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Siregar, Nelda Sari, and Else Liliani. "HEGEMONI CERPEN WAJAH ITU MEMBAYANG DI PIRING BUBUR KARYA INDRA TRANGGONO: ANALISIS WACANA KRITIS." LINGUA: Journal of Language, Literature and Teaching 16, no. 1 (2019): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30957/lingua.v16i1.576.
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The purpose of the study was to describe the dimensions of the text, the practice of discourse, socio-cultural practices, and the ideological formations in the short stories that face imagined on porridge plates. The theory used is the theory of sociology of Gramsci hegemony. The method used is a qualitative method with the Fairclough model of critical discourse analysis techniques. The results of the study are a form of hegemony when traditional markets turn into modern markets and make people have a consumptive lifestyle. The author expresses his criticism of the current phenomenon subtly with the symbol of genderuwo which has greed and hegemonic character. Genderuwo is represented as a capitalist system which is currently controlling society. The form of ideological formation in the form of authoritarianism-capitalism and humanistic-mysticism. There are groups of hegemony, pro-hegemony, and groups of counter-hegemony. The hegemony group is the main actor in the occurrence of hegemony (the dominant group), while the pro-hegemony group is a figure who supports the occurrence of hegemony, the counter-hegemony group consists of people who oppose the occurrence of hegemony (cultural rise).
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Zamani, Muhammad Fathan, Abi Ihsanullah, and Badri Badri. "KARAKTER ANTI-HERO SEBAGAI COUNTER-HEGEMONI SUPERHERO DALAM FILM DEADPOOL: ANALISIS COUNTER-HEGEMONI ANTONIO GRAMSCI." Jurnal CULTURE (Culture, Language, and Literature Review) 8, no. 2 (2021): 112–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.53873/culture.v8i2.264.
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Myth is an essential part in superhero roles. In modern superhero acts, a character may possess more than one myth. Thus, this portrayal is an ideal power to create supremacy. An author, even a director could employ the newly-created myth to overcome hegemonic power. As stated in Gramsci, there is an instrument to control, even surpass ideology. In the Deadpool 1 & 2 movie, the myth of superheroes is interpreted as the instrument of hegemony. The aims of this study are to find out what kind of superhero hegemony that will be countered in the Deadpool movie, what are the counter hegemony element in the Deadpool movie, and how are the Deadpool’s effort and his preparations doing ideological battle against the superhero existence. This research uses hegemony and counter-hegemony theory according to Antonio Gramsci. This research applies descriptive qualitative method. The findings are Deadpool’s act of violence and his merc-with-mouth assuming his role as an anti-hero. However, Deadpool finally encountered the existing myth of superheroes ideologically. Unexpectedly, Deadpool offers a solution to the existing hegemony.
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Xu, Lina, Eagle Zhang, and Corinne Cortese. "Exploring the role of accounting in the People’s Commune of China between 1958 and 1966." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 32, no. 1 (2018): 194–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-03-2016-2463.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the role of accounting in the construction and maintenance of political hegemony during Mao’s People’s Commune movement in China between 1958 and 1966. Drawing on concepts of ideological power and intellectual diffusion in political and civil society from Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, it analyses the process by which accounting intellectuals established a set of socialist accounting practices to meet the political challenges of the People’s Commune. Design/methodology/approach Gramsci’s theory is adopted to examine how the accounting systems of People’s Commune acted as a mechanism that reflected Mao’s political ideas. Findings This paper demonstrates that the accounting system that emerged during these socio-political movements served the ideological purpose of reinforcing Mao’s political ideology and his hegemonic leadership. Accounting functioned within the spheres of both political and civil society to facilitate a national collective will, and to construct behaviours that satisfied the political requirements of the People’s Commune. Originality/value This paper will contribute to the accounting history in China from 1958 to 1966.
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Zamzuri, Ahmad. "Ideologi dalam Novel Pabrik Karya Putu Wijaya." ATAVISME 20, no. 1 (2017): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24257/atavisme.v20i1.303.14-26.
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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap ideologi dan formasi ideologi dalam novel Putu Wijaya yang berjudul Pabrik dengan menggunakan teori hegemoni Gramsci. Masalah penelitian ini adalah ideologi apa yang dapat ditemukan dalam novel dan bagaimanakah pembentukannya. Untuk mengungkap ideologi dan formasi ideologi dalam novel ini, penelitian menggunakan metode melalui langkah-langkah berikut: (1) menentukan subjek penelitian; (2) melakukan studi kepustakaan; (3) mengidentifikasi ideologi berdasarkan teori hegemoni Gramsci; dan (4) menganalisis formasi ideologi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada empat ideologi dalam novel tersebut, yaitu (1) ideologi otoritarianisme; (2) ideologi individualisme; (3) ideologi liberalisme; dan (4) ideologi anarkisme. Formasi ideologi dalam novel tersebut muncul dalam tiga hubungan, yaitu hubungan kontradiktif antara ideologi otoritarianisme dan demokrasi, hubungan korelatif antara ideologi liberalisme dan hedonisme, dan hubungan bawahan antara ideologi otoritarianisme dan liberalisme. [Title: Ideology in Putu Wijaya’s Pabrik]. This study aims to reveal the ideology and ideological formation in Putu Wijaya's novel entitled Pabrik using Gramsci's theory of hegemony. The problem of this study is what ideology that can be found in the novel and how its formation is. In revealing the ideology and ideological formation in the novel, this research is organized through the following steps: (1) determining the subject of research; (2) conducting library research; (3) identifying ideologies based on Gramsci's theory of hegemony; and (4) analyzing the ideological formation. The results show that there are four ideologies in the novel; those are (1) the ideology of authoritarianism; (2) the ideology of individualism; (3) the ideology of liberalism; and (4) the ideology of anarchism. The ideological formation in the novel appears in three relationships, namely the contradictory relationship between the ideology of authoritarianism and democracy, the correlative relationship between the ideology of liberalism and hedonism, and the subordinate relationship between the ideology of authoritarianism and liberalism.
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Narotzky, Susana. "On waging the ideological war: Against the hegemony of form." Anthropological Theory 16, no. 2-3 (2016): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499616652518.
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This article seeks to rehabilitate the concept of ideology as a necessary tool of struggle against present-day capitalism. Post-structuralist epistemologies, by celebrating pluralism and the emergent character of knowledge and politics, have rendered the intellectual production of a unitary theory an obsolete remnant of a Modernist past. I contend that these well-meaning anti-authoritarian epistemologies unwillingly express the hegemony of a form that the Austrian school proposed for market competition in the first half of the 20th century. Based on ethnographic material of Spain, I acknowledge the need to develop a new conceptual framework that captures the singular experienced realities of the present but links them in a coherent unitary theoretical structure. The productive power of the ‘hegemony of form’ requires the construction of an ideology that may not only destroy it but also provide the basis of a counter-hegemony for producing a better future.
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James, Scott C., and David A. Lake. "The second face of hegemony: Britain's repeal of the Corn Laws and the American Walker Tariff of 1846." International Organization 43, no. 1 (1989): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004549.
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One challenge facing hegemonic stability theory is to specify the processes by which hegemonic countries construct and maintain a liberal international economic order. Earlier studies have focused on direct coercion or ideological manipulation by the hegemon as a principal technique for manipulating the trade policies of other countries. This article explores a different “face” of hegemony. Specifically, we contend that by altering relative prices through the exercise of their international market power, hegemonic leaders influence the trade policy preferences of their foreign trading partners. We examine this argument in the case of the American Walker Tariff of 1846. American tariff liberalization was intimately related to Britain's repeal of its Corn Laws. In the antebellum United States, Northern protectionist and Southern free trade proclivities were fixed; Western grain growers held the balance of power. By allowing access to its lucrative grain market, Britain altered the economic and political incentives of Western agriculturalists and facilitated the emergence of the free trade coalition essential to the passage of the Walker Tariff.
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Salam, Aprinus. "Hegemonic Formation in Post-Javanese Indonesian Society." Jurnal Humaniora 33, no. 3 (2021): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.69793.
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In society, there are various structured power relations that connect individuals who share certain interests and objectives. In these power relations, hegemony plays a significant role. Hegemony is the most important notion in the Marxist tradition, especially as it is conceptualized by Gramsci. This paper tries to re-read the issue of hegemony in the context of ideological contestation in Javanese society in Indonesia. The problem will be examined based on post-Marxist theory, especially as it relates to the demolition of the strong order of capitalism. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that hegemony forms itself in layers. The layers influence each other so that there is one area of hegemonic intersection. In Javanese society these days, there is a “competition,” especially in Yogyakarta, to return, feel, and become more Javanese than others. The implication is that there are parties who feel more Javanese than others. This case in this study is referred to as the post-Javanese society. However, in the intersection area, there are all-powerful puppeteers.
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Mayrudin, Yeby Ma'asan. "Construction of Ideological State Apparatus in the New Order Regime Against Communism in Indonesia." Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies 2, no. 2 (2017): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jils.v2i02.19436.
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Gramsci’s hegemony theory underlies the theory of ideological state apparatus Althusser studied in this paper, essentially also a repression of power. In empirical life, to create the subjectivity of society, the power paradigm of the New Order era relies heavily on the repressive state apparatus, and the ideological state of the apparatus. The paradigm was also known as state corporatism. This paper discusses two important things related to ideological state apparatus related to communism in Indonesia, namely: (1) the interpretation of communism in the new order regime, and (2) ideological state apparatus in the new order era.
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Tazkiyah, Destyanisa. "FORMASI IDEOLOGI DAN NEGOSIASI DALAM NOVEL JANGAN MENANGIS BANGSAKU KARYA N. MAREWO: KAJIAN HEGEMONI GRAMSCI." ALAYASASTRA 16, no. 1 (2020): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36567/aly.v16i1.411.
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ABSTRAKPenelitian ini menggunakan novel Jangan Menangis Bangsaku (JMB) karya N. Marewo sebagai objek material dan teori hegemoni Gramsci sebagai objek formalnya. Tujuan utama penelitian adalah untuk mengidentifikasi ideologi yang direpresentasikan oleh tokoh-tokoh dalam novel dan mengetahui bagaimana formasi ideologinya, serta menganalisis negosiasi ideologi yang terdapat dalam novel JMB. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif analisis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ideologi yang terdapat dalam novel JMB ialah nasionalisme, sosialisme, kapitalisme, teisme, humanisme, dan romantisme. Ideologi-ideologi tersebut saling berhubungan dan membentuk formasi ideologi yang bersifat kontradiktif, korelatif, dan subordinatif. Negosiasi ideologi dalam novel ini terjadi melalui peristiwa dan dialog antartokoh. Ideologi dominan yang terdapat dalam novel ini adalah sosialisme yang bernegosiasi dengan ideologi subaltern lainnya dan membentuk suatu hegemoni.Kata Kunci: formasi ideologi, negosiasi, hegemoni ABSTRACTThis research used novel Jangan Menangis Bangsaku (JMB) by N.Marewo as the material object and Gramsci’s hegemony theory of literature as the formal object. The main objective of the research is to identify ideologies which are represented by the characters in the novel and find out the ideology formation, and analyze the ideological negotiations that contained in the novel. The method used is descriptive analysis. The results showed that the ideologies contained in the novel JMB were nationalism, socialism, capitalism, theism, humanism, and romanticism. These ideologies are interconnected and form ideological formations that are contradictory, correlative, and subordinative. Ideological negotiation in this novel occurs through events and dialogue among characters. The dominant ideology is socialism, this ideology negotiates with other subaltern ideologies and forms a hegemony.Keywords: ideology formation, negotiation, hegemony
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Carmo, Rachel Aguiar Estevam do. "A HEGEMONIA DISSOCIADA E O PAPEL IDEOLÓGICO DA CEPAL NOS ANOS DE 1950 A 1960." movimento-revista de educação, no. 6 (June 28, 2017): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/movimento2017.v0i6.a20937.
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O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.
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Carmo, Rachel Aguiar Estevam do. "A HEGEMONIA DISSOCIADA E O PAPEL IDEOLÓGICO DA CEPAL NOS ANOS DE 1950 A 1960." movimento-revista de educação, no. 6 (June 28, 2017): 362–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/mov.v0i6.341.
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O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.
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Abdullah, Walid Jumblatt. "Bringing Ideology in: Differing Oppositional Challenges to Hegemony in Singapore and Malaysia." Government and Opposition 52, no. 3 (2015): 483–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.30.
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This article explores the nature of the main opposition parties to the incumbent hegemonic regimes in Malaysia and Singapore. I argue that the differing characters of these opposition parties should be considered. In Singapore, where there is no ideological challenge to the ruling party, I contend that even if the opposition takes over it will be the end of a hegemonic party but not hegemony. In Malaysia, the opposite is true. This article contributes to the literature on transition theory in two ways: (1) it recognizes the diversity of authoritarian regimes and enhances analyses of various authoritarian regimes by focusing on one type – hegemonic parties; and (2) it brings ideology into the reckoning by focusing on the nature of the opposition parties most likely to take over.
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Hamas, Marisa Salsabila, та Khafid Roziki. "As-Sulṭatu wa al-Haimanatu as-Siyāsiyatu fi al-Diwān li Ahmad Maṭar (Dirāsah al-Adab al-Ijtimāiy 'inda Antonio Gramsci)". Journal of Arabic Literature (JaLi) 3, № 1 (2021): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jali.v3i1.13373.
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The purpose of this study was to determine the ideological formations and the forms of resistance contained in the anthology of Ahmad Mathar's poetry using Hegemony theory based on the perspective of Antonio Gramsci. This research is a descriptive qualitative study. This study used the anthology of Ahmad Mathar's poetry as primary data and used some journals that are relevant to this study as secondary data. Data collection methods were done by reading, listening, and writing. The researchers used persistence, data triangulation, and discussion to test the data validity. The data analysis techniques used the technical analysis version of Miles and Huberman. Data analysis techniques were done by reducing data, presenting data, and concluding. What our study showed were The ideological formations that emerged from 3 main figures in poetry, namely the United States as a political society or the bourgeois class, Saddam Hussein's government as a political and civil society, and Iraq as a civil society. The three figures interpreted several events of hegemony, and each figure has a different ideology. There are three forms of resistance from civil society of hegemony, namely violent resistance from armed groups, humanistic resistance, and ideological negotiation
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Jansen, Sue Curry, and Don Sabo. "The Sport/War Metaphor: Hegemonic Masculinity, the Persian Gulf War, and the New World Order." Sociology of Sport Journal 11, no. 1 (1994): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.11.1.1.
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Sport/war metaphors during the Persian Gulf War were crucial rhetorical resources for mobilizing the patriarchal values that construct, mediate, and maintain hegemonic forms of masculinity. Theory is grounded in an analysis of the language used during coverage of the war in electronic and print news media, as well as discourse in the sport industry and sport media. Various usages of the sport/war metaphor are discussed. It is argued that sport/war metaphors reflected and reinforced the multiple systems of domination that rationalized the war and strengthened the ideological hegemony of white Western male elites.
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Lasiana, Dewi Saklina, and Mamik Tri Wedawati. "THE PORTRAYAL OF HEGEMONY AS SEEN IN SNOWPIERCER." Journal of Language and Literature 9, no. 1 (2021): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35760/jll.2021.v9i1.3719.
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Snowpiercer is a sci-fi thriller movie directed by Bong Joon-ho. This movie presents the world’s survivors that live in a train creating their own economy and class system. The depiction of the movie is how power and ruling position could be achieved by conducting a process of moral and intellectual leadership rather than exercising full coercion. In Snowpiercer, Wilford as the dominant class attempts to gain power and authority to control the society through ideological indoctrination by the apparatuses. The study employs a sociological approach to literature to reveal the operation of hegemony in Snowpiercer. This study uses Antonio Gramsci’s concept of Hegemony as the main theory and Max Weber’s theory about power as supporting theory. In analyzing the data, this study uses a narrative and non-narrative approach. This study aims to describe hegemony through five stages of hegemony operation in Snowpiercer. Secondly, revealing the impact of hegemony on the subaltern class in Snowpiercer. Moreover, as the result shows that In Snowpiercer, hegemony is a process of gaining power through Indoctrinating ideology in which the role of coercive elements is necessary to maintain the power and authority obtained by the dominant class when the hegemony has weakened. This explains how hegemony conducted by Wilford lasts long and strong as it affects particular main aspects such as economic, military, education, culture, etc. Moreover, The dominant class's hegemony arises an impact on the subaltern class in the tail section, many people in the tail section get isolated, oppressed, and exploited.
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Lubbock, Rowan. "Geopolitical Economy and the Chimera of Hegemony." Historical Materialism 27, no. 1 (2019): 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001508.
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Abstract This review critically engages with Radhika Desai’s concept of geopolitical economy as a framework for understanding the evolution of the capitalist state system. While presenting a useful challenge to many of the most deeply-held beliefs in International Relations theory, Desai’s over-reliance on a geopolitical lens produces a relatively one-sided account of the ways in which capitalism forges distinct international regimes and ideological formations under a given set of historical conditions of possibility. Thus, Desai’s somewhat opaque reading of the international relations of capitalism clouds our understanding of what the current conjuncture might entail for any possible future beyond the social discipline of capital.
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Martin, James. "The Post-Marxist Gramsci." Global Discourse 9, no. 2 (2019): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15526540593561.
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Gramsci's ideas, particularly his formulation of cultural and ideological 'hegemony', have been a vital reference point in post-war Marxism and radical political thinking generally. Laclau and Mouffe's recasting of hegemony in a post-Marxist idiom continued a wider tendency to amplify a specific aspect of Gramsci's work, largely by neglecting consideration of his historical context or political and organisational commitments. By expanding hegemony into a radical theory of social constitution, I argue, Laclau and Mouffe drew upon Gramsci effectively to distance themselves from much of his legacy. This, I suggest, exemplified an interpretive attitude of 'mourning' that contrasts with the tendency to a 'left melancholia' that seeks an authentic radical subject prior to politics.
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Makgato, Mary, Chaka Chaka, and Itani Mandende. "Theorizing an Africana Womanist’s Resistance to Patriarchy in Monyaise’s Bogosi Kupe." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 4 (2018): 330–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718760194.
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This article examines the resistance of an African woman to patriarchy in the Setswana novel, Bogosi Kupe. To illustrate this resistance, it analyzes a woman protagonist, Matlhodi, in this Setswana novel. The article contends that Matlhodi employs self-defining and authentic stratagems to counteract both patriarchal hegemony, and familial, cultural, and ideological hegemony. Employing Africana womanism and Africana critical theory, it argues that Matlhodi deploys her body, her clandestine love affair, her pregnancy, and her husband’s death as weapons to resist the patriarchal ethos foisted on her by her family.
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Sevignani, Sebastian. "Digital Transformations and the Ideological Formation of the Public Sphere: Hegemonic, Populist, or Popular Communication?" Theory, Culture & Society 39, no. 4 (2022): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02632764221103516.
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This paper elaborates on a theory of the ideological public sphere in the age of digital media. It describes the public sphere as an initially ascending and then descending communication process that includes both polarising and integrating publics, which are organised by antagonistic media and compromise-building mass media. This framework allows us to distinguish between hegemonic, populist, and popular-oriented flows of communication, as well as register changes in the interplay of different publics driven by digital media platforms. Digital transformations of the public sphere give rise to antagonistic and networked-individualistic flows of populist communication that put public hegemony under constant pressure. The challenge is to find ways to strengthen popular communications that enable democratic learning processes and the flourishing of communicative competences of all citizens.
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Rifa'ie, Muhammad. "HEGEMONY ANALYSIS IN AJIDARMA SENO GUMIRA’S PENEMBAK MISTERIUS SHORT STORIES." LiNGUA: Jurnal Ilmu Bahasa dan Sastra 14, no. 2 (2020): 293–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ling.v14i2.7469.
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This study aims to explain the ideological confrontation, the role of intellectual figures, and the formative role text of Penembak Misterius by Seno Gumira Ajidarma uses sociology of literature as the approach of the study with the specialized implementation of hegemony theory by Antonio Gramsci. The results of this study are as follows. First, the ideological confrontation in Penembak Misterius aims at denying the absolute authority of the New Order's formal ideology, namely militarism, development, capitalism, authoritarianism, hedonism, and radicalism. Second, the role of intellectual figures in Penembak Misterius is played to criticize capitalism, materialism, hedonism, developments, national urbanization, also criticizing New Order government officials, the mysterious shooting policy, and at the same time criticizes violence and human rights violations for children. Third, the formative role of the Penembak Misterius text acts as an interrogative text based on the practice of critical memory. It does not only serve as a documentation of historical events but also intends to link the historical events as an emancipation effort.
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Varga, Donna. "Innocence versus Savagery in the Recapitulation Theory of Child Study: Depictions in Picturebooks and Other Cultural Materials." International Research in Children's Literature 11, no. 2 (2018): 186–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2018.0274.
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This article examines the contentions of recapitulation theory in child development study as materialised in images and texts of children's books, and how these contributed to the ideological hegemony of possible and impossible childhoods, with the white innocent and Black savage as counterpoints. In addition, it identifies the continuity of this perspective both in popular culture and academic denials that such racialised distinctions are problematic.
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Nugent, Elizabeth, Tarek Masoud, and Amaney A. Jamal. "Arab Responses to Western Hegemony." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 2 (2016): 254–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716648738.
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Scholars have long held that Islamism—defined as a political ideology that demands the application of Islamic holy law and the deepening of religious identity—is in part a response to Western domination of Muslim lands. Drawing on the literatures on nationalism and international relations theory, we argue that Islamism is one of a menu of options that Muslims may adopt in response to Western hegemony—a menu that includes Arab nationalism and pro-Western accommodation. We hypothesize that a Muslim’s ideological response to Western domination is a function of the type of domination experienced—that is, military, cultural, or economic—as well as of individual-level characteristics such as intensity of religious practice. We test this hypothesis with a nationally representative survey experiment conducted in Egypt. We find that, among subjects in our study, pro-Western responses to Western domination were more common than “Islamist” or “nationalist” ones and that these were particularly driven by reminders of the West’s economic ascendancy. These findings suggest that foreign domination does not always yield defensive responses and often produces desires for greater cooperation with the hegemon.
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Al-juboori, Ali Hamzah, and Sabah Slaibi Mustafa. "Ideological Discursive Strategies in the Work of American Think Tanks: A Critical Discourse Analysis." World Journal of English Language 12, no. 5 (2022): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v12n5p202.
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While relatively decent attention has been paid to the analysis of ideological discursive strategies deployed by the political policy-producing institutions of think tanks, this study uncovers the strategies in the discourse of American think tanks that attempt to ideologically (re)produce social realities and shape public opinion at the textual and semantic levels. To this end, an eclectic model of critical discourse analysis CDA is adopted to qualitatively and quantitatively deconstruct and interpret nine texts from three conservative think tanks focusing on three political issues namely (1) Islamic terrorism, (2) Russian role in the Middle East, and (3) the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The findings show the centrality of ideological discursive strategies in (a) polarizing a positive presentation of the US (in-group) against the negative presentation of THEM (out-group), and (b) advocating for a hegemony of current and/or desired socio-political realities.
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Singh, Jaspreet. "Echoes of Marginalized Voices in Ranendera’s Lords of The Global Village." Shanlax International Journal of English 11, no. 1 (2022): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/english.v11i1.5842.
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The present study explores the selected text Lords of the Global Village from the perspective of subaltern studies. The text from the perspective of subaltern literary theory focuses on the ‘Asur’ Tribe’s lifestyle, their marginalization by the mainstream, their issues and their conflicts with the dominant structures. The paper, from the vantage point of subaltern studies, aims to explore the underpinnings of this novel. By taking into account the concepts of Subalternity, Hegemony, Resistance, Assimilation, Subversion of establishment, through a subaltern reading of Lords of the Global Village would be analysed. The study explores, treatment given to characters of different groups and ideological implication of this treatment. Gramsci’s concept of hegemony and Ranjit Guha’s ideas of Subalternity have been used for analysing and interpreting the selected work.
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Triggs, Francesca. "The Ideological Function of “Positive Energy” Discourse: A People’s Daily Analysis." British Journal of Chinese Studies 9, no. 2 (2019): 83–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.51661/bjocs.v9i2.41.
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Following its emergence as a popular social byword, in 2012 the term “positive energy” was adopted into frequent usage in Chinese political discourse. Previous studies have analysed the term’s usage in a social context alongside a growing interest in positive psychology, resulting in a portrayal of its main function as that of spreading hope and optimism in the face of challenges. This study now seeks to understand the ideological function the term has served in the political sphere, arguing for a deeper understanding of positive energy discourse within a Gramscian framework of political consensus-building, aimed at reinforcing CCP hegemony. This is shown through an exploratory analysis of People’s Daily Online articles inspired by framing and content-analysis theory, which considers the thematic components, sub-frame problems and actors of the term since the beginning of Xi Jinping’s time in power. The results of this analysis reveal four key trends. These are a focus on challenges which undermine Party dominance; an emphasis on ideas of social responsibility, and communality of interest between the state and the people; a promotion of moral action a grassroots level; and the advocation of state authority over the Internet. The results demonstrate how positive energy discourse has encouraged a popular consensus around CCP hegemony, creating a Gramscian “common sense” due to its grassroots origins, association with an increasingly popular positive psychology movement, and in-built connotations of happiness.
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Cong, Yuxin. "The Conformity and Subversion of Lolita Fashion to Male Chauvinism from the Perspective of Gramsci’s “Hegemony” Theory." SHS Web of Conferences 148 (2022): 03019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202214803019.
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This work illustrates the gender discourse in Lolita fashion. Lolita clothing is a kind of clothing in ancient European style which is adapted by Japanese designers, and Lolita subculture is cultivated by mass as a result of its popularity. Most of its enthusiasts are female, thus it will be beneficial to the development of female subculture if the gender discourse signified by Lolita fashion is analyzed thoroughly. Based on Gramsci’s “hegemony” theory, this paper analyzes the male hegemony, female resistance and their “negotiation” in texts about Lolita fashion. They are divided into two categories, one is ideological and related to man’s gaze, another is economic and related to division of labor between sexes. It is concluded that Lolita fashion or subculture is a field of “negotiation” between male chauvinism and female resistance. These two discourses tend to compromise with each other, while it is still difficult to tell which one is dominant at present.
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Degiuli, Francesca, and Christopher Kollmeyer. "Bringing Gramsci back in: labor control in Italy's new temporary help industry." Work, Employment and Society 21, no. 3 (2007): 497–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017007080011.
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This article examines the labor control processes being implemented in Italy's recently developed temporary help industry. The social science literature generally predicts that voluntary forms of labor control require genuine compromises between management and its workforce. Based on interviews, observational field-work, and analysis of industry documents, the authors compare this expectation against the details of the Italian case. Overall, they find that management is attempting to build consensus not by granting temporary workers meaningful concessions, as the literature would generally suggest, but rather by reframing temporary work as a viable opportunity for upward social mobility, and reinforcing these ideological messages with coercion when needed.These findings suggest that ideological power may play a larger role in the labor control process than previously recognized, and that Gramsci's theory of ideological hegemony deserves greater attention from scholars studying such matters.
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STEPHEN, MATTHEW. "Globalisation and resistance: struggles over common sense in the global political economy." Review of International Studies 37, no. 1 (2010): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001142.
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AbstractThis article develops and applies the role of ‘common sense’ in a Gramscian theory of transnational counter-hegemony. Building on recent interpretative literature on the alter-globalisation movement, it applies this framework to then evaluate empirically the impact of the alter-globalisation movement on the realm of global ‘common sense’ understandings of the world in the period 2002 to 2007. It shows that there is little empirical support for the notion that the alter-globalisation movement effected a legitimation crisis for neo-liberalism as a hegemonic project on a global scale. Instead, a more ambivalent and potentially reactionary situation amongst collectively held norms is revealed. This indicates the shortcomings of the alter-globalisation movement as a coalition of social forces capable of mounting an ideological attack on neo-liberalism and forging a new intellectual-moral bloc.
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Ulum, Ömer Gökhan, and Dinçay Köksal. "Ideological and Hegemonic Practices in Global and Local EFL Textbooks Written for Turks and Persians." Acta Educationis Generalis 9, no. 3 (2019): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/atd-2019-0014.
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Abstract Introduction: Studies on the relationship between ideology, hegemony and textbooks in applied linguistics have been incremental in recent decades because emergence of critical theory, critical pedagogy, and critical thinking skills from the 1920s on has led scholars to develop a critical perspective towards EFL (English as a Foreign Language) textbooks taking the elements of ideology and hegemony into consideration. These two terms encompass an innumerable number of elements or compounds ranging from nationalism to religion. The importance of meta-narratives originating from the tenets of modernism or modernization has been downgraded from 1960s on because it has been postulated that the world has entered a new age called postmodernism and post-structuralism that have emphasized the role of individuals and criticized the efforts to reinforce post-colonialism, the effects of which can be seen in EFL textbooks. Therefore, it remains crucial to analyze EFL textbooks taking the main elements of ideology and hegemony into account. The aim of this study is to investigate the ideological and hegemonic practices included in globally and locally written EFL textbooks. Methods: Using a mixed method research design, ideological and hegemonic representations included in EFL textbooks were examined qualitatively through descriptive content analysis technique employed to make valid assumptions by interpreting and coding content of textual materials. For the qualitative data, based on a descriptive research design, textbook analyses, documentary analysis, were conducted. As for the inductive content analysis, both globally and locally EFL textbooks were examined. The themes were extracted with the help of the experts since this study entailed inductive content analysis. Each theme was analyzed and perused by the experts. After a rigorous analysis, each theme was compared, and in the last stage common themes were formed. Results: The findings of the present study show that ideology and hegemony of inner and expanding circle cultures are dominant in EFL textbooks. While the expanding circle culture is dominant in the locally written EFL textbooks, the inner circle culture is extensively included in the globally written ones. However, outer circle countries are excluded and marginalized. Besides, while specific ideologies such as economy and history were highly included in both globally and locally written textbooks, some of them such as law and gender were weakly detected. Discussion: This present study showed that locally written textbooks dwell more on expanding circles, whereas globally written textbooks except for national geographic textbooks, to a large extent, mention only inner circle. Correspondingly, Abdullah (2009) scrutinized the textbooks in Malaysia and concluded that their textbooks covered local cultures from expanding circles. A similar finding was detected in various textbooks in Chile also including the local culture instead of the target one (McKay, 2003). In our study, the most dominant ideological component was culture (75.87% in global textbooks and 77.80% in local textbooks) whose components contain social norms, traditions, beliefs, social values (Williamson, 2000). Surprisingly, in both locally and globally written textbooks, the ideology of culture was prevalent (75.87% in global textbooks and 77.80% in local textbooks). This component was both implicitly and explicitly presented in the textbooks analyzed in this study. Limitations: Taking the extent of the study into consideration, specific limitations already subsist in hand. Initially, choosing textbooks for the analysis of the existing ideological and hegemonic practices in the materials is a difficult task; hence, a particular and convenience selection criterion was selected. Additionally, as the scope of the study is constructed on English as a foreign or second language - a lingua franca, the selection was built on textbooks written globally and locally. Conclusion: In locally written textbooks, multiculturalism and law-related issues were barely mentioned, while few religion, politics and gender-related issues were directly mentioned. Some topics, although they were very pivotal across the globe, were never mentioned. The topics of poverty, slavery, and racism were by no means focused on in the textbooks. Thus, it can be said that some topics are underrepresented or never represented owing to the fact that these topics might be too risky. As for the ideology of language, this element was emphasized in both global and local textbooks. The element of education was moderately stressed. Another important element is sport that is prevalent in both global and local EFL textbooks.
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Leonardo, Zeus. "Through the Multicultural Glass: Althusser, Ideology and Race Relations in Post-Civil Rights America." Policy Futures in Education 3, no. 4 (2005): 400–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2005.3.4.400.
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In 1996, an edited volume devoted to Stuart Hall's work published the essay ‘Gramsci's Relevance for the Study of Race and Ethnicity’. Central to Hall's analysis was Gramsci's deployment of the concept of hegemony. This article hopes to accomplish parallel insights on race and multiculturalism by going through the concept of ideology as theorized by Althusser. A thoroughgoing and critical theory of ideology is currently missing from multiculturalism. When ideology is invoked, it either goes through a Marxist refutation of the racial concept or it is posed as a problem that needs to be transcended rather than a constitutive part of the ideological struggle over race. Just as Hall reminds us that Gramsci's theory of hegemony must be taken in the context of Gramsci's Marxist problematic, this article notes that Althusser's theory of ideology must be taken in the context of his commitment to historical materialism. However, in order to analyze the relevance of Althusser's theory of ideology for the study of race and multiculturalism (something which did not appear in Althusser's work), the author appropriates his insights sans his problematic of historical materialism. Althusser's theory is useful for a study of race, which is as much a problem at the ideological as it is at the material level. Furthermore, Althusser's discourse on ideology enriches debates about race and multiculturalism to the extent that his general insights on ideology are appropriate for such an analysis. In this explication, the author presents a brief introduction to the multiple levels of Althusser's theory of ideology. Then, he appropriates Althusser's general insights and relevance, determining the most pertinent moments in his theory for the study of race and multiculturalism. Last, the author poses the problem of color-blind discourses on race.
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Юйфэн, Мэн. "MAO ZEDONG'S THEORY OF "NEW DEMOCRACY": THE EXPERIENCE OF MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF AN IDEOLOGICAL CONSTRUCT." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no. 3 (2022): 297–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-3-297-306.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the key concepts of Mao Zedong's theory of "new democracy". For this purpose, the author chooses the cognitive understanding of ideology as a methodological guideline, first, the structural-morphological approach of M. Freeden, which allows us to characterize the core of ideology considering its adjacent and peripheral concepts. Relying on the analysis of Mao's texts of the 1920-40 period, the author shows how an ideological construct is formed in the discourse of the leader of the Chinese Communists, which later became known as the "theory of new democracy". The article reveals the meaning of the concepts that make up the core of this theory: the Sinification of Marxism, revolutionary war and new democracy. At the same time, the author also emphasizes the role of adjacent concepts that allow revealing the general meaning of the "new democracy": classes and class struggle, agrarian revolution, Chinese nation, Chinese people, united national front, hegemony, etc.
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Bayer, Gerd. "When Earth Matters: Bessie Head’s When Rain Clouds Gather." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (2019): 448–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0038.
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Abstract This essay discusses Bessie Head’s When Rain Clouds Gather from an ecocritical perspective, asking how her late 1960s’ novel already anticipated some of the politics of early twenty-first-century environmental thinking in the postcolonial sphere. The alliance of various marginalized characters who, one way or another, violate against existing hegemonic structures replaces the ideological and cultural conflict over territory, which derived directly from the colonialist past, with an agricultural revolution that aims to empower those who most closely resemble the subaltern classes variously theorized in postcolonial theory. This re-turn to the physical or even Real, to the materiality of the earth, opens up an alternative to the cultural essentialism that, from its beginning, created numerous stumbling stones on the path towards decolonization. Through its turn towards farming and the land and away from cultural forms of hegemony, the novel emphasizes the materiality of reality.
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BEHR, HARTMUT, and AMELIA HEATH. "Misreading in IR theory and ideology critique: Morgenthau, Waltz and neo-realism." Review of International Studies 35, no. 2 (2009): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509008547.
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AbstractThis article is interested in the hegemony which neo-realism accomplished during the second half of the 20th century in both the academic field and policy making of I/international R/relations. Our examination posits the argument that neo-realism can be seen as an ideology rather than a theory of international politics. While this view can connect to individual voices from the 1960s as well as to an emerging body of critical literature since the 1990s, we propose an ideology critique to explore this argument. To unfold this approach we will elaborate some neo-realist misreadings which we think manipulate intellectual history (among others, the writings of Hans J. Morgenthau) and represent an ideological impact intrinsic in the development of IR. An ideology critical approach – which is inherent in Morgenthau's thoughts on international theory themselves and thus helps to reveal profound discrepancies at the heart of an ostensible ‘realist’-neo-realist ‘unity’ – has, firstly, to problematise those discrepancies and, secondly, to focus on hegemonic strategies applied to ideologise and mainstream the academic field. The first part of such an agenda is what we present here; the second part is what we outline methodologically and suggest for further studies in, and of, IR.
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Villar Muñoz, Rafael del. "semiótica en Chile." Signa: Revista de la Asociación Española de Semiótica 7 (February 2, 2022): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/signa.vol7.1998.32820.
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There are three historical periods in the Chilean semiotics. The first one corresponds to its birth (1969) associated with the ideological fight of society as a whole. The second one (1975-1982) corresponds to the hegemony of an epistemological field whose fundamental demands are the gaps in specific theoretical fields: the literature and the visual aesthetics. The third period (1981 to this day), that incorporates a new epistemological region: the communications develops a rupture with the previous field, the questions are no longer originated in the theory but in the productive structure of society.
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Persaud, Randolph B. "Ideology, socialization and hegemony in Disciplinary International Relations." International Affairs 98, no. 1 (2022): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab200.
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Abstract This article argues that Disciplinary International Relations (DIR) does not only explain international affairs, but it also socializes and hegemonizes publics and professionals into an ideological worldview consistent with the interest of states that underwrite the world economic and security order based on hegemonic liberalism. Considerable emphasis is placed on tracing the continuities between the early theorization of IR in the United Kingdom and the United States, and the contemporary academic/foreign policy/security ‘complex’ dedicated to the maintenance of a hegemonic world order. The article demonstrates that the call for a greater theory–policy nexus in international affairs is redundant because leading American scholars double up as policy-makers, either directly or through other avenues such as consultancies. Some of the most prominent IR scholars, such as Michael Doyle, John Lewis Gaddis, Samuel Huntington, G. John Ikenberry, Stephen Krasner, Theodore H. Moran, Joseph Nye and Anne-Marie Slaughter, among others, have served in high-level positions in the United States foreign policy and security apparatus. The article also shows the ways in which in the early days of IR theorizing in the UK, scholars such as Lionel Curtis, Alfred Zimmern and Norman Angell doubled as staunch defenders of the British Empire, albeit in the language of liberal internationalism.
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Wenner, Lawrence A. "The Mediasport Interpellation: Gender, Fanship, and Consumer Culture." Sociology of Sport Journal 30, no. 1 (2013): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.30.1.83.
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This paper considers how mediated sport’s promotional culture works to hail us in interlinked gender, fan, and consumer identities. The paper draws on findings from a recent series of studies to illustrate how an emergent dirt theory of narrative ethics helps move beyond Althusser’s notion of ideological hailing to understand the dynamics of power and contraints at play in strategic sporting narratives that stereotype men and women and their roles as fan and consumer. The discussion focuses on the dynamics of narrative hegemony and the prospects and limits of social change in the ethics that undergird sport-related narratives in consumer culture.
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Tietaah, Gilbert K. M., Margaret I. Amoakohene, and Marquita S. Smith. "Continuity in change: A history of radio for national development." Radio Journal:International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 17, no. 2 (2019): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/rjao_00006_1.
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In this article, we assert and demonstrate a particular and enduring adaptability of radio in tandem with observable temporal shifts in development communication theory and practice in Africa. Specifically, we use the historical research method to explore and explain the ideological discourses, polity contours and social forces that have overlain the role of radio as both an index and an instrument of development in Ghana. The evidence reveals that radio has transitioned through three key milestones in how the technology has been appropriated and applied to national development efforts: from transplantation, through transmission, to transaction. Each of these phases coincides, incidentally, with paradigm shifts in development communication theorizing: from modernization through diffusion to participation. They also coincide, broadly, with three distinctive epochs of ideological shifts in the historical accounting on radio for development in Ghana: from British imperial hegemony, through post-independence command-and-control, to contemporary liberal pluralism.
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Leelapatana, Rawin, and Abdurrachman Satrio Pratomo. "The Relationship Between a Kelsenian Constitutional Court and an Entrenched National Ideology: Lessons from Thailand and Indonesia." ICL Journal 14, no. 4 (2020): 497–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2020-0013.
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Abstract Hans Kelsen was a pro-democracy Austrian jurist, who, owing to his Jewish ancestry, was forced to flee to the United States of America after Adolf Hitler’s rise to power. His well-known theory of centralised constitutional review has not only influenced the design of many constitutional courts in Western Europe. It has also expanded to other parts of the world, including Thailand and Indonesia. Having determined to break with their authoritarian pasts, these two Southeast Asian countries decided to establish a Constitutional Court (in 1997 in Thailand and in 2003 in Indonesia), to consolidate their democratic transition as well as to safeguard democracy from attack. This decision inevitably brought the liberal-democratic assumptions underlying Kelsen’s model into competition with entrenched national ideologies traditionally exploited by political power holders and the military to preserve their hegemony – Thai-ness in Thailand and Pancasila in Indonesia. In contrast to Kelsen’s original theory, both these ideologies advocate strong leadership, national harmony and social hierarchy. This paper explores the extent to which the ideological hegemony of Thai-ness and Pancasila affects the performance and jurisprudence of the Thai and Indonesian Constitutional Courts respectively. An alternative understanding of the implementation of the Kelsenian-style Constitutional Court in the absence of its facilitative conditions will ultimately be proposed.
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Mangi, Luis Claudio. "Neoinstitutionalism and the appropriation of bourdieu's work: a critical assessment." Revista de Administração de Empresas 49, no. 3 (2009): 323–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-75902009000300007.
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Despite the still present hegemony of the structural-functionalist orthodoxy, the mid 1980's witnesses the insurgence of new philosophical approaches. This body of work had become a vital intellectual and ideological resource for those who wanted to confront the functionalist dominance in organization studies, such as structuration theory, labour process theory and neoinstitutionalist theory. The purpose of this paper is to review the incorporation of Bourdieu's work into neoinstitutionalism. I argue that this appropriation has resulted in a significant loss of theoretical strength. By giving place to the cognitivist metaphors of mental models, "scripts" and "schemas", instead of adopting the notion of habitus, neoinstitutionalism reinforces some of the ever-present dichotomies in social sciences, especially those of agency/structure and individual/society. While neoinstitutionalism was refining the cognitive approach in the 1990's, Bourdieu was moving towards psychoanalysis. Some indications for future research are provided in the concluding notes.
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Munslow, Alun. "Andrew Carnegie and the Discourse of Cultural Hegemony." Journal of American Studies 22, no. 2 (1988): 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580002199x.
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Can cultural change be explained as a function of discourse? A discourse is any language territory, whether a mode of thinking, talking or writing, which presupposes shared assumptions between its producer and consumer. This means that the relationship between language and ideology is dependent upon the nature of a particular discourse. This paper offers comments on this question with reference to the formation of the post-bellum American business culture and its ideology by examining the written works of one of its leading exponents, the industrialist Andrew Carnegie. Working from the assumption that this business culture was serving the interests of a new ruling group at the expense of subordinate Populist-Producer ones, does an evaluation of the business-man's discourse reveal how it helped create that ideological domination? Both Hayden White and Michel Foucault have claimed that culture can be explored by reference to the primary figurative modes of discourse, particularly the tropes of metonymy and synecdoche. Basic to this rhetorical approach to cultural formation is its assumption that ideology is a function of discourse, even though White, the most devoted practitioner of the theory of the poetic foundation of cultural practices, recognises Foucault's insight that discourse resides in the world and is bound up with property ownership, power and the imposition of force. Assuming that power is embedded in a dominant social formation, business spokesmen like Carnegie, working to maintain the authority of a particular class, did so through a range of discursive cultural practices that contended with others for dominance. In the Gramscian model of cultural change Andrew Carnegie was an organic intellectual in as much as he functioned according to the interests of the new fundamental class of the wealthy industrial bourgeoisie.
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Platt, Gerald M., and Rhys H. Williams. "Ideological Language and Social Movement Mobilization: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Segregationists' Ideologies." Sociological Theory 20, no. 3 (2002): 328–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9558.00167.
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The current “cultural turn” in the study of social movements has produced a number of concepts formulating the cultural-symbolic dimension of collective actions. This proliferation, however, has resulted in some confusion about which cultural-symbolic concept is best applied to understanding cultural processes involved in social movements. We articulate a new definition of ideology that makes it an empirically useful concept to the study of social-movement mobilization. It is also formulated as autonomous of concepts such as culture and hegemony and of other cultural-symbolic concepts presently used in the movement literature to explain participant mobilization. We demonstrate the usefulness of our ideology concept by analyzing letters written to Martin Luther King, Jr. from segregationists opposed to the integration of American society. The analysis indicates that the letter writers particularized segregationist culture, creating ideologies that fit their structural, cultural, and immediate circumstances, and that the ideologies they constructed thereby acted to mobilize their countermovement participation. The particularizing resulted in four differentiated ideological versions of segregationist culture. The empirically acquired variety of ideological versions is inconsistent with the role attributed to cultural-symbolic concepts in the social-movement literature and requires theoretical clarification. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical implications for social-movement theory of the variety of segregationist ideologies.
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Doku, Dr Samuel Obed. "Hegemony Unbound: Tradition Gone Awry as the Female Body Mimics a Site of Colonization and Decolonization in Alice Walker’s “Possessing the Secret of Joy”." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 4, no. 10 (2016): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v4i10.1678.
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Alice Walker’s novel, Possessing the Secret of Joy shares some similarities with many texts written by black Americans, but it is uniquely different because its settings include an African village where the story begins. The novel is rich in intertextuality as it engages other great American authors like W.E.B. Du Bois, Zora Neale Hurston, William Faulkner, feminist bell hooks; and Austrian psychoanalytical theorist, Carl Jung. Beside its psychoanalytical framework and story-telling pattern with multiple narrators, Possessing the Secret of Joy is also grounded in Louis Althusser’s Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs) and Repressive State Apparatuses (RSAs) theories, as well as in Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony theory.1 These theories exemplify themselves in the way the protagonist in the novel is convinced to succumb to genital mutilation and how a journey into herself to remember long-repressed memories, eventually results in her ability to liberate women of her village. Possessing the Secret of Joy is a modernist novel in which hegemony, patriarchy, and feminism converge to expose an obnoxious practice in an African village in expectations of dismantling the antiquated tradition that informs the novel.
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Carpentier, Nico, and Benjamin De Cleen. "Bringing Discourse Theory into Media Studies." Journal of Language and Politics 6, no. 2 (2007): 265–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.6.2.08car.
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When Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe published an elaborate version of their discourse theory in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985), they were met with fierce resistance by a unified front of traditional Marxists and anti-poststructuralists. The debates on post-Marxism dominated much of the book’s reception. This focus, combined with discourse theory’s rather abstract nature, its lack of clear methodological guidelines, and its more natural habitat of Political Studies, caused discourse theory to remain confined to this realm of Political Studies, despite the broad ideological definition of the political preferred by the authors. This article aims to revisit discourse theory and bring it into the realm of Media Studies. A necessary condition to enhance discourse theory’s applicability in Media Studies is the re-articulation of discourse theory into discourse theoretical analysis (DTA). DTA’s claim for legitimacy is supported in this article by two lines of argument. Firstly, a comparison with Critical Discourse Analyses (CDA) at the textual and contextual level allow us to flesh out the similarities — and more importantly — the differences between CDA and DTA. Secondly, DTA’s applicability is demonstrated by putting it to work in a case study, which focuses on the articulation of audience participation through televisional practices. Both lines of argument aim to illustrate the potential, the adaptability and the legitimacy of DTA’s move into media studies.
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Emam, Abbas. "Translating to hegemonize." FORUM / Revue internationale d’interprétation et de traduction / International Journal of Interpretation and Translation 20, no. 1 (2022): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/forum.21021.ema.
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Abstract Among the diverse varieties of translation, one is institutional translation, i.e., a type of translation done either in or for a particular institution. In contemporary Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution of 1979, a large number of social, religious, political, cultural, and artistic works have been translated from Persian into a long array of other languages within such a framework. The implementation of such trans-national projects has involved hundreds of translators/ interpreters, allocation of billions of dollars, and making use of a wide network of international publishers and distributors. Numerous motives could be enumerated for such undertakings; however, the effects of such endeavors appear not to have been addressed in Translation Studies as yet. This research aims at pinpointing the mechanisms of such institutions, in particular relying on concepts such as ideology, hegemony and translational discourse-propagating network to contribute to evaluation of such a phenomenon. To this end, 11 Iranian post-revolutionary institutions with translational agendas were identified, demonstrated to have been following double objectives across the world; ideological identity-based discourse to propagate Islamic revolutionary Shia inclinations as well as to support consolidate the hegemony of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
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Jaques, Cecilia, Mine Islar, and Gavin Lord. "Post-Truth: Hegemony on Social Media and Implications for Sustainability Communication." Sustainability 11, no. 7 (2019): 2120. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11072120.
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Contrary to what practice suggests, social media platforms may not be an appropriate forum for communicating with civil society about sustainability issues such as climate change. Misinformation campaigns are distorting the line between fact and falsity on social media platforms, and there has been a profound shift in the way that social media users consume and interact with information. These conditions have been popularly labeled as the post-truth era. Drawing from Neo-Marxian theory, we argue that post-truth can be explained as a new iteration of ideological struggle under capitalist hegemony. We substantiate this claim through a mixed methods investigation synthesizing corpus-assisted lexical analysis and critical discourse analysis to evaluate 900 user-generated comments taken from three articles on socioenvironmental topics published on Facebook by news organizations in the United States. The results showed that the nature of this struggle is tied explicitly to the role of science in society, where the legitimacy of science is caught in a tug-of-war of values between elitism on the one hand and a rejection of the establishment on the other. It follows that presenting truthful information in place of false information is an insufficient means of coping with post-truth. We conclude by problematizing the notion that Facebook is an adequate forum for public dialogue and advocate for a change in strategy from those wishing to communicate scientific information in the public sphere.
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Tsygankov, A., and P. Tsygankov. "Self-Portrait of Russian IR Theorists: Results of a Survey." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-92-102.
Full textAbstract:
The article contributes to the recent discussion of roles played by the global core and periphery in forming knowledge about the world. As the world moves away from the U.S. political hegemony, the global scholarship on international relations too reflects a greater cultural diversity. The recent attempts by International Relations scholars to create room for knowledge from the perspective of the “non-American” and “non-Western” periphery have implications for Western, particularly American, intellectual hegemony. While inviting a dialogue across the globe, new voices from Asia, Africa, and Latin America are challenging the position of the West’s ideological and cultural dominance. The increasingly multipolar world may be becoming multicultural as well. The (re)emergence of discussion in International Relations theory on roles played by the global core and periphery in forming knowledge about the world raises important questions about the potential of “non-Western” cultures to contribute to global academic developments. If the world is indeed moving away from the U.S. political and intellectual hegemony, what role would local cultures have in knowledge formation? As a “semi-peripheral” nation, Russia may speak on behalf of both the center and peripheral parts of the world, thereby becoming an important voice in the global conversation. This paper reviews discussions among Russian scholars by identifying the dominant schools as Universalist and Pluralist. Both are in favor of Russia’s continued integration with the global IR community, but stress different sides of such integration. While Universalists argue for the ontological and epistemological unity of the world, Pluralists emphasize social, cultural, and intellectual diversity. Based on a survey among those teaching IR theory in Russian educational institutions, the paper also reviews development of the discipline as viewed by the Russian academic community. Russian academics assess the state of IR theory as a crisis relative to intellectual developments in the country’s recent past and abroad. The progress of Russian IR depends on its continued global integration and the development of indigenous Russian political thought.
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Ismail, Azman. "Pramoedya Ananta Toer's Novels on Independence Revolution from the Perspective of Journalistic Hegemony." Malay Literature 34, no. 1 (2021): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml34(1)no4.
Full textAbstract:
The journalistic hegemony conceptual framework is an approach in the study of literary works in all genres. This framework functions on the principle that a literary work is a creative medium that comprises facts, data and reality that is fictionalized for the purpose of spreading information to its readers, similar to that of conventional media. Based on documentary research and content analysis, this study proves that Pramoedya Ananta Toer's novels on the theme of the Indonesian National Revolution (1945-1949)-Di Tepi Kali Bekasi (1951), Keluarga Gerilya (1955), Sekali Peristiwa di Banten Selatan (1963) and Larasati (2003)-are creative media intended to raise awareness among the Javanese marginal class. The focus of this study is to prove that Pramoedya Ananta Toer's novels are creative media designed to create hegemony and mental awareness, both intellectually and ideologically, in the social class he represents. The journalistic hegemony conceptual framework is based on the principle of comparative hegemony by Antonio Gramsci and the communication theory. The hypodermic needle theory places these novels on revolution by Pramoedya Ananta Toer as having the function of spreading information creatively in order to raise awareness and subsequently free the marginal class of false consciousness nurtured by the traditional bureaucratic elites and Dutch colonizers in Java.
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Evans, Peter B. "Declining hegemony and assertive industrialization: U.S.-Brazil conflicts in the computer industry." International Organization 43, no. 2 (1989): 207–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300032896.
Full textAbstract:
Alternative explanations for the formation of U.S. foreign economic policy are explored using the acrimonious but inconclusive conflict between the United States and its largest South American ally over Brazil's restrictive policies toward the computer industry. After comparing a post-dependency/bargaining perspective, the theory of hegemonic stability, and Stephen Krasner's structural conflict model, the article argues that systemic perspectives on foreign economic policy must be complemented by an account of the interaction between the effects of international position and the dynamics of domestic politics. The resulting politicized state-centric approach, which integrates interest-based politics and ideologically defined state aims, is proposed as a means of more fully understanding the dilemmas of a declining hegemon.
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Morgan, William J. "‘Radical’ Social Theory of Sport: A Critique and a Conceptual Emendation." Sociology of Sport Journal 2, no. 1 (1985): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.2.1.56.
Full textAbstract:
The social theory of sport literature has taken a new and welcome critical turn in the last few years. That turn is revealed in the emergence of a Marxist-based corpus of literature which challenges headlong the fundamental tenets of mainstream (functionalist) sport sociology. The purpose of the present paper is to critically respond to this new critical theory of sport; in particular to its two major versions—what I call, respectively, vulgar Marxist, and hegemonic sport theory. I argue that both versions of this theory are conceptually flawed, and that these conceptual flaws are themselves ideologically grounded. The point of my criticisms, however, is not to undermine or otherwise deflect the critical thrust of this theory, but to suggest that that thrust requires a new conceptual scaffolding which is more sensitive to the ideological temperament of advanced capitalist society.
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Benson, Keith E. "Crying, “Wolf!” The Campaign Against Critical Race Theory in American Public Schools as an Expression of Contemporary White Grievance in an Era of Fake News." Journal of Education and Learning 11, no. 4 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v11n4p1.
Full textAbstract:
The recent fervor over Critical Race Theory (CRT) in American public schools is the result of a confluence of contributing factors including: an eroded news media apparatus operating within a capitalist framework where an increasing portion of the American populace consume news through hyper-partisan cable news networks and social media that comports with their individual ideological preference; the decrying of CRT in schools as the latest iteration of historically-reliable White Backlash; and a highly-effective conservative messaging apparatus skilled in fomenting White Rage based on disinformation. In this essay I will, first, briefly survey America’s collapsing contemporary news media industry before discussing contextualizing White Rage throughout American history. From there, I will transition the article’s focus to the modern conservative media machine pushing fake news highlighting the (non-existent) issue of CRT in primarily suburban public schools as an exemplification of White Rage to protect whiteness and its hegemony for political gain.