Relevant bibliographies by topics / Theory of political mobilization

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Theory of political mobilization'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Theory of political mobilization"

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Browning, Rufus P., Dale Rogers Marshall, and David H. Tabb. "Protest Is Not Enough: A Theory of Political Incorporation." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 03 (1986): 576–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500018138.

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Protest Is Not Enoughis partly a report on the politics of black and Hispanic mobilization in ten northern California cities and partly an effort to formulate a theory useful for the study of minority mobilization and its significance in cities generally. The cities are San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland, Sacramento, Stockton, Berkeley, Richmond, Hayward, Vallejo, and Daly City. We did not expect to generalize the particulars of our ten cities to others, but we did try to cast our concepts and fundamental relationships at a sufficiently general level to encompass a wide variety of cities, and we hoped that the application of our framework to other cities would suggest ways in which it should be extended or altered.The TheoryWe wanted a conception of minority political action and position that linked mobilization to policy, that demonstrated the connection between the passions, interests, and actions of mobilization and the governmental response—if any. It was apparent that blacks and Hispanics achieved a much stronger and more positive response to their interests in some cities than in others. It was apparent also that minority representation in elective offices, the customary way of describing their political position, did not capture the strength of the minority position in the more responsive city governments. The key to the higher levels of responsiveness was not representation but coalition: minority inclusion in a coalition that was able to dominate a city council produced a much more positive governmental response than the election of minority council-members who were not part of the dominant coalition.
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Gladwin, Maree. "The Theory and Politics of Contemporary Social Movements." Politics 14, no. 2 (1994): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00118.x.

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Social movements of the 1960s have given rise to new theoretical perspectives such as Resource Mobilization Theory and theories of New Social Movements. Resource Mobilization Theory analyses the dynamics of mobilization: the effective organisation of social movements and their influence on mainstream political institutions. By contrast, New Social Movement theories seek to explain the anti-institutional nature of contemporary movements which are said to pursue radical social transformation through mainly cultural means. In this article, both theoretical approaches are examined but found to be inadequate explanations of the complexities of contemporary movements and their relationship with the political environment.
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Kosov, Yury, and Olga Trokhinova. "Political Mobilization: Prospects of Development of the Theory of Adoption of Political Decisions." Administrative Consulting 11 (2017): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2017-11-19-70-173.

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Grishin, Nikolay Vladimirovich. "Reinforcement Theory and Study of the Impact of Internet Technologies on Political Participation of Modern Youth." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (2021): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-1-47-59.

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The article examines the methodological possibilities of reinforcement theory in the field of studying the influence of Internet technologies on political behavior. The prospects of the theory of reinforcement are considered in the context of the changing role of Internet technologies in the political process since the beginning of the 2010s and the growing popularity of competing methodological directions, first of all, the theory of mobilization. It is revealed that the rivalry between the theory of reinforcement and the theory of mobilization at the present stage turns into a state of methodological dualism. Reinforcement theory not only retained its significance in the context of the growth of political mobilization in the period of the 2010s, but also received further development: the new concept of selective avoidance supplemented its theoretical apparatus. Reinforcement theory retains its significance for the study of political leadership among Russian youth, the activities of radical youth organizations. One of the factors in preserving the methodological potential of reinforcement theory in the study of the political activism of Russian youth is the practical combination of its principles with the network approach.
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Koffas, Stefanos. "Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0001.

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Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.
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Schmidt, Samuel H., Meg H. Hancock, Evan L. Frederick, Mary A. Hums, and Meera Alagaraja. "Examining Athlete Ally Through Resource Mobilization Theory." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 44, no. 3 (2020): 214–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723520910815.

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Social movement organizations have played an important role in athlete activism. Countless athlete activists have all benefited from having organizations supporting their social justice efforts. One such organization, Athlete Ally, partners with today’s athletes to create an inclusive athletic environment. Due to their relationship, both Athlete Ally and the athletes provide each other with resources to enact change through sport. The purpose of the following study was to examine the resources exchanged between the two entities through resource mobilization theory using qualitative interviews. Resources are divided into five categories: moral, cultural, social-organizational, human, and material. Results revealed moral, social-organizational, and material resources are shared between the two entities but not human and cultural resources. Practical and theoretical implications are expanded upon in the article.
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Piven, Frances Fox, and Richard A. Cloward. "Collective protest: A critique of resource mobilization theory." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 4, no. 4 (1991): 435–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01390151.

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McGovern, Stephen J. "Analyzing Urban Politics: A Mobilization–Governance Framework." Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 4 (2019): 1011–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087418820174.

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This paper begins by examining recent scholarship on the carceral state and its political consequences as an opportunity to reassess the study of urban politics. Along with illuminating how race structures local power relations, research on the carceral state exposes gaps in the long-standing, political–economy paradigm, and in particular regime theory, concerning the political lives of ordinary people and the role of ideas, values, and ideology in shaping political behavior. At the same time, this paper recognizes the powerful impact of market forces on urban governance, as well as regime theory’s emphasis on organizational resources, intergroup collaboration, and coalition building in accounting for business influence over city policymaking. A new analytical approach is proposed—the mobilization–governance framework—that seeks to build on the insights of scholarship on the carceral state while retaining still-valuable aspects of regime theory. A case study of contemporary politics in Philadelphia is presented to illustrate how the mobilization–governance framework might be applied.
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Cornwall, Marie, Brayden King, Elizabeth Legerski, Eric Dahlin, and Kendra Schiffman. "Signals or Mixed Signals: Why Opportunities for Mobilization are not Opportunities for Policy Reform." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 3 (2007): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.3.k6q6303j65h1l432.

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Drawing on political opportunity theory, the theory of legislative logic, and political mediation theory, we hypothesize differential effects of the political environment on the actions of challengers (suffragists) and state actors (legislators) in the women's suffrage movement. We use sequential logistic regression to assess the effects of explanatory variables on two intermediate stages of mobilization and policy change. In the case of challengers, we estimate the likelihood a state-level organization is present in any given legislative year. In the case of state actors, we estimate the likelihood a bill passes one legislative house given the presence of a state-level suffrage organization and that a bill has been introduced. Mixed signals are apparent in that challengers and legislators respond to the same environmental factors differently. Challengers respond to perceived opportunities for change. Legislators seek to enhance their political careers and are responsive to the demands of challengers when they perceive challengers as politically powerful or when social and cultural change signals a demand for policy reform. Legislators, in the end, are much more conservative in their response to the political context.
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Ip, Iam-chong. "After mobilization." Dialogue and Ways of Relating 10, no. 1 (2020): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00060.ip.

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Abstract My research addresses how social actors “act upon” social change by generating self-interpretation and representation of social life on the one hand and control over values and cultural orientations against the authorities on the other. While the existing literature on social movements overemphasizes the moments of mobilization, this article examines the intersections of social activism, online curative practices, and their everyday life. For this article, I opted to depict three representative cases of Hong Kong young activists who joined the Umbrella Movement in 2014. I argue that despite their similar political experiences, there are three divergent forms of agency embodied in their cultural representations. They figure in contestations which increasingly alienate the politicized crowd from civil society and the establishment.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Theory of political mobilization"

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Robinson, Vanessa M. "College students and voter mobilization campaigns : a grounded communication theory for increasing political efficacy and involvement." Scholarly Commons, 2007. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/667.

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This study examined which channels, messages, and sources were most effective in increasing political involvement among college students. Political participation among college students has decreased in every election since eighteen year- olds were given the right to vote. Numerous campaigns targeted to increase political participation among college students have been implemented but there is no evidence that these campaigns have been effective. This study developed a grounded theory for increasing political participation among college students l;!ased on several focus group interactions. Students were asked to report on which channels, messages and sources they currently received political information from and were then asked to collaborate on which channels, messages, and sources they predicted would increase political participation among college students. The grounded theory indicated that simplicity and convenience in information acquisition and reform in political dialogue regarding message formation, credibility, trustworthiness, and honesty from message sources were necessary in increasing political participation among college students. Previous research has stopped short of making predications based on prior research and qualitative analysis of what is truly effective in increasing political involvement among college students. This study sheds important insights toward increasing political involvement among college students from a comprehensive communication perspective.
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Yao, Tracy. "How to Get Married: An Examination of the Marriage Equality Litigation Strategy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/523.

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Marriage equality exists in 35 states and the District of Columbia. Activists are waiting on the Supreme Court to issue a ruling and bring the movement to its conclusion. Critics of litigation claim that its effects are limited at best, and that the movement's desired result could be achieved without stepping foot in a courtroom. This Article seeks to examine the marriage equality movement's strategy for getting to this point, particularly the role of courts, and argues that litigation was an effective and necessary means of expanding the freedom to marry.
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Meldgaard, Kristensen Henriette Pia. "Uyghur mobilization in Xinjiang since 1990 : what are the causes? : a social movement theory approach /." Aarhus : Department of Political Science, Aarhus University, 2009. http://www.niaslinc.dk/gateway_to_asia/nordic_webpublications/x506056324.pdf.

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Johnston, Robert W. "The resiliency of terrorist havens : a social mobilization theory approach /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FJohnston.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia L. Lawson. "December 2006." AD-A462 614. Includes bibliographical references (p.67-75). Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Jobe, Jankeh. "Reclaiming the Homeland - A Case Study of The Gambian Diaspora." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22224.

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This thesis seeks to analyse the role of the Gambian diaspora activists in Gambian politics particularly during the December 1st, 2016, Presidential election in which the long-time dictator Yahya Jammeh was defeated by the less experienced and known Adama Barrow. Despite an extensive mobilization effort over the past twenty-two years, spanning across continents, the fragile and disorganized Gambian diaspora has been unable to exert influence in Gambian politics due to unfavourable domestic conditions such as the unwillingness of the opposition to unite as well as state repression. However, the formation of coalition 2016 provided the diaspora activists an opportunity to engage effectively in mobilizing against the Jammeh regime through their online media platforms as well as financial contribution.  By using a multi-level research design using interviews and document analyses, the thesis explores the mobilization strategies of the Gambian diaspora as means of influencing at both the homeland and international levels.
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Foos, Florian. "Bringing the party back in : mobilization and persuasion in constituency election campaigns." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6a9e144a-33c5-444c-90f2-cd04f909dc16.

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In this thesis, I report the results from the first randomized field experiments conducted in collaboration with party-affiliated candidates and campaigns in the United Kingdom. The papers presented as part of this thesis test both the limits and possibilities of campaign influence, in a partisan political environment. During election campaigns parties provide signals to voters, voluntarily or involuntarily imposing a structure, and thereby constraints, on individuals’ electoral decisions. By integrating insights about heuristic and social decision-making into the experimental campaign literature, I formulate testable hypotheses about the direct and indirect effects of party cues on campaign mobilization and persuasion. The first paper, The Heuristic Function of Party Affiliation in Voter Mobilization Campaigns, addresses how the provision of party cues, used during campaign phone calls, affects turnout among party supporters, opponents and unattached voters. The second paper on Household Partisan Composition and Voter Mobilization, explores the spillover effects from the previous experiment, testing whether campaign-induced mobilization between household members is conditioned by the partisan composition of a household, and the partisan intensity of a campaign message. Paper three investigates if candidates who are Reaching Across The Partisan Divide can win over supporters of rival parties. In the fourth paper, I test if Impersonal, But Noticeable methods of voter contact, such as door hangers and text messages, affect the turnout decisions of partisans and unattached voters. The final paper, The National Effects of Subnational Representation, highlights the importance of local party organization for the outcomes of national elections. The results of this thesis show the electoral consequences of direct and indirect interactions between campaigns and voters of different partisanship, and point to strategies that allow constituency campaigns to successfully navigate challenging partisan environments.
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Farley, Jared A. "The Politicalization of the American Evangelical Press, 1960-1981: A Test of the Ideological Theory of Social Movement Mobilization." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1152903812.

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Slaten, Kevin Richard. "Obscure Terrain: The Rights Defense of Qingdao Internal Migrant Workers." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337959111.

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Dahmer, Jeferson. "Ação coletiva, governança democrática e accountability social na construção de cidades sustentáveis : os casos de Florianópolis, Ilhabela e Ilhéus." Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina, 2014. http://tede.udesc.br/handle/handle/61.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:11:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 121350.pdf: 11953559 bytes, checksum: 4a9a6c9211752ce668a53a7acadc51bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-31<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>In the last two decades, Latin America witnessed the emergence of civil society initiatives aimed at qualifying citizen participation, the production and systematization of information, the development of citizen perception surveys and in monitoring public administration. Leading this phenomenon are networks Red de Ciudades Cómo Vamos, Red Latinoamericana por Ciudades y Territorios Justos, Democráticos y Sustentables and its related Brazilian network. A common feature of these networks is their political goal of building fairer, democratic and sustainable cities. This work aimed to understand the extent of the experiences of three Brazilian cities - Florianópolis, Ilhabela and Ilheus, comprising the Brazilian and Latin American network, understood as collective action and expressing and influencing democratic governance and social accountability, generating incidence in political institutions and in other areas. The research is a qualitative and interpretive study. Data was collected in loco, in the participation of meetings and workshops that occurred through experiences, as well as conducting 25 interviews with leaders and participating groups, including local government. The analysis model was constructed from the analytical category of contencious politics, of Tarrow (2009), and the theory of collective action of political mobilization, linking them to references about democratic governance and prospects for associated accountability such as social, hybrid, diagonal and relational accountability. The results show the mutual influence between democratic governance and accountability, generated by these initiatives. While they represent new actors in governance, they show strategies for strengthening existing governance channels, demonstrating new possibilities and forms of accountability, such as social, in the construction of what they perceive as sustainable cities. Incidence is observed in areas such as: local agenda, city governance, political institutions, political and electoral debate, public policy, partner organizations and people.<br>A América Latina presenciou, nas duas últimas décadas, o surgimento de iniciativas da sociedade civil voltadas à qualificação da participação cidadã, à produção e à sistematização de informações, ao desenvolvimento de pesquisas de percepção cidadã e ao monitoramento do poder público. Expressões desse fenômeno são a Red de Ciudades Cómo Vamos, a Red Latino-americana por Ciudades y Territorios Justos, Democráticos y Sustentables e a sua correlata brasileira. Característica comum a estas redes é o seu objetivo político de construir cidades mais justas, democráticas e sustentáveis. Este trabalho buscou compreender em que medida as experiências de três cidades brasileiras - Florianópolis, Ilhabela e Ilhéus, que integram a rede brasileira e latino-americana, entendidas enquanto ação coletiva, expressam e influenciam a governança democrática e a accountability social, gerando incidência nas instituições políticas e em outros âmbitos. A pesquisa de cunho qualitativo e interpretativo, coletou dados in loco, na participação em reuniões e encontros promovidos pelas experiências, além da realização de 25 entrevistas com lideranças e grupos participantes, incluindo o poder público local. O modelo de análise foi construído a partir da categoria analítica do confronto político, de Tarrow (2009), e da teoria da ação coletiva da mobilização política, articulando-as a referenciais sobre governança democrática e perspectivas de accountability associadas, como a social, a híbrida, a diagonal e a relacional. Os resultados apontam a mútua influência entre governança democrática e accountability, geradas por estas iniciativas. Ao mesmo tempo em que elas representam novos atores na governança, evidenciam estratégias de fortalecimento dos canais da governança existente, demonstrando novas possibilidades e modalidades de accountability, como a social, na construção daquilo que entendem como cidades sustentáveis. A incidência é observada em âmbitos como: agenda local, governança da cidade, instituições políticas, debate político e eleitoral, políticas públicas, organizações parceiras e pessoas.
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Litsangou, Patrick. "La blogosphère politique américaine : démocratisation de l'Information, pouvoir de mise en agenda et de mobilisation." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100197/document.

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La thèse du présent travail est que certains blogs politiques américains sont non seulement une forme de journalisme citoyen mais aussi des atouts lors d'élections. Au vu de ce qui précède nous poursuivons un triple objectif : démontrer non seulement le pouvoir de mise en agenda de la blogosphère politico-journalistique aux États-Unis mais aussi la légitimité de celle-ci comme forme de journalisme postmoderne à la lumière du travail qu'elle effectue et de ses valeurs. Il vise en outre à prouver la capacité de mobilisation de la blogosphère politique américaine en périodes électorales notamment à travers une étude du blog de campagne de Howard Dean, candidat malheureux à l'investiture démocrate pour l'élection présidentielle de 2004. Pour mener notre recherche nous avons eu recourt à trois théories : La théorie des utilisations et satisfactions qui cherche à expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles les individus consomment un média particulier et les satisfactions qu'ils en tirent. La théorie du réseau nous a permis de saisir l'organisation et le fonctionnement de la blogosphère politico-journalistique mais aussi son pouvoir de mise en agenda. La dernière théorie qui nous a aidé dans notre travail est justement la théorie de la mise en agenda. Celle-ci a montré des similarités entre les médias sociaux comme les blogs politico-journalistiques et les médias traditionnels en terme d'influence sur respectivement la couverture médiatique et les conversations interpersonnelles<br>The thesis of this work is that some American political blogs are not only aform of citizen journalism but also assets during elections. We have three objectives in the present work : demonstrating not only the agenda setting power of political and current event blogs but also its legitimacy as aform ofpost modernjournalism in light of what itproduces (news staries, reports...) and its values. This thesis also aims to show the mobilizing capabilities of political blogs via an analysis of Howard Dean's cyber campaign during the 2003 democratic primaries in anticipation of the 2004 presidential campaign. To undertake this work we will resort to three theories: the uses and gratifications theory that describes the reasons whypeople are attracted to aparticular media and the satisfaction they derive from it. Network theory that explains the formation and the functioning of networks. ltproved helpful to grasp the structure of political blogs and the way they manage to sway . the work of mainstream media. Eventually Agenda setting theory made easier the analysis of mainstream media's influence on interpersonal conversations and the transposition of this mode! on the fashion with which current events and political blogs influence mainstream media's coverage
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Books on the topic "Theory of political mobilization"

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Kim, Surnchong. Economic development, social mobilization, participation, political development, and instability: A test of Huntington's theory in Korea. UMI, 1988.

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On military culture: Theory, practice and African armed forces. UCT Press, 2013.

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Gallo-Cruz, Selina. Political Invisibility and Mobilization. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003014416.

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Shoughry, Nida. "Israeli-Arab" Political Mobilization. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137083678.

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Naur, Maja. Political mobilization and industry in Libya. Akademesk Forlag, 1986.

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Political mobilization and industry in Libya. Akademisk Forlag, 1986.

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Kringen, John Arnold. Political mobilization and Chinese belief systems. U.M.I., 1986.

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The political mobilization of religious beliefs. Praeger, 1991.

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Heywood, Andrew. Political Theory. Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27364-5.

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Heywood, Andrew. Political Theory. Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-43728-0.

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Book chapters on the topic "Theory of political mobilization"

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Griggs, Steven. "Problematizing the Mobilization of Hospital Directors." In Discourse Theory in European Politics. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523364_5.

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Opp, Karl-Dieter. "Political Mobilization Approaches." In The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0014.

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This chapter deals with mobilizations or, equivalently, mobilization processes. These are processes in which collective action originates. A major theme of this chapter is the effects of mobilizations on transformations. These are understood as relatively radical societal upheavals. Mobilizations from below, in contrast to mobilizations from above, played a major role in the transformations of communist states in 1989/90. Only mobilizations from below are dealt with in this chapter. It is first discussed under which conditions mobilization processes come about. Next the role of mobilizations in transformation processes is addressed. The answers to these questions are applied to the explanation of the collapse of former communist states. The chapter applies in particular the theory of collective action and outlines a micro-macro explanation of transformation processes.
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Davis, Gerald F., Doug McAdam, W. Richard Scott, and Mayer N. Zald. "Political and Mobilization Context." In Social Movements and Organization Theory. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511791000.005.

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Meyer, Rachel. "Transforming Citizenship: The Subjective Consequences of Local Political Mobilization." In Political Power and Social Theory. Emerald Group Publishing Limited, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s0198-8719(2012)0000023010.

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Pratt, Geraldine, and Migrante BC. "Organizing Filipina Domestic Workers in Vancouver, Canada: Gendered Geographies and Community Mobilization." In Political Power and Social Theory. Emerald Publishing Limited, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s0198-871920180000035007.

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Bacallao-Pino, Lázaro M. "Radical Political Communication and Social Media." In Media Controversy. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9869-5.ch006.

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This chapter aims to analyze the practices of radical political communication within the context of social mobilizations whose emergence and initial spreading are inherently associated to social media. On the basis of a case study -the #YoSoy132, a university student mobilization during the 2012 electoral campaign in Mexico- the text analyzes the main uses of social media as part of the mobilizations and the interrelationships between online (communication) and offline collective action. The author concludes that, despite the importance of social media and the collective actions based on their use, even the participants recognize the necessity of going beyond the online space. Although social media pluralize the actors of political communication and even force its traditional actors to participate in alternative communication spaces, collective communicative action cannot be confined to the digital space, but it must be understood within the processes of social mobilization, in all its articulations and mediations.
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Yang, Kenneth C. C., and Yowei Kang. "Social Media, Political Mobilization, and Citizen Engagement." In Handbook of Research on Citizen Engagement and Public Participation in the Era of New Media. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-1081-9.ch020.

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On March 18, 2014, a group of student protestors raided and occupied the Legislative Yuan and later the Executive Yuan in Taiwan. The student-led movement lasted for about 3 weeks after Taiwan's President made significant concessions to change his non-transparent practices when signing the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) with People's Republic of China. Mostly labelled as a movement of civil disobedience against government's dealings with China, the 318 Sunflower Student Movement is viewed as an important step toward the deepening of Taiwan's democratization process. Its repercussions were felt in Hong-Kong and Macao where similar civil disobedience movements had emerged. On the basis of the resource mobilization theory (RMT), the authors used a combination of case study and thematic analysis methods to examine the role of social media in political mobilization in Taiwan. This chapter identified two major recurrent themes as follows: challenging mainstream media and mobilizing multi-movement resources.
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Vogt, Manuel. "Two Logics of Ethnic Mobilization." In Mobilization and Conflict in Multiethnic States. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190065874.003.0009.

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This chapter first summarizes the main empirical findings of the foregoing chapters. It then elaborates on their theoretical and practical implications, describing how they contribute to a number of central debates in recent conflict research and related fields of political science. In particular, the chapter discusses how the book’s theory and empirical results relate to other types of political contention and violence, such as ethnonationalist terrorism, ethnic cleansing, and state repression, and what they imply for the study of conflict outcomes and diffusion. The chapter concludes by elaborating the adequate political responses to ethnic mobilization in different types of multiethnic states. Specifically, stratified societies require political institutions that permit the collective mobilization of historically discriminated groups in order to rectify the existing inequalities. In contrast, the decolonized states and other segmented unranked societies need institutions that promote strong transethnic organizations to counter the threat of violent conflict.
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Přibáň, Jiří. "A Social Theory of Constitutional Imaginaries." In Constitutionalism under Stress. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198864738.003.0012.

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This chapter focuses on the concept of constitutional imaginaries and their classic legitimation semantics of topos-ethnos-nomos. Constitutional imaginaries are considered internal symbolic constructs of self-constituted positive law and politics which make it possible to describe functionally differentiated modern society as one polity and distinguish between legal and political legitimacies and illegitimacies in this polity. They are not limited by the unity of topos-ethnos-nomos and evolve in national as well as supranational and transnational constitutions. In the context of European constitutionalism, general imaginaries of common market, universal rights, and democratic power are thus accompanied by specific imaginaries of European integration through economic performativity, social engineering, legal pluralism, and political mobilization. These imaginaries show that political constitutions include a poietic societal force impossible to contain by autopoietic legal norms and political institutions.
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Isabella, Maurizio. "Religion, Revolution, and Popular Mobilization." In Re-Imagining Democracy in the Mediterranean, 1780-1860. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198798163.003.0010.

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In Mediterranean regions between the late eighteenth century and the middle of the nineteenth century, it proved difficult to separate politics from religion—because political communities were also conceptualized as religious communities, so governing them entailed taking a stance on their religious ordering. South European liberalism was not associated with religious toleration: the hope was to bind the national community together around shared beliefs; Ottomans, by contrast, fostered religious pluralism, though also solidarity within religious communities. Those who sought to change the political order along democratic or liberal lines often found some supporters among religious leaders—in southern Europe, especially among would-be church reformers, perhaps in a Jansenist tradition. Such leaders could play an important role in proselytising for new values—though religious—for example, Lamennaisian—visions of democracy did not necessarily align neatly with more political visions. Religious leaders were also often prominent among opponents of reforms and in mobilizing ordinary people behind conservative forms of politics.
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Conference papers on the topic "Theory of political mobilization"

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Dvoinenko, Maksim, and Maksim Smirnov. "Mobility as a Necessary Element of the Enemy Image Forming in Terms of Society Mobilization: Through the Lenses of Political Discourse in Modern Russia." In The First All-Russian Scientific and Practical Youth Conference “Mobility as a Soft Power Dimension: Theory, Practice, Discourse”. Institute of Philosophy and Law, Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17506/articles.mobility.2018.202217.

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Luiz Gradischnig, Eduardo, Vanessa Petró, and Vinicius Hartmann Ferreira. "O Uso de Tecnologias Cívicas no Vale do Caí." In Computer on the Beach. Universidade do Vale do Itajaí, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/cotb.v12.p575-577.

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The Internet is one of the main ways of interaction, production and consumption of content. The active participation of individuals in this environment, disseminating ideas and defending or proposing political agendas, can be considered as a new form of social mobilization, especially in the current pandemic context in which social distance is recommended. Based on this, this article presents the results of a project that aimed to investigate and learn about popular participation in the administrative sphere through the Internet in the municipalities that make up the Vale do Caí region. To achieve this goal, through exploratory research and a qualitative approach, all available technologies were mapped for citizens to participate in the political life of the 20 municipalities that make up the region from the websites of their prefectures. The analysis of these technologies is essential to understand how the interaction between the government and the citizen occurs in the Vale do Caí region.
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Ali, Irena, Leoni Warne, Derek Bopping, Dennis Hart, and Celina Pascoe. "Organisational Paradigms and Network Centric Organisations." In InSITE 2004: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2842.

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Many organizations grapple with uncertainty and vagaries of economic and political climate. A number of companies attained dramatic competitive advantages in their fields by creating comprehensive, complex communication and information networks. These companies, facilitated by the increasing efficiencies and speed of information technology, remained flexible and adaptable to change by working in a network centric way. Much of the network centric (NC) related work done to date has been mainly in the technological domain. This paper focuses on the human and organizational factors that need to be considered to make the most of the future network centric warfare (NCW) and enable future warfighters to deal with war, peace, terrorism and overall uncertainty. Particular focus is placed on the issues that individuals and groups face in the NC environment. Such issues include: organizational culture, cognitive demands, and knowledge mobilization and learning.
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Bulduklu, Yasin, Zeynep Karaçor, and Süleyman Karaçor. "Health Tourism in Times of Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02210.

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Increased transport facilities have created national and international mobility for different purposes. This mobility, which is generally regarded in the scope of tourism sector, is also widely used for health purposes. Countries, besides their natural, historical and cultural riches, are engaged in transnational the protection of health, the elimination of diseases and the development of health. It can be claimed that countries have made important efforts towards attracting tourists in the field of health tourism.&#x0D; Health has always been a significant value throughout history and people have sought different ways to develop and improve their wellbeing. Advanced transport means and easy access to information have brought people to search for health outside of their geographical area. Health tourism has also begun to arouse interest as a result of these searches, especially as an important source of income in the international scope.&#x0D; Health tourism has the potential to be influenced by numerous factors. Economic crisis situations, political turmoil and social movements in the countries are some of the factors that affect mobilization for health. In this study, the impact of the coup attempt on July 15, 2016 on Turkish Tourism Industry is analyzed through analysis of secondary data.
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G. Horning, Gloria. "Information Exchange and Environmental Justice." In InSITE 2005: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2925.

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The Environmental Justice Movement is an aggregate of community-based, grassroots efforts against proposed and existing hazardous waste facilities and the organizations that assist them. The movement has created a context in which low-income communities and people of color are able to act with power. Using interviews, participant observation, and various archival records, a case study of the organization HOPE located in Perry, Florida, was developed. The case compared key factors in community mobilization and campaign endurance. Special attention was paid to the process of issue construction, the formation of collective identity, and the role of framing in mobilizing specific constituencies. In the case of the P&amp;G/Buckeye Pulp Mill where the community face hazardous surroundings. Environmental inequality formation occurs when different stakeholders struggle for scarce resources within the political economy and the benefits and costs of those resources become unevenly distributed. Scarce resources include components of the social and natural environment. Thus the environmental inequality formation model stresses (1) the importance of process and history; (2) the role of information process and the relationship of multiple stakeholders; and (3) the agency of those with the least access to resources. This study explores the information exchange and the movement's identity on both an individual and group level. When people become involved in the movement they experience a shift in personal paradigm that involves a progression from discovery of environmental problems, through disillusionment in previously accepted folk ideas, to personal empowerment.
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Kulnazarova, Anastasia, and Artur Rafikov. "Mobilization Potential of Political Communications in Social Media." In 2021 Communication Strategies in Digital Society Seminar (ComSDS). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/comsds52473.2021.9422875.

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Popova, O., and E. Negrov. "Political activity of the Russian youth: a mobilization potential of the sources of political information." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Sustainable Development of Cross-Border Regions: Economic, Social and Security Challenges (ICSDCBR 2019). Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsdcbr-19.2019.74.

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Golovatsky, Evgeny V. "Mobilization Of Social Resources Within Political Innovations: Network Communication Practices, Tendencies, Vulnerabilities." In RPTSS 2017 International Conference on Research Paradigms Transformation in Social Sciences. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.02.46.

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Deodhar, Bhakti. "Networks of the ‘Repugnant Other’: Understanding Right-wing Political Mobilization in Germany." In 4th International Conference on Social Science, Humanities and Education. Acavent, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/4th.icshe.2020.12.43.

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Li, Zhi. "On the Characteristics of Resentment in Political Mobilization of Competitive Election in the United States." In 2018 4th International Conference on Humanities and Social Science Research (ICHSSR 2018). Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ichssr-18.2018.65.

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Reports on the topic "Theory of political mobilization"

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Acemoglu, Daron, Georgy Egorov, and Konstantin Sonin. A Political Theory of Populism. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17306.

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Fontaine, Richard A., and John J. Mulhern. An Application of Planning Theory to Industrial Mobilization Planning. Defense Technical Information Center, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada218288.

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Zingales, Luigi. Towards a Political Theory of the Firm. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w23593.

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Maggi, Giovanni, and Andres Rodriguez-Clare. A Political-Economy Theory of Trade Agreements. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11716.

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Ales, Laurence, Pricila Maziero, and Pierre Yared. A Theory of Political and Economic Cycles. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18354.

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Hatfield, John William, and Gerard Padró Miquel. A Political Economy Theory of Partial Decentralization. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w14628.

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Shertzer, Allison. Immigrant Group Size and Political Mobilization: Evidence from European Migration to the United States. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18827.

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Drazen, Allan. Towards a Political-Economic Theory of Domestic Debt. National Bureau of Economic Research, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w5890.

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Drazen, Allan, Nuno Limão, and Thomas Stratman. Political Contribution Caps and Lobby Formation: Theory and Evidence. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10928.

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Robinson, James, and Ragnar Torvik. A Political Economy Theory of the Soft Budget Constraint. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12133.

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