled the problem of international private space activities regulation. Three development stages of private space activities are defined. The overall obsolescence of the present international legal system of space activities regulation is proven.
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Jović, Dejan. "Pandemic crisis and its challenges to security studies." Socioloski pregled 54, no. 3 (2020): 471–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg54-28537.
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The pandemic crisis in 2020 has given the cause for the securitization of the medical problem that might - if it goes on without an adequate answer - question security in many other sectors: economic, state, social and identity ones. It might have - and it already has - consequences for the structure of the international order as well. In this article the author identifies the consequences of the pandemic crisis at all four levels of the security analysis: individual, intrastate, interstate and global levels. Then it tests the main theses of the approaches and theories within security studies (realistic, liberal, constructivist and globalist), showing the manner in which the pandemic crisis has confirmed such theses and where it denied them. The article also reviews formerly unpublished analyses of this phenomenon and comments on them in a critical manner. The author concludes that the pandemic crisis has not completely ruined the reputation of any of those theories, not even the liberal-globalist one. However, the crisis has posed all of us some serious questions that need to be answered.
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Fiammenghi, Davide. "The Security Curve and the Structure of International Politics: A Neorealist Synthesis." International Security 35, no. 4 (April 2011): 126–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00037.
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Realist scholars have long debated the question of how much power states need to feel secure. Offensive realists claim that states should constantly seek to increase their power. Defensive realists argue that accumulating too much power can be self-defeating. Proponents of hegemonic stability theory contend that the accumulation of capabilities in one state can exert a stabilizing effect on the system. The three schools describe different points along the power continuum. When a state is weak, accumulating power increases its security. This is approximately the situation described by offensive realists. A state that continues to accumulate capabilities will eventually trigger a balancing reaction that puts its security at risk. This scenario accords with defensive realist assumptions. Finally, when the state becomes too powerful to balance, its opponents bandwagon with it, and the state's security begins to increase again. This is the situation described by hegemonic stability theory. These three stages delineate a modified parabolic relationship between power and security. As a state moves along the power continuum, its security increases up to a point, then decreases, and finally increases again. This modified parabolic relationship allows scholars to synthesize previous realist theories into a single framework.
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Lind, Jennifer M. "Pacifism or Passing the Buck? Testing Theories of Japanese Security Policy." International Security 29, no. 1 (July 2004): 92–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0162288041762968.
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Austin, Jonathan Luke. "Security compositions." European Journal of International Security 4, no. 3 (October 2019): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2019.19.
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AbstractThis article argues that security politics is constituted through the ways in which its contours are ‘made sensible’ (perceivable to our senses) through material, aesthetic, or affective mechanisms. To make this argument, the article introduces the theoretical scaffolding for what it terms a compositional ontology. A compositional approach to security identifies, theorises, and studies the perceptual base of security politics in order to ask how – say – the sight of a single photograph, sound of a security announcement, or smell of tear gas, can frequently be the direct (efficient) cause of international security policy, discourse, and decision. To theorise the deep political impact of such fleeting moments of local sensory experience, the article lays out a compositional ontology comprised of a synthesis of poststructuralist and new-realist philosophy, as well as the empirical sensibilities of pragmatist sociology. Combined with a focus on sensibility, it is shown that these approaches can produce an ontology of security that more effectively explains contingency, fluidity, and change in world politics. Having laid out the theoretical frame for a compositional ontology, the article discusses its political and methodological implications, suggesting it demands that security studies shift towards a more postcritical, experimental, and collaborative ethos.
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Silic, Mario, and Andrea Back. "Information security." Information Management & Computer Security 22, no. 3 (July 8, 2014): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imcs-05-2013-0041.
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Purpose – The purpose of this literature review is to analyze current trends in information security and suggest future directions for research. Design/methodology/approach – The authors used literature review to analyze 1,588 papers from 23 journals and 5 conferences. Findings – The authors identified 164 different theories used in 684 publications. Distribution of research methods showed that the subjective-argumentative category accounted for 81 per cent, whereas other methods got very low focus. This research offers implications for future research directions on information security. They also identified existing knowledge gaps and how the existing themes are studied in academia. Research limitations/implications – The literature review did not include some dedicated security journals (i.e. Cryptography). Practical implications – The study reveals future directions and trend that the academia should consider. Originality/value – Information security is top concern for organizations, and this research analyzed how academia dealt with the topic since 1977. Also, the authors suggest future directions for research suggesting new research streams.
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Pirani, Pietro. "‘The way we were’: the social construction of Italian security policy." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903573639.
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Italian security policy literature reveals, usually implicitly rather than explicitly, two distinct strains of analysis. One set of explanations, rooted in realist theory, views Italian foreign policy behaviour by reference to its power position. A second set of arguments, rooted in liberalism, assumes that policy-makers are ultimately influenced by domestic institutional factors in deciding foreign policy issues. The purpose of this article is to offer a theoretical contribution to the ongoing debate on continuity and change in Italian foreign policy. While neorealist and liberal theories have been widely used to explain the development of Italian international behaviour, neither approach has yet provided a full explanation of Italian security policy since the end of the Cold War. In contrast to these theories, it is argued that Italy has built its foreign policy on the basis of cultural considerations involving conflicting strategies of action.
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Bartol, Kathryn M., Wei Liu, Xiangquan Zeng, and Kelu Wu. "Social Exchange and Knowledge Sharing among Knowledge Workers: The Moderating Role of Perceived Job Security." Management and Organization Review 5, no. 2 (July 2009): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1740-8784.2009.00146.x.
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Drawing on perceived organizational support (POS) theory and employee-organizational relationship theories, this research investigated the association between POS and knowledge sharing as well as the potential moderating effects of perceived job security. Study participants were 255 information technology professionals and their supervisors working in the information technology industry in China. Findings showed that POS was positively related to knowledge sharing, and, as expected, perceived job security moderated the association. More specifically, the positive association between POS and employee knowledge sharing held only for employees who perceived higher job security from their organization. In contrast, POS was not significantly associated with knowledge sharing when employees perceived their job security to be relatively low. This latter result is consistent with contentions from employee-organizational relationships theories that limited investment by employers is likely to lead to lower contributions from employees. The findings are also congruent with arguments from social exchange theory that meaningful reciprocity is built on a history of open-ended exchanges whose development may be inconsistent with a shorter-term employment horizon.
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Heide, Marlen, and Jean-Patrick Villeneuve. "Framing national security secrecy: A conceptual review." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 76, no. 2 (May 18, 2021): 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207020211016475.
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This essay investigates justifications for the “necessity” of official secrecy, by tracing and structuring the rationales underlying it. Justifications will be investigated through the case of “national security secrecy,” a prominent example of official secrecy. While the literature generally treats “national security secrecy” as unidimensional, this analysis demarcates several distinct rationales. Specifically, three justifications for national security secrecy are identified: the logic of crisis demanding the suspension of normal democratic processes (threat frame); the need for enabling and enhancing governance (effectiveness frame); and the delegation to and protection of decision makers (elite governance frame). The paper illustrates possible frictions, overlaps, and synergies between different rationales for national security secrecy, thus broadening the existing conceptualization away from transparency and secrecy as direct opposites. It further contributes to ongoing research on national security secrecy from a frame analysis perspective, thus linking theories, justifications, and practices of secrecy.
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Trachuk, K. V. "CONTEMPORARY ENERGY SECURITY STUDIES: THEORETICAL ASPECTS." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-219-226.
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The article represents an attempt to analyze the contemporary theoretical framework of energy security research as part of international relations and foreign policy studies. Neorealism and neoliberalism are the key theoretical schools having the strongest impact on energy security research. Authors inspired by the neorealist approach, including J. Russell, D. Moran and M.Clare, insist on the role of individual state actors that seek to maximize their energy supply or their position as an energy exporter. The key areas of study of the neorealist school include military aspects of energy security and resource nationalism. The neoliberal framework, represented by such scholars as A. Goldthau and J.M.Witte, focuses on the role of institutions, international cooperation and liberal markets. Unlike neorealists, neoliberals believe that global energy markets provide the necessary conditions for the peaceful cooperation of all players. Constructivist approaches represent an interesting alternative to the “neo-neo” debate, but still remain marginal. Although proponents of neorealist and neoliberal frameworks disagree on several key points, a large number of scholars, both in Russia and abroad, prefer a combined approach based on elements on neorealist and neoliberal theories. The combined analytical framework is used by such leading Western researchers as D.Yergin, J. Stanislaw, A.Korin and G.Luft, as well as many Russian scholars, including N.Mironov, S.Zhiznin and Y.Borovsky.
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Ekelund, Stale, and Zilia Iskoujina. "Cybersecurity economics – balancing operational security spending." Information Technology & People 32, no. 5 (October 7, 2019): 1318–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/itp-05-2018-0252.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how to find the optimal investment level in protecting an organisation’s assets. Design/methodology/approach This study integrates a case study of an international financial organisation with various methods and theories in security economics and mathematics, such as value-at-risk (VaR), Monte Carlo simulation, exponential and Poisson probability distributions. Thereby it combines theory and empirical findings to establish a new approach to determining optimal security investment levels. Findings The results indicate that optimal security investment levels can be found through computer simulation with historical incident data to find VaR. By combining various scenarios, the convex graph of the risk cost function has been plotted, where the minimum of the graph represents the optimal invest level for an asset. Research limitations/implications The limitations of the research include a modest number of loss observations from one case study, and the use of normal probability distribution. The approach has limitations where there are no historical data available or the data has zero losses. These areas should undergo further research including larger data set of losses and exploring other probability distributions. Practical implications The results can be used by leading business practitioners to assist them with decision making on investment to the increased protection of an asset. Originality/value The originality of this research is in its new way of combining theories with historical data to create methods to measure theoretical and empirical strength of a control (or set of controls) and translating it to loss probabilities and loss sizes.
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BRAUMOELLER, BEAR F. "Systemic Politics and the Origins of Great Power Conflict." American Political Science Review 102, no. 1 (February 2008): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055408080088.
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Systemic theories of international politics rarely predict conflict short of cataclysmic systemic wars, and dyadic theories of conflict lack systemic perspective. This article attempts to bridge the gap by introducing a two-step theory of conflict among Great Powers. In the first stage, states engage in a dynamic, ongoing process of managing the international system, which inevitably produces tensions among them. In the second stage, relative levels of security-related activity determine how and when those tensions erupt into disputes. A test of the theory on Great Power conflicts from the nineteenth century supports the argument and, moreover, favors the deterrence model over the spiral model as a proximate explanation of conflict in the second stage.
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Shaw, Martin. "There is no such thing as society: beyond individualism and statism in international security studies." Review of International Studies 19, no. 2 (April 1993): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500119011.
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This article offers a sociological perspective on a major conceptual issue in international relations, the question of ‘security’, and it raises major issues to do with the role of sociological concepts in international studies. For some years now, the work of sociological writers such as Skocpol, Giddens and Mann1 has attracted some interest in international studies. International theorists such as Linklater and Halliday have seen their work as offering a theoretical advance both on realism and on Marxist alternatives. At the same time, these developments have involved the paradox that, as one critic puts it, ‘current sociological theories of the state are increasingly approaching a more traditional view of the state—the state as actor model—precisely at a time when the theory of international relations is getting away from this idea and taking a more sociological form.
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BARNETT, JON. "Destabilizing the environment—conflict thesis." Review of International Studies 26, no. 2 (April 2000): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500002710.
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The argument that environmental degradation will lead to conflict is a well established concern of international studies, and it dominates the literature on environmental security. This article critically examines theories about wars fought over scarce ‘environmental’ resources, ‘water wars’, and the argument that population growth may induce conflict. One significant research programme—the Project on Environment, Population and Security— is also discussed. The article ends with an evaluation of the theoretical merits and practical effects of the environment–conflict thesis. It argues that the environment–conflict thesis is theoretically rather than empirically driven, and is both a product and legitimation of the Northern security agenda.
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STEELE, BRENT J. "Ontological security and the power of self-identity: British neutrality and the American Civil War." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006613.
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Why did Great Britain remain neutral during the American Civil War? Although several historical arguments have been put forth, few studies have explicitly used International Relations (IR) theories to understand this decision. Synthesising a discursive approach with an ontological security interpretation, I propose an alternative framework for understanding security-seeking behaviour and threats to identity. I assess the impact Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation had upon the interventionist debates in Great Britain. I argue that the Proclamation reframed interventionist debates, thus (re)engendering the British anxiety over slavery and removing intervention as a viable policy. I conclude by proposing several issues relevant to using an ontological security interpretation in future IR studies.
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Gasbarri, Lorenzo. "The Dual Legality of the Rules of International Organizations." International Organizations Law Review 14, no. 1 (June 29, 2017): 87–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-01401003.
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This paper examines the legal nature of the ‘rules of international organizations’ as defined by the International Law Commission in its works on the law of treaties and on international responsibility. Part 1 introduces the debate with an example concerning the nature of un Security Council anti-terrorism resolutions. Part 2 challenges the four theories of the rules envisaged by scholarship. Part 3 is an attempt to examine the characteristics of the legal system produced by international organizations taking advantage of analytical jurisprudence, developing a theory of their legal nature defined as ‘dual legality’. Part 4 concludes by appraising the effects of the dual legality looking at the law of treaties, international responsibility and invalidity for ultra vires acts.
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Hammerstad, Anne. "Domestic threats, regional solutions? The challenge of security integration in Southern Africa." Review of International Studies 31, no. 1 (January 2005): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006303.
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The article discusses the salience of different theories of regional security integration through the prism of the experience of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It tracks the region's progress from a hostile security complex to a nascent security community and asks what strategy for security integration should be employed to continue this positive trend. Although Southern African leaders seem to prefer a collective security strategy à la NATO, the common security approach of the OSCE is more appropriate: most of the region's security threats are domestic and lack of capacity warrants an incremental, decentralised process focused on the weakest SADC members. The current state-centric approach, which tends to conflate the security needs of regimes with those of the population as a whole, will not further the cause of building a security community in Southern Africa.
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Siddiqi, Farhan Hanif. "Pakistan and Singapore as Small Powers." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (May 9, 2014): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341291.
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Abstract The subject of international relations and its theories are based primarily on what the great powers do. Major ir theories including realism and neorealism have put small states and powers at the very margins of their respective theories arguing that since they do not display any form of power at the national and systemic levels they could as easily be discarded from theoretical and empirical debate and analysis. The present article challenges this theoretical construct and seeks to investigate whether the small powers are innate non-players in the international system and hence ‘vulnerable’ entities or display forms of power vis-à-vis the great powers in which their ‘maneuverability’, influence and independence may be manifest. This is attempted with respect to a comparative analysis of Pakistan and Singapore in which both an endogenously driven explanation taking into account both states’ domestic constitutive features are brought into focus alongside a behaviorally-oriented exogenous explanation bordering on power and security.
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Karim, Sabrina. "Restoring Confidence in Post-Conflict Security Sectors: Survey Evidence from Liberia on Female Ratio Balancing Reforms." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 3 (June 28, 2017): 799–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000035.
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Civilian confidence in domestic institutions, particularly in the security sector, is important for stability and state consolidation in post-conflict countries, where third-party peacekeepers have helped maintain peace and security after a conflict. While other scholars have suggested that a strong security sector is necessary for mitigating the credible commitment problem, this article provides two alternative criteria for assessing security sector reforms’ effect on confidence in the security sector: restraint and inclusiveness. Female ratio balancing in the security sector meets these two criteria, suggesting that it has the potential to help enhance confidence in the security sector and thereby create the right conditions for the peacekeeping transition. The argument is tested using original surveys conducted in post-conflict, ex-combatant communities in Liberia. The expectations received empirical support. The findings indicate that restraining and inclusive reforms could improve trust in the state’s security sector. They also demonstrate the importance of considering gender in theories related to post-conflict peace building and international relations more broadly.
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Pudło, P., and W. Skuza. "The role of raw materials for geopolitical competition." Європейський вектор економічного розвитку 29, no. 2 (2020): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2074-5362-2020-2-29-7.
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The article aims to present the most important issues of competition for raw materials, where different ideas of international trade are identified with political and financial pressure. The method of research used in the work is the analysis of literary heritage and historical facts that confirm or deny different theories. In particular, the theories of T. Malthus, neo-Malthusians and their opponents, as well as the struggle for oil and gas resources in the Middle East, the Arctic and the struggle for water resources in Central Asia were analyzed. In recent years, raw materials have become an instrument of international security. It is the struggle for sources of raw materials that is one of the decisive factors in world stability. Trade in resources should be the focus of regular observations to ensure geopolitical stability
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Yeo, Andrew I. "Realism, critical theory, and the politics of peace and security: Lessons from anti-base protests on Jeju Island." European Journal of International Security 3, no. 2 (December 6, 2017): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2017.18.
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AbstractDrawing on insights from International Relations and social movement theories, I explore anti-base protests on Jeju Island and the ensuing politics of peace. I find that the clash between activists and policymakers is fundamentally tied to different views regarding the legitimacy of state actions on security policy and whether actors see states or people as the primary object of security. These real-world differences are mirrored in realist and critical perspectives of international politics. Policymakers tend to view the naval base as a means of protecting national interests and enhancing maritime security. Meanwhile, anti-base activists seek emancipation from an illegitimate state project uprooting a peaceful community. However, the perpetuation of a powerful realist discursive structure within the South Korean security and foreign policy establishment presents significant hurdles for anti-base movements in advancing their cause. My findings are based on ethnographic research in Gangjeong village in July 2012, interviews with activists and policymakers in South Korea, and an analysis of state and activist discourse in both Korean and English language sources.