To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Theory of political mobilization.
Journal articles on the topic 'Theory of political mobilization'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Theory of political mobilization.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Browning, Rufus P., Dale Rogers Marshall, and David H. Tabb. "Protest Is Not Enough: A Theory of Political Incorporation." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 03 (1986): 576–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500018138.
Full textAbstract:
Protest Is Not Enoughis partly a report on the politics of black and Hispanic mobilization in ten northern California cities and partly an effort to formulate a theory useful for the study of minority mobilization and its significance in cities generally. The cities are San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland, Sacramento, Stockton, Berkeley, Richmond, Hayward, Vallejo, and Daly City. We did not expect to generalize the particulars of our ten cities to others, but we did try to cast our concepts and fundamental relationships at a sufficiently general level to encompass a wide variety of cities, and we hoped that the application of our framework to other cities would suggest ways in which it should be extended or altered.The TheoryWe wanted a conception of minority political action and position that linked mobilization to policy, that demonstrated the connection between the passions, interests, and actions of mobilization and the governmental response—if any. It was apparent that blacks and Hispanics achieved a much stronger and more positive response to their interests in some cities than in others. It was apparent also that minority representation in elective offices, the customary way of describing their political position, did not capture the strength of the minority position in the more responsive city governments. The key to the higher levels of responsiveness was not representation but coalition: minority inclusion in a coalition that was able to dominate a city council produced a much more positive governmental response than the election of minority council-members who were not part of the dominant coalition.
2
Gladwin, Maree. "The Theory and Politics of Contemporary Social Movements." Politics 14, no. 2 (1994): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00118.x.
Full textAbstract:
Social movements of the 1960s have given rise to new theoretical perspectives such as Resource Mobilization Theory and theories of New Social Movements. Resource Mobilization Theory analyses the dynamics of mobilization: the effective organisation of social movements and their influence on mainstream political institutions. By contrast, New Social Movement theories seek to explain the anti-institutional nature of contemporary movements which are said to pursue radical social transformation through mainly cultural means. In this article, both theoretical approaches are examined but found to be inadequate explanations of the complexities of contemporary movements and their relationship with the political environment.
3
Kosov, Yury, and Olga Trokhinova. "Political Mobilization: Prospects of Development of the Theory of Adoption of Political Decisions." Administrative Consulting 11 (2017): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2017-11-19-70-173.
Full text
4
Grishin, Nikolay Vladimirovich. "Reinforcement Theory and Study of the Impact of Internet Technologies on Political Participation of Modern Youth." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (2021): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-1-47-59.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the methodological possibilities of reinforcement theory in the field of studying the influence of Internet technologies on political behavior. The prospects of the theory of reinforcement are considered in the context of the changing role of Internet technologies in the political process since the beginning of the 2010s and the growing popularity of competing methodological directions, first of all, the theory of mobilization. It is revealed that the rivalry between the theory of reinforcement and the theory of mobilization at the present stage turns into a state of methodological dualism. Reinforcement theory not only retained its significance in the context of the growth of political mobilization in the period of the 2010s, but also received further development: the new concept of selective avoidance supplemented its theoretical apparatus. Reinforcement theory retains its significance for the study of political leadership among Russian youth, the activities of radical youth organizations. One of the factors in preserving the methodological potential of reinforcement theory in the study of the political activism of Russian youth is the practical combination of its principles with the network approach.
5
Koffas, Stefanos. "Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.
6
Schmidt, Samuel H., Meg H. Hancock, Evan L. Frederick, Mary A. Hums, and Meera Alagaraja. "Examining Athlete Ally Through Resource Mobilization Theory." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 44, no. 3 (2020): 214–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723520910815.
Full textAbstract:
Social movement organizations have played an important role in athlete activism. Countless athlete activists have all benefited from having organizations supporting their social justice efforts. One such organization, Athlete Ally, partners with today’s athletes to create an inclusive athletic environment. Due to their relationship, both Athlete Ally and the athletes provide each other with resources to enact change through sport. The purpose of the following study was to examine the resources exchanged between the two entities through resource mobilization theory using qualitative interviews. Resources are divided into five categories: moral, cultural, social-organizational, human, and material. Results revealed moral, social-organizational, and material resources are shared between the two entities but not human and cultural resources. Practical and theoretical implications are expanded upon in the article.
7
Piven, Frances Fox, and Richard A. Cloward. "Collective protest: A critique of resource mobilization theory." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 4, no. 4 (1991): 435–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01390151.
Full text
8
McGovern, Stephen J. "Analyzing Urban Politics: A Mobilization–Governance Framework." Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 4 (2019): 1011–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087418820174.
Full textAbstract:
This paper begins by examining recent scholarship on the carceral state and its political consequences as an opportunity to reassess the study of urban politics. Along with illuminating how race structures local power relations, research on the carceral state exposes gaps in the long-standing, political–economy paradigm, and in particular regime theory, concerning the political lives of ordinary people and the role of ideas, values, and ideology in shaping political behavior. At the same time, this paper recognizes the powerful impact of market forces on urban governance, as well as regime theory’s emphasis on organizational resources, intergroup collaboration, and coalition building in accounting for business influence over city policymaking. A new analytical approach is proposed—the mobilization–governance framework—that seeks to build on the insights of scholarship on the carceral state while retaining still-valuable aspects of regime theory. A case study of contemporary politics in Philadelphia is presented to illustrate how the mobilization–governance framework might be applied.
9
Cornwall, Marie, Brayden King, Elizabeth Legerski, Eric Dahlin, and Kendra Schiffman. "Signals or Mixed Signals: Why Opportunities for Mobilization are not Opportunities for Policy Reform." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 3 (2007): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.3.k6q6303j65h1l432.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing on political opportunity theory, the theory of legislative logic, and political mediation theory, we hypothesize differential effects of the political environment on the actions of challengers (suffragists) and state actors (legislators) in the women's suffrage movement. We use sequential logistic regression to assess the effects of explanatory variables on two intermediate stages of mobilization and policy change. In the case of challengers, we estimate the likelihood a state-level organization is present in any given legislative year. In the case of state actors, we estimate the likelihood a bill passes one legislative house given the presence of a state-level suffrage organization and that a bill has been introduced. Mixed signals are apparent in that challengers and legislators respond to the same environmental factors differently. Challengers respond to perceived opportunities for change. Legislators seek to enhance their political careers and are responsive to the demands of challengers when they perceive challengers as politically powerful or when social and cultural change signals a demand for policy reform. Legislators, in the end, are much more conservative in their response to the political context.
10
Ip, Iam-chong. "After mobilization." Dialogue and Ways of Relating 10, no. 1 (2020): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00060.ip.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract My research addresses how social actors “act upon” social change by generating self-interpretation and representation of social life on the one hand and control over values and cultural orientations against the authorities on the other. While the existing literature on social movements overemphasizes the moments of mobilization, this article examines the intersections of social activism, online curative practices, and their everyday life. For this article, I opted to depict three representative cases of Hong Kong young activists who joined the Umbrella Movement in 2014. I argue that despite their similar political experiences, there are three divergent forms of agency embodied in their cultural representations. They figure in contestations which increasingly alienate the politicized crowd from civil society and the establishment.
11
Buechler, Steven M. "Beyond Resource Mobilization? Emerging Trends in Social Movement Theory." Sociological Quarterly 34, no. 2 (1993): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1993.tb00388.x.
Full text
12
Walgrave, Stefaan, and Jan Manssens. "The Making of The White March: The Mass Media as a Mobilizing Alternative to Movement Organizations." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 2 (2000): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.l2263725765g0177.
Full textAbstract:
The White March in Brussels on October 20, 1996 left many social scientists speechless. They witnessed by far the largest demonstration in Belgian history, 300,000 participants, but were struck by the total absence of any mobilization machinery. This article's thesis is that the press acted as an adequate alternative to intermediary organizations and, as such, was responsible for the huge success of the White March. Focusing on the coverage of the Dutroux case in five Belgian newspapers during the three months leading up to the demonstration, we argue that there is sufficient evidence that the media co-produced the White March. We demonstrate empirically how the different thresholds of central conventional mobilization theory were passed by the press, and conclude with a theoretical discussion on the circumstances favorable for media-driven peak mobilizations.
13
Corning, Peter A., and Samuel M. Hines. "Political Development and Political Evolution1." Politics and the Life Sciences 6, no. 2 (1988): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400003178.
Full textAbstract:
An evolutionary perspective, which is currently enjoying a revival in the social sciences, raises the possibility of a major transformation in the study of political development and modernization. It may be desirable to supplement (and in some instances replace) the concept of “political development” with the concept of “political evolution.” Political development may be likened to the biological process of ontogeny. It involves the construction of a viable set of political qua cybernetic processes and structures at any level of social organization, from wolf packs to human families to empires. Political evolution is an aspect of phylogeny. It involves the invention, elaboration, and diffusion of novel political forms of all kinds, only some of which may be more effective, or inclusive, or democratic, etc. Nor are all evolutionary changes necessarily “better” (i.e., more adaptive). Political development is concerned with problems of social engineering, while political evolution is concerned with architectonics—with the emergence of functionally significant political innovations. Political development is always situation-specific, while political evolution is also historical and may include changes that diffuse and become “species-wide.” Political evolution is thus a dimension of the larger process of biological evolution. The emergence of political systems, which long predates the evolution of humankind, constitutes a set of adaptive strategies with significant evolutionary consequences. Political development and political evolution may go hand in hand, but this is not always the case. A particular polity may develop or decay independently of the larger process of political evolution. Among the many theoretical implications of this conceptual reformulation, we briefly address the impact on functionalist theory, modernization theory, social mobilization theory, political economy (positive theory), world systems theory, dependency theory, and contemporary Marxist views.
14
Bishin, Benjamin G., Thomas J. Hayes, Matthew B. Incantalupo, and Charles Anthony Smith. "Elite Mobilization: A Theory Explaining Opposition to Gay Rights." Law & Society Review 54, no. 1 (2020): 233–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lasr.12457.
Full text
15
Collins, Randall. "What Does Conflict Theory Predict about America's Future?: 1993 Presidential Address." Sociological Perspectives 36, no. 4 (1993): 289–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389390.
Full textAbstract:
Main points of conflict theory are summarized. Multiple dimensions of social resources each generate potential conflicts between haves and have-nots. Potential interests become effective to the degree that they are mobilized, relative to the mobilization of opposing interests; such mobilization depends upon both (1) conditions of ritual solidarity within a conflict group and (2) material resources for organizing. Each round of overt conflict sets the stage for the next round, both materially and by swaying the balance of perceived responsibility for past atrocities. Any particular conflict eventually deescalates, either because material resources for mobilization are used up or by the ritual disassembling of conflict groups. Mild conflicts continue longer than intense conflicts. Deescalation of mild conflicts typically occurs through bureaucratic institutionalization of concessions to interest groups; bureaucratic niches in turn become resource bases for future conflicts. These principles are applied to analyze the patterns of conflict in the United States in the late twentieth century and to predict future patterns of conflict.
16
Kaufman, Stuart J. "War as Symbolic Politics." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 3 (2019): 614–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz018.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article uses Kaufman's symbolic politics theory of ethnic war as the basis for a broader theory integrating most existing insights about the causes of international and civil war. It starts with findings from psychology showing that people are intuitive thinkers whose decisions result less from rational calculation than from symbolic predispositions—biases such as ideology and prejudice. Studies also show that increased feelings of threat lead to increased aggressive attitudes and behavior. Symbolic politics theory explains how individual attitudes can result in collective action using mobilization theory, with social organization and framing by leaders explaining which attitudes become political action. According to symbolist logic, important causes of war include aggressive symbolic predispositions among leaders or mass publics, heightened threat perceptions, and strong political organizations backing aggressive leaders. Crises and enduring rivalries make war more likely because they strengthen hostile predispositions and threat perceptions, thereby promoting mobilization for war. Cooperative transnational ties and democratic political institutions are among the factors that tend to promote peace.
17
Munson, Ziad. "ISLAMIC MOBILIZATION: Social Movement Theory and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood." Sociological Quarterly 42, no. 4 (2001): 487–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tsq.2001.42.4.487.
Full text
18
Munson, Ziad. "Islamic Mobilization: Social Movement Theory and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood." Sociological Quarterly 42, no. 4 (2001): 487–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.2001.tb01777.x.
Full text
19
Gavrilov, Sergey, and Kirill Makarenko. "Character of Protest Political Mobilization in the Regional Public Space of Volgograd Region." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2020): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.3.17.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the protest political mobilization in the regional political space of Volgograd region. Particular attention is paid to the study of the main conditions and causes of protest activity in the context of implementing public policy in Volgograd region. The relevance of the problem field is due to the need for a political analysis of the characteristics of the population mobilization at the regional level, including their comparison with federal trends. Methodology and methods. The authors conceptualize political mobilization on the basis of the theoretical principles of the theory of collective behavior of G. Blumer, E. Hoffer, T. Garr and the rational basis for the mobilization of D. Gupt. The methodological basis of the study is the theory of collective action (Ch. Tilly), on the basis of which it is concluded that political mobilization is defined as a combination of institutional and social conditions that allow actors to rationally evaluate transaction costs and possible gains from mobilization actions. The analysis of the regional public policy system is based on the conclusions contained in the works of Yu.O. Gaivoronsky, S.I. Morozov, S.A. Pankratov. The empirical basis of the study is the public opinion polls of the Levada Center, expert and analytical materials on the state of protest activity of the Institute of Regional Expertise, as well as the results of monitoring data from Internet resources obtained with the direct participation of the authors in March 2020. Analysis. The modern Russian socio-political system is a synthesis of two opposites: a hermetically “closed” institutional political structure, which is determined by the situation of internal uncertainty, and an active social component. At the same time, the specifics of the regional public space of Volgograd Region is a combination of the subject composition of the institutional design of the regional political regime based on copying the features of the federal regime, as well as the diversity of the regional themes of socio-political protest. Based on the results obtained by the case-study method, it was found that the protest dynamics in Volgograd region show a downward trend, however, any manifestations of public protest activity in the region implicitly imply a political nature in direct proportion to the number of participants: the greater the number of participants in the protest stocks, the higher the degree of its politicization. Results. According to the results of the study, it was revealed that the protest political mobilization in the public space of Volgograd region is characterized by: firstly, the prevalence of regional problems over federal ones in the protest discourse; secondly, the lack of strong institutional structures that can mobilize material and organizational resources; thirdly, a critically low number of protesters; fourthly, the spontaneous nature of mobilization. A special feature of political mobilization in the regional dimension is the low social potential of the protest and the lack of effective mechanisms for political and communicative interaction between government institutions and the population of Volgograd region on a specific range of problems of a public nature. In order to overcome the shortcomings of dialogue communication, within the framework of representative democracy, the authors propose recommendations for the main actors of the public political space (regional authorities, expert community and civil society institutions).
20
Kaufman, Bruce E. "Rethinking Industrial Relations, or at least the British radical frame." Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 4 (2018): 577–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18777610.
Full textAbstract:
This article provides a short overview of the analysis in John Kelly’s 1998 book Rethinking Industrial Relations ( RIR) of long-run cycles and trends in worker collective mobilization and conflict, Kelly’s development of a model to explain these patterns, the model’s integrative combination of ideas drawn from Kondratiev long wave theory, Marxian political economy, and Tilly’s sociological model of social mobilization theory, and the book’s central prediction – a resurgence in union growth and industrial conflict. The second part of the article provides a critical evaluation of RIR as a general work in industrial relations theory, the strengths and weaknesses of Kelly’s theoretical model, and an assessment of its empirical explanatory power. The conclusion is that RIR provides an insightful conceptual framework for studying worker mobilization but falls short in both theory and empirical explanation because of defects in its Marxian/long wave foundation and overly British-centric focus.
21
Frickel, Scott, Rebekah Torcasso, and Annika Anderson. "The Organization of Expert Activism: Shadow Mobilization in Two Social Movements*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 3 (2015): 305–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-305.
Full textAbstract:
The organization of expert activism is a problem of increasing importance for social movement organizers and scholars alike. Yet the relative invisibility of expert activists within social movements makes them difficult to systematically identify and study. This article offers two related ways forward. First, we advance a theory of “shadow mobilization” to explain the organization of expert activism in the broader context of proliferating risk and intensifying knowledge-based conflict. Second, we introduce a new methodological approach for collecting systematic data on members of this difficult-to-reach population. Findings from comparative analysis of expert activists in the environmental justice movement in Louisiana and the alternative agriculture movement in Washington reveal both important commonalities and fine-grained differences, suggesting that shadow mobilizations are strategic collective responses to cumulative risk in contemporary society.
22
BARRETO, MATT A. "İSí Se Puede! Latino Candidates and the Mobilization of Latino Voters." American Political Science Review 101, no. 3 (2007): 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070293.
Full textAbstract:
Traditional studies of political participation assume an electoral environment in which voters decide between two White candidates, and find Latino citizens less politically engaged. Given the growth in the number of Latino candidates for office over the past 20 years, this article tests whether ethnicity impacts Latino voting behavior. I argue that the presence of a Latino candidate mobilizes the Latino electorate, resulting in elevated voter turnout and strong support for the co-ethnic candidates. Although some research provides a theoretical basis for such a claim, this article brings together a comprehensive body of empirical evidence to suggest that ethnicityissalient for Latinos and provides a coherent theory that accounts for the empowering role of co-ethnic candidates. Analysis of recent mayoral elections in five major U.S. cities reveals that Latinos were consistently mobilized by co-ethnic candidates.
23
Janssen, Joseph I. H. "Postmaterialism, Cognitive Mobilization and Public Support for European Integration." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (1991): 443–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006256.
Full textAbstract:
This article reviews the trends in public support for European integration in West Germany, France, Italy and Great Britain. The first conclusion is that the picture one gets depends heavily on the indicator one uses to measure support. This finding is probably a consequence of the fact that many people are only dimly aware of the issue. Furthermore, it appears that there are striking cross-national differences in support and in the development of support through time. To explain these differences, as well as the formation of individual attitudes towards integration, Inglehart's theory of the Silent Revolution is used. The theory and its central concepts – postmaterialism and cognitive mobilization – are put on trial at three levels of aggregation. The results are poor. Postmaterialism appears to be unrelated to attitudes towards European integration, while the concept of cognitive mobilization makes sense only at the individual level. The conclusion is therefore that Inglehart's theory is of almost no use in explaining attitudes towards integration and cross-national differences in support.
24
Hansen, John Mark. "The Political Economy of Group Membership." American Political Science Review 79, no. 1 (1985): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956120.
Full textAbstract:
Despite its normative importance, the question of why people join interest groups remains open. It has certainly provoked a wealth of theoretical attention. Regrettably, however, it has inspired only a handful of empirical tests. The introduction of this article places the empirical debate into its normative context. The first section develops a rational model of individual evaluations of group membership, focusing upon the effect of changing personal circumstances—preferences, needs, resources, insecurity, and information—on the calculus. In particular, the theory predicts responsiveness to political or collective benefits in threatening times. Analyses of aggregate changes over time in membership in the Farm Bureau, the League of Women Voters, and the Home Builders, reported in the second section, bear the model out. Finally, the conclusion takes on the complementary question of group supply, sketching a theory of group mobilization that emphasizes subsidization.
25
Trejo, Guillermo. "The Ballot and the Street: An Electoral Theory of Social Protest in Autocracies." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 2 (2014): 332–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714000863.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents a new explanation of the widespread occurrence of cycles of protest in electoral autocracies – the most common type of authoritarian regime in the world today. Because multiparty elections in autocracies are partially free but unfair, opposition parties are compelled to compete for office while contesting the rules of competition. To fulfill this dual goal, opposition parties actively seek to recruit a wide variety of independent social movements who can provide votes and lead major mobilizations during election campaigns and in post-election rallies to denounce fraud. Because electoral participation can cause divisions within social movements, social activists join socio-electoral coalitions when opposition parties offer them financial and logistic resources and institutional protection to mobilize for their causes during non-election times. This quid pro quo explains how isolated protest events become aggregated into powerful cycles of mobilization and why protest is more intense during elections but persists beyond election cycles. When political liberalization leads to increasingly free and fair elections, the prospect of victory motivates opposition parties to discourage radical mobilization, bringing cycles of protest to an end. Drawing on an original database of indigenous protest in Mexico and on case studies, I provide quantitative and qualitative evidence of the causal impact of electoral incentives on the rise, development and decline of a powerful cycle of indigenous protest as Mexico transitioned from one-party to multi-party autocracy and into democracy. Beyond Mexico, I show that the introduction of multiparty elections in a wide variety of autocracies around the world gave rise to major cycles of protest and discuss why the relationship between the ballot and the street is a crucial factor for understanding the dynamics of stability and change of authoritarian regimes.
26
Pinto, Pablo M., and Jeffrey F. Timmons. "The Political Determinants of Economic Performance." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 1 (2005): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004270886.
Full textAbstract:
The authors present and test a theory about the effects of political competition on the sources of economic growth. Using Mankiw, Romer, and Weil’s model of economic growth and data for roughly 80 countries, the authors show that political competition decreases the rate of physical capital accumulation and labor mobilization but increases the rate of human capital accumulation and (less conclusively) the rate of productivity change. The results suggest that political competition systematically affects the sources of growth, but those effects are cross-cutting, explainingwhy democracy itself may be ambiguous. These findingshelp clarify the debate about regime type and economic performance and suggest new avenues for research.
27
Alamsyah, Muhammad Nur, and Valina Singka Subekti. "The Role of Expansion Movement in the Establishment of New Region in Indonesia: A Study of Parigi Moutong Regency." KOMUNITAS: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 9, no. 1 (2017): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/komunitas.v9i1.7710.
Full textAbstract:
The study explains the dimension of the structure of resource mobilization in the political movement of new region establishment in Indonesia. The establishment of new regions has been seen only in the utilization of formal structures.In fact, the involvement of non-formal organizations also contributes to the importance and determines a region expansion.The study employed a qualitative approach with the support of primary and secondary data related to the establishment of Parigi Moutong Regency.The data was obtained through in-depth interviews with the group figures of the expansion. The secondary data was obtained from mass media and government agencies as well as personal documentation. The theory used was the dimension of the resource mobilization structure of the political opportunity structure (POST) theory.The study reveals that the success of the expansion movement in Parigi Moutong Regency for their structure resource mobilization by civil society organizations ornon-formalto formal institutional build up pressure by using lobbying based on personal, professional and primordial networks.The influence of national political reforms motivated and mobilized the mobilization of movement resources as a repetition of the movement that had taken place in the previous expansion movement in Parigi Moutong Regency.
28
Alptekin, Hüseyin. "A theory of ethnic violence: ethnic incorporation and ethno-political mobilization in Bulgaria and Cyprus." Ethnic and Racial Studies 40, no. 15 (2016): 2672–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1266008.
Full text
29
Iftikhar, Ifra, and Irem Sultana. "Media Mobilization or Media Malaise: Evidence from the University Students of Lahore." Global Multimedia Review IV, no. I (2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmmr.2021(iv-i).01.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the relationship between the university students' news media use, the perception of politics, and their attitude towards political involvement in Lahore in the framework of media mobilization or media malaise perspective. It also examines if this relationship is moderated by traditional and online news media. Data was gathered from an online survey of 300 students enrolled in the three private universities in Lahore. The survey results of the university students revealed that mostly students receive their political information passively from Facebook and Television and do not actively seek out political news through newspapers, magazines or websites. Facebook seems to be the most favored source of information among students. All the students, irrespective of their background and academic disciplines, appear to consume media more or less in the same way. Overall, the students have neutral or negative views about politics and are largely uninterested in political activities. They do not find it important and beneficial. However, it is found that the students attentive to political news and information are more likely to hold a positive perception of politics and see involvement in politics more positively. The study, therefore, concluded that among the university students of Lahore, media mobilization theory holds true for traditional media. However, for online media, media malaise theory seems to hold more weight.
30
Mataitytė, Neringa. "The Role of Emotions in Mobilization of Society to Fight Climate Change: Constructing Emotional State to Inspire Mass Movement." Politologija 101, no. 1 (2021): 78–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2021.101.3.
Full textAbstract:
How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg’s case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed’s theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper’s theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg’s climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg’s speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.
31
Lovell, George I., Michael McCann, and Kirstine Taylor. "Covering Legal Mobilization: A Bottom‐Up Analysis of Wards Cove v. Atonio." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 01 (2016): 61–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12143.
Full textAbstract:
We develop a political history of Wards Cove v. Atonio (1989) to show how Robert Cover's concepts of jurisgenesis and jurispathy can enrich the legal mobilization framework for understanding law and social change. We illustrate the value of the hybrid theory by recovering the Wards Cove workers’ own understanding of the role of litigation in their struggle for workplace rights. The cannery worker plaintiffs exemplified Cover's dual logic by articulating aspirational narratives of social justice and by critically rebuking the Supreme Court's ruling as the “death throe” for progressive minority workers’ rights advocacy. The cannery workers’ story also highlights the importance of integrating legal mobilization scholars’ focus on extrajudicial political engagement into Cover's judge‐centered analysis. Our aim is to forge a theoretical bridge between Cover's provocative arguments about law and the analytical tradition of social science scholarship on the politics of legal mobilization.
32
Giugni, Marco, and Maria Grasso. "Trust, Identity, Skills, or Recruitment?: Assessing Four Explanations of the Relationship between Associational Involvement and the Political Participation of Migrants." International Migration Review 54, no. 2 (2019): 585–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319856362.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the nature of the relationship between associational involvement and migrant political participation. We explore the extent to which empirical evidence supports the mechanisms proposed by four popular theories in the political participation literature: social capital, group consciousness, civic voluntarism, and mobilization theory. To do so, we employ a mediation-effect approach with data from random samples of migrants in four European cities. Our results show that associational membership mainly operates through a direct effect stressing organizations’ role as agents of mobilization and that associational membership and the links that migrants forge in these associations are crucial for their political engagement. The evidence presented shows that the mobilizing role of voluntary associations — not their role in developing trust, furthering group identity, or providing skills — remains the key to understanding why such organizations spur migrant political participation.
33
Bell, Sam R., Tavishi Bhasin, K. Chad Clay, and Amanda Murdie. "Taking the Fight to Them: Neighborhood Human Rights Organizations and Domestic Protest." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (2013): 853–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000100.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines how human rights international non-governmental organizations (hereafter HROs) can increase the level of political protest in neighboring states. Previous research suggests local activities of HROs help to generate mobilization for protests against governments. This article shows that the presence of HROs in neighboring states can be a substitute for domestic HROs; if domestic HROs are already flourishing, there will be less of a ‘neighbor’ effect. At sufficiently high levels of domestic HRO prevalence within a state, neighboring HROs help domestic HROs use institutionalized substitutes for protest mobilization strategies. Spatial econometric methods are used to test the implications of this theory. These results illuminate the role that non-governmental organizations play in these domestic political processes, and demonstrate the transnational nature of their activities.
34
Francisco, Ronald. "After the Massacre: Mobilization in the Wake of Harsh Repression." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 2 (2004): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.2.559246137656n482.
Full textAbstract:
What do dissidents do after a massacre? This article uses thirty-one brutal repressions to test collective-action theory in the harshest possible context. After a massacre, dissidents are outraged at the state, but also fearful of further repression. Can dissidents mobilize backlash protests in these circumstances? The report shows that there usually is sufficient communication of the massacre to enable subsequent backlash mobilization. Also, there is sufficient continuity in leadership after the massacre to coordinate backlash protest. The massacre-event leadership either remains in tact or is immediately and effectively replaced after the event. Moreover, dissident leaders use adaptive tactics to elude subsequent repression in most cases. A Bayesian updating test for mobilization shows that repression reduces backlash protests and that no repression increases backlash. This report concludes by affirming that collective-action theory works even in this highly challenging situation.
35
McDonnell, Terence E., Christopher A. Bail, and Iddo Tavory. "A Theory of Resonance." Sociological Theory 35, no. 1 (2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275117692837.
Full textAbstract:
The metaphor of resonance often describes the fit between a message and an audience’s worldviews. Yet scholars have largely ignored the cognitive processes audiences use to interpret messages and interactions that determine why certain messages and other cultural objects appeal to some but not others. Drawing on pragmatism, we argue that resonance occurs as cultural objects help people puzzle through practical challenges they face or construct. We discuss how cognitive distance and the process of emotional reasoning shape the likelihood of cultural resonance. We argue resonance is an emergent process structured by interactions between individuals that shape each other’s interpretation of cultural objects, diffuse objects through interactional circuits, and create opportunities for resonance among people facing similarly shaped problems. Our approach thus identifies new processes at micro, meso, and macro levels of analysis that shape resonance and describes the pathways that might allow resonance to crystallize into broader mobilization and social change.
36
Kliuchnyk, Ruslan, and Olha Oleynik. "Relative deprivation and political protest." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 5, no. 5 (2020): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-5-42-47.
Full textAbstract:
The article reveals political protest as one of the major factors of political system development in society. In particular, possibilities of methodological synthesis, deprivation theory in terms of political protest development are considered. Deprivation phenomenon's psychological nature is stressed. Distinc-tions between relative deprivation and absolute one are considered. The authors prove the deprivation's influence on mobilization of protest movements providing examples. The relative deprivation's classifica¬tion including progressive, aspirational and decremental deprivation is used. The relative deprivation theory refers to the ideas that frustration and feelings of discontent de¬pend on purposes of a person or a group of people. Relative deprivation feelings emerge when important tagets of people tunr out to be unreal or blocked by political elites or society. As the central concept in the explanation of protest movements relative deprivation is often considered as well as the central concept in when explaining protest movements also it is used to describe and give understanding to the factors that trigger social movements. Protest activity appears from relative deprivation collective feelings. Absolute deprivation is a key factor of protest movements in poor countries, unlike relative deprivation.
37
Antonov, Dmitry E. "The Use of Internet Technologies for Mobilizing the Voter Base: Features, Subjects and Prospects." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (2019): 538–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-538-548.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses the role of internet technologies in the process of voter base mobilization. One of the consequences of the reforms carried out in Russia will be mediatization of the electoral process. Modern approaches to understanding electoral mobilization are based on classical elitist concepts and the theory of mass society. Such perspective fails to identify individual actors of mobilization impact and analyze their own strategies. The author suggests a different way of looking at the problem: from the perspective of the neo-institutional approach. “Mobilization impact” can be interpreted as a form of subject-object interactions between different participants of the electoral process. The author identifies three main goals of mobilization interactions: attracting new supporters, encouraging a specific form of political activity, and prompting the choice of a certain position in the ballot. The author’s other objective is to assess the pattern of Internet technologies usage in the process of electoral mobilization. In the conclusion, the author pinpoints possible tendencies in the development of the voters’ Internet mobilization technologies. The perspective suggested by the author allows him to draw conclusions about what forms work with voters will assume as a result of the development of Internet communication technologies.
38
Muhammad Elwan, La Ode. "MODEL DAN DAMPAK MOBILISASI POLITIK PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA (Studi Kasus: Desa Bontomatinggi Kabupaten Maros Sulawesi Selatan Tahun 2016)." Journal Publicuho 1, no. 4 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35817/jpu.v1i4.6312.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of village head elections after the implementation of the Bontomatinggi Village Head election in Maros Regency in 2016. The research method used is a qualitative research method with a descriptive approach to analysis and using the theory of political mobilization, data collection using interview, observation and documentation techniques. The data analysis technique used by the author is a qualitative data analysis technique that is by searching and compiling systematically from the results of interviews, observations and documentation and then selecting the data needed and making conclusions that are easy to understand.Based on the results of the study, direct and indirect mobilization models and the impacts that occurred in the community after the election of Maros Regency Bontomatinggi Village Chief occurred several models such as socialization of village head candidates, mass mobilization, open campaign (direct mobilization model) and dialogical campaigns conducted from home to home (direct mobilization model). The impact of the model and after the election is that there is an unnatural mobilization model such as intimidation and threats to voters, giving facilities and money politics, black campaigns and spreading slander. Some of the factors that influence the voters' decision to elect a village head are the lack of education level of the community, mobilized communities are afraid that there will be violence and utterances of hatred from the candidates and the successful team if they do not follow their wishes. Keywords : Political Mobilization Model, the impact of village head elections
39
King, Elisabeth, and Cyrus Samii. "Minorities and mistrust." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 3 (2017): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317707803.
Full textAbstract:
An enduring debate in the conflict management literature concerns the wisdom of recognizing versus avoiding reference to ethnic identities in institutions to manage ethnic conflict. Understanding why ethnic recognition occurs is crucial for informing this debate. We develop a theory based on functional and political mobilization effects of recognizing ethnic groups. Contrary to reasoning that minority leaders would be most interested in recognition, the theory suggests that recognition consistently favors the interests of leaders from larger, plurality groups, whereas minority leaders face a ‘dilemma of recognition’ between functional gains and mobilization threats. We use mixed methods to test our theory. For our quantitative analysis, we draw on an original coding of recognition in constitutions and comprehensive political settlements from 1990 to 2012. We find that for cases with leaders from plurality groups, recognition is adopted 60% of the time. With leaders from minority groups, the rate is about 40 percentage points lower, even after accounting for many background factors. Additional quantitative tests and a qualitative analysis present more detailed evidence to show that the processes correspond to the logic of our theory. Answering these questions about when and why recognition is adopted is a crucial step in evaluating its effects on conflict.
40
Asprem, Egil. "The Magical Theory of Politics." Nova Religio 23, no. 4 (2020): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2020.23.4.15.
Full textAbstract:
The election of the 45th president of the United States set in motion a hidden war in the world of the occult. From the meme-filled underworld of alt-right-dominated imageboards to a widely publicized “binding spell” against Trump and his supporters, the social and ideological divides ripping the American social fabric apart are mirrored by witches, magicians, and other esotericists fighting each other with magical means. This article identifies key currents and developments and attempts to make sense of the wider phenomenon of why and how the occult becomes a political resource. The focus is on the alt-right’s emerging online esoteric religion, the increasingly enchanted notion of “meme magic,” and the open confrontation between different magical paradigms that has ensued since Trump’s election in 2016. It brings attention to the competing views of magical efficacy that have emerged as material and political stakes increase, and theorizes the religionizing tendency of segments of the alt-right online as a partly spontaneous and partially deliberate attempt to create “collective effervescence” and galvanize a movement around a charismatic authority. Special focus is given to the ways in which the politicized magic of both the left and the right produce “affect networks” that motivate political behaviors through the mobilization of (mostly aversive) emotions.
41
Hafez, Farid. "Pegida in Parliament?: Explaining the Failure of Pegida in Austria." German Politics and Society 34, no. 4 (2016): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340407.
Full textAbstract:
This article explains the failure of Pegida Austria as a social movement organization by testing three prominent theories of social movement theory: political opportunity structures, ideology, and resource mobilization. The failure of Pegida to play a role in Austrian politics is ascribed to the dominant role the Freedom Party (FPÖ) already plays in the Austrian parliament, the FPÖ’s issue dominance on anti-immigration and Islamophobia in public discourse, and the relative scarcity of individuals capable of mass mobilization outside the spectrum of political parties. The analysis is based on a crucial-case study that does a comparative content analysis of the FPÖ and Pegida platforms to assess the ideology argument. The political opportunity and human resource arguments are analyzed with process tracing. The findings reveal that all three theories jointly help to explain the failure of Pegida Austria.
42
Rothstein, Bo, Marcus Samanni, and Jan Teorell. "Explaining the welfare state: power resources vs. the Quality of Government." European Political Science Review 4, no. 1 (2011): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000051.
Full textAbstract:
The hitherto most successful theory explaining why similar industrialized market economies have developed such varying systems for social protection is the Power Resource Theory (PRT), according to which the generosity of the welfare state is a function of working class mobilization. In this paper, we argue that there is an under-theorized link in the micro-foundations for PRT, namely why wage earners trying to cope with social risks and demand for redistribution would turn to the state for a solution. Our approach, the Quality of Government (QoG) theory, stresses the importance of trustworthy, impartial, and uncorrupted government institutions as a precondition for citizens’ willingness to support policies for social insurance. Drawing on data on 18 OECD countries during 1984–2000, we find (a) that QoG positively affects the size and generosity of the welfare state, and (b) that the effect of working class mobilization on welfare state generosity increases with the level of QoG.
43
Kadivar, Mohammad Ali. "PREELECTION MOBILIZATION AND ELECTORAL OUTCOME IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 3 (2017): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-3-293.
Full textAbstract:
Does preelection protest have an effect on the outcomes of authoritarian elections? Electoral authoritarian regimes use elections to consolidate their power and claim democratic legitimacy. Nonetheless, on some occasions authoritarian incumbents lose elections despite their advantages, and a democratic breakthrough is achieved. I propose that preelection protests contribute to such election results. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on the effectiveness of postelection upheavals, and the effects of preelection protest are still theoretically and empirically understudied. This article proposes a theory for why preelection contention has an independent effect on incumbent defeat of authoritarian regimes and democratization. I present empirical support for the association between preelection protest activities, incumbent defeat, and democratization using data from 190 elections across 65 countries with nondemocratic regimes. The findings of this analysis have important implications for studies of social movements, authoritarian politics, and democratization.
44
Rucht, Dieter. "Linking Organization and Mobilization: Michels'S Iron Law of Oligarchy Reconsidered." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 2 (1999): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.l2680365q32h6616.
Full textAbstract:
Robert Michels's iron law of oligarchy has rarely been submitted to rigorous empirical investigation. This article specifies the key assumptions of Michels's theory and tests them by the use of two data sets that focus on collective protest and the evolution of organizational features of German new social movement groups. With some significant exceptions, the data support Michels's theory. Movements tend to become more centralized-bureaucratic and more moderate in their actions over time. There was also a negative correlation between bureaucratization and radicalization. The findings suggest that informal groups are more radical than formal organizations. Also, new social movements that are less formalized and centralized tend to be more radical in their protest actions than "old movements." Within the new social movements themselves, those which are less formalized and centralized tend to be more radical. However, both theoretical reasoning and close inspection of the data lead us to conclude that there is no such thing as an "iron law" at work. Informal groups can be moderate in their activities and formal groups can tend towards radical action. Also, some of the national environmental organizations investigated became more moderate over time while others did not. Groups do not necessarily become more orderly with age. Organizational features influence but do not determine the forms of action.
45
Morozov, Ilya. "Theory of Ultra-Long War Cycles by V.L. Tsymbursky as a Tool of Modern Geopolitical Analysis." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (October 2019): 268–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.5.20.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The purpose of this article is to return the concept of ultra-long military cycles (hereinafter referred to as ULMS) by Russian political scientist, philosopher and philologist Vadim L. Tsymbursky (1957–2009) to the methodological toolkit of modern political science and use it to identify potential key threats to the modern international security system. Methods and materials. The article makes a hypothesis about the early termination of the last of the ULMS selected by V.L. Tsymbursky, which began with the invention of a nuclear weapon in 1945 and was characterized by the predominance of possibilities of destruction over mobilization – the so-called “depressed” ULMS. This type of ULMS is characterized by the absence of large-scale long-lasting wars, the stability of the world political system. Analysis. The author of the article argues that under the influence of scientific and technical discoveries in the field of armaments (high-precision weapons combined with low-yield nuclear warheads, “swarm weapons”, cybernetic weapons, biological weapons, the global missile defense system) and socio-political technologies (manipulating flows of refugees, “hybrid war”, global weakening of national identities and social stratification of nations with the formation of “international elites”), the great powers are able to overcome the “nuclear impasse” and the world political system may enter the phase of increased risk of developing a full-scale world war. Results. In the coming decades, the world may enter the stage of an “expansive” ULMS, characterized by the return to the rate on mobilization resources as the main factor in the military-political confrontation. According to the author, one of the most effective ways to peacekeeping is the development of public diplomacy, multilateral international contacts at the level of non-state actors.
46
Maulana, Ilham Fariq. "POLITICAL PROPAGANDA, MASS MOBILIZATION, AND NARRATIVE OF HABIB RIZIEQ SHIHAB IN THE AKBAR 212 REUNION." al-Balagh : Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi 5, no. 2 (2020): 251–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/al-balagh.v5i2.2327.
Full textAbstract:
This study conducted a study of the rhetorical text of Habib Rizieq Shihab's (HRS) speech at the 212 Grand Reunion in 2019. This research was trying to map the elements of rhetorical motive construction through Burke's Pentadic analysis. However, this research also found gaps in political propaganda by figures and religious groups' leaders with Propaganda Theory. This interpretive research includes five contents of the HRS speech. This study's main conclusion shows that the rhetorical motive is aimed at agent and agency elements that show gaps in political propaganda in mass mobilization nationally and sympathy for HRS religious leaders and acceptance of ideas and ideas in agency elements apolitical political emotions.
47
Chenoweth, Erica, and Jay Ulfelder. "Can Structural Conditions Explain the Onset of Nonviolent Uprisings?" Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 2 (2016): 298–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715576574.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the prevalence of nonviolent uprisings in recent history, no existing scholarship has produced a generalized explanation of when and where such uprisings are most likely to occur. Our primary aim in this article is to evaluate whether different available models—namely, grievance approaches, modernization theory, resource mobilization theory, and political opportunity approaches—are useful in explaining the onset of major nonviolent uprisings. We assemble a reduced list of correlates based on each model and use each model’s out-of-sample area under the curve and logarithmic score to test each theory’s explanatory power. We find that the political opportunity model performs best for both in- and out-of-sample cases, though grievance and resource mobilization approaches also provide some explanatory power. We use a culled model of the predicted probabilities of the strongest-performing variables from all models to forecast major nonviolent uprisings in 2011 and 2012. In this out-of-sample test, all models produce mixed results, suggesting greater emphasis on agency over structure in explaining these episodes.
48
Chen, Patricia, and Mary Gallagher. "Mobilization without Movement: How the Chinese State “Fixed” Labor Insurgency." ILR Review 71, no. 5 (2018): 1029–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793918759066.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing on a qualitative analysis of two recent labor disputes in Guangzhou and Shenzhen, this article asks: Why has a broad-based labor movement failed to emerge in contemporary China? Both pro-labor legislation and the existence of movement-oriented labor NGOs appear to provide opportunities and resources for workers to engage in organized action to expand workers’ rights. Two political mechanisms, however, help explain why a strong labor movement has not developed: 1) legislation and courtroom procedures and 2) official institutions that monopolize the space for representation—specifically the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU). We call these two mechanisms “political fixes” and discuss how they interact to engender a feedback between the fragmentation of collective action during labor conflict and the continuous uptick in labor insurgency. This article contributes to labor movement theory: It puts greater emphasis on the institutional mechanisms that constrain labor, as opposed to sheer repression or economic factors.
49
Vanhala, Lisa. "Is Legal Mobilization for the Birds? Legal Opportunity Structures and Environmental Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Kingdom, France, Finland, and Italy." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 3 (2017): 380–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017710257.
Full textAbstract:
What explains the likelihood that a nongovernmental organization (NGO) will turn to the courts to pursue their policy goals? This article explores the factors that influence the mobilization of law by environmental NGOs in four Western European countries. It finds that explanations focused on legal opportunity structures are unable to account for the patterns of within-country variation in legal mobilization behavior. The research also shows that bird protection NGOs as well as home-grown national environmental NGOs are generally more likely to turn to law than transnational environmental groups. Although resources and legal opportunities clearly matter to some extent, the author suggests—drawing on sociological institutionalist theory—that explanations of NGO legal mobilization should (a) incorporate an understanding of how groups frame and interpret the idea of “the law” and (b) explore the role of “strategy entrepreneurs” who promote the use of particular tactics within an organization.
50
Marullo, Sam. "Leadership and Membership in the Nuclear Freeze Movement: A Specification of Resource Mobilization Theory." Sociological Quarterly 29, no. 3 (1988): 407–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1988.tb01261.x.
Full text