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1
Hamad, Mohammed Hassan Ahmed. "Regional security complex theory and IGAD's regime." Thesis, University of Reading, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422800.
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2
Boening, Astrid Bettina. "From the Barcelona Process to the Union for the Mediterranean: Sectors and Levels of Integration and Trust in the Mediterranean Region." Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/642.
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This dissertation is a case study of the EuroMed Partnership (EMP). It aims to examine the complex political, economic and social interrelationships in the EMP, and their impact on regional security in the Euro-Mediterranean region. The main thesis proposed here is that regional integration is taking place to the point of a regional security complex being established among EMP-member countries. This would contrast with the Middle East Regional Security Complex suggested by Buzan and Waever (2003). The dynamics observed reflect realist concerns with security among members. They also display neo-liberal integration approaches as well as the regional reciprocal (re-)constructions of structure, interests, and identities as suggested in the constructivist literature. A triangulated mix of qualitative research methods is utilized with primary data from elite interviews, as well as from official publications of member governments and institutes. Secondary data from analyses by other researchers provide comparison data for this dissertation. It will contribute to a framework for understanding the shifting security environment in the Euro-Mediterranean region from 1995 to the present in terms of regional integration, peacemaking and peacekeeping.
3
Österberg, Yngve. "Hur förklarar Regional Security Complex Theory Mistralaffären : en undersökning gällande RSCT och försvarsmateriella handelsavbrott." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6723.
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Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) innefattar analysenheter som är nära kopplade till försvarsmateriella handelavtal och har därför ett teoretiskt ramverk som kan hjälpa förstå och förklara avtalen i detalj. Det är dock oklart exakt hur detta ska göras eftersom det inte tas upp i Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security. Syftet med denna uppsats är att med hjälp av RSCT förklara Mistralaären för att sedan undersöka om det finns en underliggande process gemensamt för liknande fall.
4
Linn, Nicole Whitney. "The Rise of Regional Hegemons: Assessing Implications for the International System through a Neo-realist Perspective." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77003.
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Never before have developing nations been able to compete at the international level, both economically and militarily. But, we are currently in an age where developing nations, such as Brazil, Russia, India, and China, are able to develop so rapidly that they are able to excel within the international economy, which allows for an increased investment in military and technological capabilities. Consequently, these rapidly developing nations are able to influence the international system. To see how much of an effect these rapidly developing nations are having within the international system, they will be measured against 5 indicators that correlate with becoming a rising regional hegemon, a feature of a multi-polar system. The multi-polar international system that we see emerging is contrary to Kenneth Waltz's assertion that a multi-polar international system is unstable, and a bi-polar international system is preferred. New global conditions indicate that Waltz's analysis may not stand the test of time.Master of Arts
5
Yandas, Gokhan Osman. "Emerging Regional Security Complex In Central Asia: Shanghai Cooperation Organization (sco) And Challenges Of The Post 9/11 World." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606201/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the changing characteristics of the regional security complex in Central Asia. The thesis focuses on the changes in the roles that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) plays in promoting regional security in Central Asia, especially since the formation of the international coalition against international terrorism in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Contrary to the mainstream literature that focuses mainly on the security concerns of either regional powers or of great powers that considered this region as their own sphere of influence, this thesis argues that Central Asia&rsquos security issues that emerged in the aftermath of 9/11 could be explained better by taking the emerging regional security complex in Central Asia as the main unit of analysis. The thesis consists of seven chapters: In Chapter 1, thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 develops a conceptual framework for the thesis by examining the nature of regional security complex theory. This is followed by the examination of the characteristics of regional security complex in Central Asia in Chapter 3. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the foreign policies of the United States, Russia and China towards Central Asia. Chapters 5 and 6 examine the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, its role in the struggle against international terrorism and their reflections on the changes of the characteristics of Central Asian regional security complex. Last chapter concludes the thesis.
6
Vural, Ebru. "The Middle East As A Regional Security Complex: Continuities And Changes In Turkish Foreign Policy Under The Jdp Rule." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613208/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to contribute to the debates on the Justice and Development Party (JDP) era Turkish foreign policy by putting Turkey into the regional security complex theory and examines changes and continuities of Turkey&rsquos traditional cautious, relatively &ldquo
passive&rdquo
role and &ldquo
relative indifference&rdquo
stance towards the Middle East security complex. Hence, the framework of analysis is the regional security complex theory, attributed roles and role changes of Turkey within regional security complexes. This study, with a historical perspective and within the framework of the regional security complex theory, questions continuities and changes in the JDP period Turkish foreign policy, and comes to the conclusion that in the JDP era, Turkey&rsquo
s role is going beyond the insulator state function to the &ldquo
interface logic&rdquo
which adopts a loose form of geographical boundaries.
7
Sjöberg, Skoglund Johanna. "Regionala organisationer som säkerhetsaktörer : En studie av regionala organisationer som verktyg för säkerhet och förstärkare av legitimitet och inkludering." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6993.
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The regional security aspect is becoming increasingly more important within security studies. The United Nations and the United Nations Security Council has expressed an intent to utilize regional organizations as security actors with regards to maintaining international peace and security, with the purpose of achieving a greater sense of legitimacy for conflict resolution. This study aims to explore the possibilities of using such organizations within regions of varying stability, and how this usage can relate to the idea of legitimacy. Based on regional security complex theory, this study seeks to show how regional organizations have been used by the Security Council within different security sectors, and how this usage is affected by the degree of integration within the region. The result of the study show that the idea of legitimacy is easiest to achieve in regions with a mid-level degree of regional integration and concerning questions of political security. The results also show a tendency within the Security Council to use organizations from other regions with higher levels of integration in regions with lower levels of integration, and raises the question if this way of using regional organizations may risk harming the ultimate goal of legitimacy.
8
Borkoeva, Janargul. "Collecive Security Treaty Organization (csto) And The Limitations Of Russia." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613625/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to discuss the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)
and the sources of Russia&rsquos influence over its other member-states. It focuses on the origins of the CSTO and the development of security cooperation within the CSTO framework. The thesis argues that although the CSTO continues to be a Russia-centric regional security organization, Russia&rsquo
s influence over the other CSTO member states has been gradually limited throughout the 2000s due to the increasing diversity in the threat perception of the other CSTO member states and the increasing penetration of the other regional security organizations into the post- Soviet space. Following the Introduction chapter, the second chapter discusses the origins of security cooperation within the framework of the CIS. The third chapter analyzes the CSTO in terms of its structure and activities since its establishment in 2002. The next chapter outlines the transnational challenges to the security of the post-Soviet states and their threat perception, as well as the efforts to promote regional security by the regional actors. The fifth chapter analyzes the increasing involvement of other regional security organizations, such as SCO, OSCE, and NATO into the post-Soviet space. The concluding chapter discusses the main finding of the thesis.
9
Garcia, Zenel. "China's Military Modernization, Japan's Normalization and its Effects on the South China Sea Territorial Disputes." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1315.
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China’s military modernization has allowed it to take a more assertive position on the territorial disputes it currently has with Japan and its Southeast Asian neighbors. The South China Sea (SCS) dispute is a clear example. Meanwhile, Japan is normalizing its military status to play a more proactive security role in the region. Japan’s normalization process has been greatly influenced by China’s growing military capabilities as it fears that China could pose a threat to its sea lanes of communications. Although Japan does not have territorial claims in the SCS, it regards the SCS as a strategically vital area. It is this particular concern that has brought Japan into the current territorial disputes in the SCS. This thesis analyzes how Japan has tried to forge partnerships with Southeast Asian countries in the form of foreign aid and the provision of military equipment and training that can potentially offset China’s assertiveness.
10
Lyra, Mariana Preta Oliveira de. "O processo de desecuritização do narcotráfico na UNASUL." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2014. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/tede/jspui/handle/tede/2574.
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CAPES
This study analyzes how the issue of drug trafficking is incorporated into the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) agenda. The analysis is based on the theoretical framework presented by the Copenhagen School of security studies, specifically Regional Security Complex Theory and (se) Securitization Theory (BUZAN et al, 1998). Thus, there are the following main arguments: South America Regional Security Complex has been going through a period of transition, emerging from a schema without centrality of power to a model centered on a regional power, Brazil; and UNASUR, through three thematic councils (the South American Defense Council, the South American Council for the Global Drug Problem and the South American Council on Citizen Security, Justice and Coordination against the Organized Delinquency), initiated the process of desecuritization of drug trafficking at the regional level. Importantly, the analysis developed in this work is related to the normative framework of UNASUR, since it is a young organization and it is still under construction. Nevertheless, even in the absence of empirical material to harmonize policies and practices, we reaffirm the value of examining the normative level of any international organization. Initially, we conducted a detailed analysis of the ideas of the Copenhagen School, nearing its premises to the South American reality, however, without neglecting its analytical limitations. Regarding the issue of drug trafficking, we drew up an overview of its process of securitization during the Cold War, as well as the detailing of the international drug control regime, indicating the main implementers and supporters of drug policy in the international system. Also, we tried to present the South American reality regarding the drug trafficking, drawing a parallel between the U.S. policy, major external player, and the impact on the management of the issue in South America. In sequence, we analyzed the normative arrangement of UNASUR regarding the theme, highlighting the work performed by the South American Defense Council, the South American Council for the Global Drug Problem and the South American Council on Citizen Security, Justice and Coordination against the Organized Delinquency. Finally, we presented a parallel between intentions and normative of UNASUR and the actions and guidelines of the U.S. drug policy perpetrated during the last 50 years in the region. The Union of South American Nations, therefore, has advanced in discussing the problem of drug trafficking in the region, seeking to expand the approach to the topic while presenting itself as an alternative to the U.S. militaristic model. Thus, we observe that the continuity and consolidation of policies designed by UNASUR may lead to the formation of a South American regime for the global drug problem, which may be more comprehensive and may achieve better results for regional security.
A presente dissertação analisa como a problemática do narcotráfico é incorporada à agenda da União de Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul). A análise desenvolvida fundamenta-se no arcabouço teórico apresentado pela Escola de Copenhague, mais especificamente a Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança e a Teoria da (de) Securitização (BUZAN et al, 1998). Dessa forma, têm-se os seguintes argumentos centrais: o Complexo Regional de Segurança da América do Sul passa por um momento de transição, saindo de um esquema sem centralidade de poder para um modelo centrado em uma potência regional, o Brasil; e a Unasul, por meio de três conselhos temáticos (Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano, Conselho Sul-Americano Sobre o Problema Mundial das Drogas e Conselho Sul-Americano em Matéria de Segurança Cidadã, Justiça e Coordenação contra a Delinquência Transnacional Organizada), iniciou o processo de desecuritização da problemática do tráfico de drogas em nível regional. É importante destacar que a análise desenvolvida nesta dissertação recaiu no âmbito normativo da Unasul, visto que se trata de uma organização jovem e ainda em construção. Entretanto, mesmo na ausência de material empírico que harmonize diretrizes e práticas, reafirma-se o valor do exame do nível normativo de qualquer organização internacional. Inicialmente, conduziu-se uma profunda análise das ideias da Escola de Copenhague, aproximando suas premissas da realidade sul-americana, no entanto, sem negligenciar suas limitações analíticas. No tocante à temática do narcotráfico, traçou-se um panorama do processo de securitização da problemática durante a Guerra Fria, bem como o detalhamento do regime internacional antidrogas, apontando os principais incentivadores e implementadores da política antidrogas no sistema internacional. Também, buscou-se apresentar a realidade sul-americana quanto ao tema, fazendo um paralelo entre a política estadunidense, grande player externo, e o impacto no gerenciamento da questão na América do Sul. Em seguida, analisou-se o arranjo normativo da União de Nações Sul-Americana com relação à problemática, destacando a atuação do Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano, do Conselho Sul-Americano sobre o Problema Mundial das Drogas e o Conselho Sul-Americano em Matéria de Segurança Cidadã, Justiça e Coordenação contra a Deliquência Organizada Transnacional. Por fim, realizou-se um paralelo entre as intenções e normativas da Unasul com as ações e diretrizes da política antidrogas norte-americana perpetrada nos últimos quase 50 anos na região. A União de Nações Sul-Americanas, portanto, tem avançado nas discussões sobre a problemática do narcotráfico na região, buscando ampliar a abordagem do tema ao mesmo tempo em que se apresenta como uma alternativa ao modelo militarista estadunidense. Dessa forma, vislumbra-se que a continuidade e consolidação das políticas pretendidas pela Unasul podem levar a constituição de um regime sul-americano para o problema mundial das drogas, que seja mais integral e que possa obter melhores resultados para a segurança regional.
11
Galerani, Kleber Antonio. "Conselho Sul-Americano de Defesa : gênese, desenvolvimento inicial e desafios (2008-2010)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/32811.
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Nesta dissertação são abordados os antecedentes, as realizações, as perspectivas e os desafios para a consolidação do Conselho Sul Americano de Defesa (CSD). O trabalho é um estudo de caso, de natureza descritiva, baseado na Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança. Com o fim da bipolaridade houve um movimento para a atualização e a ampliação dos estudos de segurança internacional, pois as teorias e métodos vigentes se revelaram inábeis para explicar a nova realidade. Esse movimento também aconteceu na América do Sul. Diante da perda de legitimidade das instituições de defesa e de segurança continentais, como o Tratado Interamericano de Defesa Recíproca (TIAR) e a Junta Interamericana de Defesa (JID); e da progressiva diminuição do engajamento dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) em assuntos de outras regiões, em dezembro de 2008, foi criado o CSD, para tratar dos temas de defesa da região. Durante os seus dois primeiros anos de funcionamento, o CSD logrou diversas realizações como o estabelecimento de um mecanismo de confiança mútua e a criação de um centro de estudos estratégicos em defesa e segurança. Entretanto, a estratégia de se integrar por um mínimo denominador comum pode comprometer o futuro da integração. Para se consolidar o CSD enfrentará diversos desafios. Nesse trabalho são analisados dois deles: o aumento substancial dos gastos em defesa pelos países da região e a relação assimétrica entre os EUA e os países da América do Sul e seus reflexos na integração em defesa.This dissertation examines the history, achievements, prospects and challenges for the consolidation of South American Defense Council (CSD). This work is a case study, descriptive in nature, based on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). With the end of bipolarity it began a movement for the upgrade and expansion of international security studies, because the existing theories and methods have proved inappropriate to explain the new reality. This movement also happened in South America. Due to the loss of legitimacy of the institutions of continental defense and security, as the Rio Treaty and the Inter-American Defense Board (IADB), and the gradual reduction of United States of America (USA) engagement in the affairs of other regions in December 2008 was created the CSD, to deal with defense issues in the region. During its first two years of operation, the CSD has managed several accomplishments such as establishing a mechanism of mutual trust and creating a center of strategic studies in defense and security. However, the strategy to integrate for a minimum common denominator may jeopardize the future of integration. In its consolidation, the CSD will face many challenges. This work analyzes two of them: the substantial increase in defense spending by countries in the region and the asymmetric relationship between the USA and the countries of South America and its impacts on integration in defense.
12
Al-Khalifa, Talal Mohammed. "The Gulf and Southeast Asia : regional security complex and regional security community : a comparative study." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3625.
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The study covers two regions. These are shown to constitute ‘Regional security complexes’. The Gulf region and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the Southeast Asian region are the focus of study. The defence and security circumstances of the two regions and the responses of the regions’ governments severally and cooperatively are examined. The study has had to take account of the geographic, historical, ethno-cultural differences between the two regions. These are shown to be influential in their respective security responses. Nonetheless, the thesis demonstrates how the regions can be understood in terms of a common theoretical framework. The study is undertaken primarily within the framework of the theory of ‘Regional Security Complex’ (RSCT), as developed by Buzan and Waever in Regions and Power. Regional security complexes are areas of internal “security interdependence” and securitisation. The theory (RSCT) is discussed critically. ‘Security Communities’ is a major comparative feature of the study. Amitav Acharya develops this approach in Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia. Emphasis is on the “creative construction” of a ‘security community’. The Gulf Cooperation Council may also be viewed in this way. ‘Regional security complex’ and ‘regional security community’ are not alternative theories of regional inter-state relations. The second is superstructural on the prior facts of regional security complexity. The GCC is a partial response to regional security and is a securitising actor in the region. ASEAN is an attempt at region-wide inclusiveness and conflict avoidance. Institutional management of security is described. The two regional approaches differ as beliefs that the “enmity/amity balance” is amenable to official regional policy and action: the Gulf and GCC are apparently locked in a dominant ‘enmity’ scenario; ASEAN seeks to establish a regime of ‘amity’. Whether ASEAN is notably less militarily oriented than the Gulf is questioned. States’ insistence on national security ‘resilience’ and ASEAN norms of ‘sovereignty’, ‘non-interference’ and conflict avoidance’ impede regional security development. ASEAN’s progress towards an ‘ASEAN Security Community’ is examined. The study discusses practicalities of these policies. The application and limitations of ‘Revolution in military affairs’ (RMA) are discussed. The military are viewed as a principal operational actor in any regional security response to conditions of regional security complexity. An examination of state-military relations is based on the concepts of ‘grand strategy’ and ‘military doctrine’.
13
Khoo, How San, and xiaosan@starhub net sg. "Approaches to the Regional Security Analysis of Southeast Asia." The Australian National University. Choose one, 1999. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20050617.140925.
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The purpose of this study is to critically evaluate three scholarly perspectives -- balance of power, institutional, and security complex -- to examine the evolving dynamics of security interdependence and inter-state relations among Southeast Asian states and external powers since 1945. This study is thus a comparative evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of the three methods in their empirical analysis of the regional security dynamics of Southeast Asia.¶
There is much merit in the balance of power approach. It tracked the consequences of the bipolar Cold War rivalry on Southeast Asia. Its logical construction led it to be concerned with alliances, coalitions and alignments. But it has not satisfactorily explained the relatively benign conditions after the Cold War. The institutional approach similarly emphasizes material explanatory factors (although, in its case, not exclusively so). It identifies the emergence of institutions when groups of countries find it in their mutual interest to cooperate through rules and norms. But the approach may prove to be incomplete in assessing ASEAN's post-Cold War behaviour. As an analytical device, the security complex is deployed to provide a corrective to the over-emphasis (of the other two approaches) on the systemic dynamics. By identifying regional and local dynamics interacting with systemic dynamics via patterns of amity and enmity, it offers explanatory accounts of the behaviour of regional states in situations where the other two approaches fail to do satisfactorily. Moreover, it provides a framework for the deployment of constructivism, which identifies the ideational process whereby interdependent regional states respond to changes in both the power and amity-enmity attributes.¶
This study concludes that security relations among Southeast Asian states and in their relations with external powers after the Cold War, are better examined using the three approaches in a complementary manner. In this way, the influence of local amity-enmity patterns is seen to impact on balance of power and institutional situations.
14
Boxall, Sheryl Maree. "Pacific Islands Forum: Facilitating Regional Security Cooperation." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/952.
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Oceania is an example of a region where traditional security theory based on historical enmity and competition does not fit. A history of amity and cooperation has evolved through regionalism and the region's pre-eminent organisation, the Pacific Islands Forum (the Forum). In 2004, the Forum was tasked to develop the 'Pacific Plan' (the Plan) to facilitate closer cooperation and deeper integration. Security is one of the four pillars of the Plan. The objective of this thesis is to analyse the institutions of the Forum as facilitators of regional security cooperation. The Forum is reviewed and the idea of a logic of action is introduced. To help explain security in an environment with a history of cooperation, traditional security theory is re-defined. A security environment equation is created as a framework to help analyse the Forum's structures and security mechanisms. The Forum Regional Security Committee is examined closely resulting in suggestions to strengthen the region's security environment.
15
Baghdadi, Nima. "Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979)." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3652.
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This dissertation is an exploration of the dynamics of Iranian-Saudi relations from the earliest days of their encounter in the 1920s through 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. This is a period in the relations of the two states that has rarely been the subject of intellectual inquiry in the existing literature. This present research provides an analytical historiography of Iranian-Saudi relations with an aim to examine the elements constituting the dynamics of their relations. This is attained by contextualizing the milestones of Iranian-Saudi relations, triangulating historical accounts to identify the narrative among alternatives that best fits the meaningful causal processes explaining continuity and change, and weighing the impacts of factors playing a role in any given period of the Iranian-Saudi relations.
16
Green, Andrew Brian. "Is there a Central Asian security complex?, an application of security complex theory and securitization to problems relating to identity in Central Asia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ52990.pdf.
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Mija, Valeriu. "A solution to Moldova's Transdniestrian conflict : regional complex interdependence /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMija.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Jeff Knopf, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-85). Also available online.
18
Ryu, Yongwook. "Identity and Security: Identity Distance Theory and Regional Affairs in Northeast and Southeast Asia." Thesis, Harvard University, 2011. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10046.
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The dissertation explores the relationship between identity and international security, and tests the effect of the former on the latter by analyzing a set of puzzling phenomena in East Asia—the emergence of mutual threat perception in Sino-Japanese relations; increasingly conflictual relations between Korea and Japan after Korea’s democratization; the establishment of a regional human rights mechanism by ASEAN; and the settlement of key territorial disputes by Southeast Asian nations. Coupled with the diverging frequency of militarized interstate disputes between both regions, these phenomena suggest that Northeast Asia (NEA) has become a region of conflict with high tensions, while Southeast Asia (SEA) has increasingly developed into a region of peace with decreasing tension. The dissertation advances a new theoretical framework, namely, identity distance theory, to understand these puzzling phenomena. Identity distance refers to perceived socio-psychological differences between groups, and its widening (narrowing) is hypothesized to increase (decrease) the likelihood of intergroup conflict. Using a variety of methods—content analysis of newspapers; political elite survey; and a controlled case study on territorial disputes—the dissertation shows that it is the contrasting evolution of identity distance in the two regions that is the key to explaining the cross-regional differences. The root cause of the widening identity distance in NEA is the rise of the so-called history problem (lishi wenti) in the 1980s, influencing China’s threat perception of Japan and altering the effect of Korea’s democratization on its relations with Japan. In contrast, the narrowing identity distance in SEA due to the construction of a regional identity and community since the 1990s enabled thorny issues such as human rights to be discussed more freely by raising the comfort level among regional countries, and resulted in the resolution of two key territorial disputes in SEA through the arbitration of the International Court of Justice. Identity distance theory proposes a connection between identity and security, and contends that identity-related issues are an important factor affecting different regional dynamics. The findings of the dissertation suggest that the relations of enmity and amity between states are socially constructed through interactions between actors, which engender certain social identities and relations favorable for peace or conflict.Government
19
Walsh, Barnaby Jessop. "Exploiter or unwitting accomplice? : China's engagement in the East African community and Uganda's utilisation of the regional security complex." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/exploiter-or-unwitting-accomplice(9c2b98b9-d82f-47da-8535-03a9830470a1).html.
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The global rise of China occurs at a time when Africa undergoes an institutional effort to reshape its internal security dynamics. President Museveni of Uganda has utilised this context to centralise his position within an East African regional security environment which remains fluctuating and unstable, and offers an outstanding example of African agency. A continental overview of Africa using Buzan and Wæver’s Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) shows China impacting on security dynamics by creating a structural context in which African leaders must operate, as well as contributing to low-level security issues. A case study analysis of the East African Community (EAC) uncovers nuances therein, by establishing China’s role in the ongoing security issues related to ‘Terrorism’ and the ‘Oil Sector.’ Detailed interrogation of Uganda and President Museveni’s role within this environment, shows that China’s role in Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) proliferation and global ivory trade; and it being a market for oil, involved in developing the sector, and a key partner in mega-infrastructure construction, has greatly aided Museveni. The EAC is stabilising into a pre-complex, where a set of bilateral security relations potentially seem able to bind into a Regional Security Complex (RSC), and shows clear signs of moving to proto-complex status, where sufficient manifest security interdependence delineates it as a region (although thinly and weakly). Museveni’s role in this becoming of an RSC is crucially important. He has utilised Chinese engagement to a great extent, in order to shape this process in a way beneficial to himself and Uganda. China’s attempted exploitation of East Africa’s various opportunities has ultimately seen it become an unwitting accomplice in aiding President Museveni’s machinations. Museveni has successfully incorporated and deflected Chinese interests so as to maintain his domestic position and regional aspirations.
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Demurtas, Alessandro. "El complejo europeo de seguridad regional entre 2001 y 2011 en relación a las amenazas del terrorismo islamista y de las armas de destrucción masiva." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/284325.
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Este trabajo utiliza una teoría enmarcada en los estudios de la Escuela de Copenhague con el objetivo de determinar si la Unión Europea (UE) puede caracterizarse como un complejo de seguridad regional (RSC en su acrónimo inglés) en relación a las amenazas del terrorismo de matriz islamista y de las armas de destrucción masiva (ADM) entre los años 2001 y 2011. Para realizar esta tarea, la presente investigación hace un uso combinado de dos teorías elaboradas por la Escuela de Copenhague: la teoría de los RSC de Barry Buzan y Ole Waever del año 2003 y la teoría de la securitización que los dos autores elaboran junto con Jaap de Wilde en 1998.
La investigación tiene dos objetivos. En primer lugar, utilizando la teoría de la securitización, intenta determinar las interrelaciones entre las dinámicas de seguridad de las unidades analizadas, tratando la UE como variable dependiente, los Estados seleccionados como variables independientes y explicativas (Alemania, España, Francia, Italia y Reino Unido), y la OTAN como variable interviniente. En segundo lugar, focaliza en el marco de las interrelaciones securitarias de las unidades para describir y explicar la eventual existencia del RSC europeo, las variables que lo componen y las tendencias hacia el mantenimiento del estatus quo o de cambio que ha vivido entre 2001 y 2011.
Se trata en suma, de comprobar el potencial explicativo de la teoría de los RSC, con un sesgo constructivista y algunos elementos institucionalistas, frente a otras explicaciones, clásicas en Relaciones Internacionales, basadas en las intenciones, los intereses y el contexto. Dicho de otra forma, el presente trabajo se propone estudiar las prácticas estratégicas y de seguridad de la UE, de la OTAN y de España, Francia, Italia, Reino Unido y Alemania durante diez años (2001-2011). Una vez relevadas similitudes y diferencias, compatibilidades e incompatibilidades – y a través del uso de los instrumentos operativos y de las pautas de análisis ofrecidas por la teoría del RSC – la tesis quiere corroborar la existencia de interrelaciones entre estas prácticas y entre los procesos de securitización derivados de ellas.
Las grandes preguntas de investigación de la tesis son:
1. A partir del análisis de los discursos y de las prácticas estratégicas y de seguridad de la UE, de la OTAN y de los Estados analizados, ¿podemos confirmar la existencia del RESC en relación a la amenaza del terrorismo islamista y de la proliferación de ADM?
2. De serlo, ¿cómo se estructura, eventualmente, el RESC?
3. En los casos concretos, ¿la UE y sus Estados miembros comparten las amenazas? Y ¿cuáles acciones y actuaciones concretas han tomado las unidades estudiadas para garantizar su seguridad?
4. En los ámbitos donde comparten la percepción de las amenazas, ¿es posible encontrar una actuación común, o persiste la división entre los Estados y la UE? Y ¿cuál influencia tiene la OTAN en estos ámbitos?
Para llevar a cabo la investigación se analizaron un total de 2076 documentos: 662 discursos, intervenciones, comparecencias parlamentarias y entrevistas (actos de habla) de las autoridades públicas elegidas; 1206 artículos de cinco periódicos nacionales; 131 actos normativos y otros documentos oficiales y 77 sondeos demoscópicos nacionales y del Eurobarómetro.This work uses a Security Studies theory elaborated by the Copenhagen School in order to determine if the European Union (EU) can be characterized as a regional security complex (RSC) in relation to the threats of Islamist terrorism and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) between 2001 and 2011. To accomplish this task, this research makes a combined use of two theories developed by the Copenhagen School: the theory of the RSC of Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, elaborated in 2003, and the theory of securitization that the two authors made together with Jaap de Wilde in 1998. The research has two goals. First, using the securitization theory, it tries to determine the interrelations between the analyzed units' security dynamics, treating the EU as the dependent variable, the States selected as independent and explanatory variables (Germany, Spain, France, Italy and United Kingdom), and NATO as an intervening variable. Second, it focus on the framework of units' strategic interrelations to describe and explain the presence of the European RSC, its structural variables and the trends towards the maintenance of the status quo or change between 2001 and 2011. To sum up, the thesis checks the explanatory potential of the theory of the RSC with a constructivist slant and some elements of the institutionalist focus, against other explanations, classic in International Relations field, based on the intentions, interests and the context. Put another way, this work proposes to study the strategic and security practices of the EU, NATO and of Spain, France, Italy, United Kingdom and Germany during ten years (2001-2011). Once relieved similarities and differences, compatibilities and incompatibilities - and through the use of operational instruments and guidelines of analysis offered by the theory of the RSC - the thesis tries to corroborate the existence of interrelationships between these practices and the securitization processes derived from them. The research questions are: 1. Starting from the analysis of discourses and security practices of the EU, NATO and the States analyzed, can we confirm the existence of the European RSC in relation to the threat of Islamist terrorism and the proliferation of WMD? 2. If so, how is RSC eventually structured? 3. In specific cases, do the EU and its Member States share threats perceptions? And which actions and concrete measures have the cases-study taken to ensure their security? 4. In the areas in which there's a sharing of the perception of the threats, is it possible to find a common action, or do divisions persist between the States and the EU? And what influence has NATO in these areas? To carry out research, a total of 2076 documents have been analyzed: 662 discourses, interventions, parliamentary hearings and interviews (speech acts) of elected public authorities; 1206 articles of five national newspapers; 131 normative acts and other documents and 77 national and Eurobarometer surveys.
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Turton, Anthony Richard. "The political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector: South Africa and its international river basins." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25233.
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This research set out to develop a deeper theoretical component to the emerging discipline of hydropolitics by studying the political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector. The focal point was the four international river basins that are shared between South Africa and six of its neighbouring states. The study found that while there is a lot of evidence for the securitization of water resource management in South Africa’s international river basins, there are also a number of examples of regimes. The creation of these regimes was driven primarily by threat perceptions relating to state security, mostly during the period of apartheid and the Cold War. These regimes were mostly robust and served as a valuable instrument for the de-escalation of conflict, which was primarily of a high politics nature. Examples of both plus-sum and zero-sum outcomes have been isolated. Plus-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of national self-interest with four examples of this condition. In all four cases the non-hegemonic state benefited from cooperation with South Africa. Zero-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of ideology with two examples of this condition. In both cases the non-hegemonic state did not benefit and was sidelined to the extent that they became marginalized and worse off than before. In all cases the hegemonic state benefited from the regime. The research consequently showed that a hydropolitical complex is emerging in Southern Africa, clustered around two international river basins, the Orange and Limpopo, which have been defined as pivotal basins. Both of these basins have reached the limit of their readily available water resources and future development is not possible on any great scale. Four of the most economically developed states in Southern Africa (Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and South Africa) are riparians on these two international river basins, and have been defined as pivotal states. Other less developed countries that share any international river basin with a pivotal state have been defined as an impacted state, because their own development aspirations have been capped through this association. Any international river basin that has at least one of the pivotal states in it has been defined an impacted basin. Finally, this research showed that regimes create a plus-sum outcome in closed international river basins because they reduce the levels of uncertainty and institutionalize the conflict potential. As such regimes are a useful instrument with which to regulate inter-state behavior, leading over time to the development of institutions consisting of rules and procedures.Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2005.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Bodung, Sverre. "Regions, Powers And Order: A Structural Approach To Regional Politics." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/337267.
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In this dissertation I develop a theory that seeks to account for the variation in stability and conflict proneness we observe across regions. I propose that the observed variation in regional order in the international system is fundamentally rooted in the polar arrangements of the different regions. Specifically, I argue that regions that do not have clearly recognized regional powers are more prone to conflict, that their conflicts are more severe, and that these regions are more vulnerable to outside influence than those that do have such powers. Using an opportunity and willingness framework, I define regions as stable geographic spaces of interacting states behaving uniquely from the broader international system. In order to test these propositions, I make use of novel data defining both regional memberships and that identifies leading regional actors. The results show that not only do regional polarity have a strong explanatory effect, but they also suggest that it is necessary to take regional-level effects into account when analyzing international politics.
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Xiao, Jiaxi. "Information theoretic approach in detection and security codes." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/43620.
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Signal detection plays a critical role in realizing reliable transmission through communication systems. In this dissertation, by applying information theoretic approach, efficient detection schemes and algorithms are designed for three particular communication systems. First, a computation efficient coding and detection algorithm is developed to decode two dimensional inter-symbol interference (ISI) channels. The detection algorithm significantly reduces the computation complexity and makes the proposed equalization algorithm applicable. A new metric, the post-detection mutual information (PMI), is established to quantify the ultimate information rate between the discrete inputs and the hard detected output. This is the first time that the information rate loss caused by the hard mapping of the detectors is considered. Since the hard mapping step in the detector is irreversible, we expect that the PMI is reduced compared to the MI without hard mapping. The conclusion is confirmed by both the simulation and the theoretic results. Random complex field code is designed to achieve the secrecy capacity of wiretap channel with noiseless main channel and binary erasure eavesdroppers' channel. More importantly, in addition to approaching the secrecy capacity, RCFC is the first code design which provides a platform to tradeoff secrecy performance with the erasure rate of the eavesdropper's channel and the secrecy rate.
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Holmqvist, Andreas. "Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval : förändring och anpassningEtt regionalt säkerhetsperspektiv." Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-32.
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Uppsatsen har syftat till att belysa Sveriges närområde ur ett säkerhetspolitiskt perspektiv och samtidigt finna faktorer som påverkat Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval. Vidare ämnade uppsatsen att förklara, det vill säga hitta orsaksförklaringar till varför den säkerhetspolitiska miljön i Sveriges närområde ser ut som den gör. Då uppsatsen är att se som teorikonsumerande har svaren sökts genom vald teori som utgår från en regional säkerhetspolitisk analys. Vidare har även ansatser gjort ur Nils Andréns säkerhetspolitiska struktur. De teoretiska ansatserna har sedan använts som analysmodell där fyra nivåer har applicerats på empirin. Dessa har sedan använts för att förklara Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval under två olika epoker. Uppsatsen har dessutom besvarat vilken roll ett nordiskt försvars och säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete får för stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde.
Svaren till Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval går att finna på nationell, regional och global nivå. Sedan kalla krigets slut har de säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningarna förändrats drastiskt vilket i sin tur medfört till en omprövning av säkerhetspolitiken. Idag har Sverige betydligt större rörlighet då två supermakter inte längre involverar sig i jordens alla hörn. Av den anledningen har Sverige idag involverat sig i säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete som inryms under EU, Nato och även det nordiska samarbetet. Sammantaget går det att konstatera att det nordiska samarbetet är en viktig komponent till stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde och får dessutom ekonomiska och operativa fördelar, då försvaret blir en allt mindre prioriterad verksamhet.
This project aims to illuminate the surroundings of Sweden trough a security policy perspective and thereby find factors which have had an impact on Sweden. Further on the intention is also to explain the immediate surroundings of Sweden in terms of security and find causes to why it looks like it does. This essay has found its answer trough a theory which uses a regional security perspective. The purpose of this essay has also been to describe the foundations of security policy, which has been done trough the security policy structure made by the author Nils Andrén. Furthermore the theory has been applied to the fact presented in the essay.
The regional security theory has developed an analyze model with four levels, which is brought in to this paper. There has also been a purpose to find out how the Nordic defence co-operation can be used in a sense to maintain a stabilized environment in the surroundings of Sweden. The answer to the first question is to be found in three different levels, domestic, regional and global. There are always an interaction between these levels, whereby there are different answers to been sought. Since the days after the cold war the security policy conditions have changed rapidly which have made an impact on the Swedish security policy. Today we can se a considerable moveability in the European region. This is a gist of a new world order, when we don’t expect two superpowers intruding in every corner and by that reason Sweden are now involved in several military co-operation. Finaly it can be said that this essay have made the conclusion that a Nordic co-operation is vital for the stability in the region of north Europe.
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Simonyi, André. "Waiting for the Cows to Come Home: A Political Ethnography of Security in a Complex World. Explorations in the Magyar Borderlands of Contemporary Ukraine." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26126.
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This dissertation explores the ways in which the everyday (in)securities of people in southwestern Ukraine can illuminate our understanding of contemporary political life. Rather than using traditional units of analysis or given categories—the state, the individual, identity—the dissertation focuses on relations between people in and connected to a single village to develop a novel framework for analyzing politics and the political. The dissertation opens with an interrogation of the practical and theoretical challenges associated with current conceptualizations of security; our understanding of the political; and the role of ethnography in theorization and presents a research design meant to address those challenges. Drawing upon extensive participant-observation and other immersion-based research in a post-Soviet borderland wedged between Ukraine and Slovakia, and using an analytical tool I call “togetherness,” the thesis presents an ethnographic account of social interactions, economy, and authority in this largely Hungarian-speaking rural area. The third part of the dissertation applies the idea of an ontological shift and draws on complex systems and structuration theory (Luhmann and Giddens, respectively) to rethink the ethnographic analysis and to highlight relationships between structural and existential realms of political life. Here, the concept of security becomes central to the theorization, and the overall argument illuminates the intimate relationship between the idea of security and the political. Ultimately, this approach allows us to expand the scope of political ethnography: theorizing beyond thick description; integrating broader perspectives without losing the texture of the local; and developing an approach to research that can be replicated in other settings.
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Pavúk, Ján. "Bezpečnost Slovenska z pohledu kodaňské školy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-4088.
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The diploma thesis captures the contemporary security situation of Slovakia, identifies security problems by which it feels threatened, then goes on to point out whom and what Slovakia wants to protect and which strategy it plans to use in order to do that. At the same time it identifies the main insecurities of EU as a whole and those of Russia. These two powers are seen to play a major role in formation of relationships of amity and enmity, of cooperation and hostility in European regional security supercomplex of which, Slovakia is inseparable part. To describe and conduct analysis, author applies theories and analytical tools formulated by Copenhagen School. Most used were analytical frameworks and concepts of securitization, regional security complexes and sectoral approach to security.
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Vanhanen, Tuuli. "The European Strategic Autonomy Dilemma : French and German Interpretations by Means of Comparative Analysis and Realist Theory." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-179892.
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This research focuses on the concept of European strategic autonomy and what it really is. Through two different European Union Member States, France and Germany, the research will compare how European strategic autonomy is interpreted and why. The research will use different concepts from the theory of realism to focus on the conventional perspective of strategic autonomy in Europe. The research will show how France pushes for greater European strategic autonomy to secure the future of Europe through strategic hedging strategy when again Germany wants to strengthen European strategic autonomy to be taken more seriously by European external allies and by strengthening European bandwagoning strategy. Based on the previously mentioned, the research will analyze how France and Germany interpret the meaning of European strategic autonomy. The research suggests that France’s approach to European security is through Europeanism when Germany’s approach is through Atlanticism. The research will conclude with findings that the significance of European strategic autonomy is in its meaning of increasing Europe’s and European Union’s credibility, sovereignty, and European integration, to name a few.
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Maier-Knapp, Naila. "EU Actorness with and within Southeast Asia in light of Non-traditional Security Challenges." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/8015.
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Nearly four decades of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Union (EU) relationship have witnessed the importance of ideas and identity alongside the economic interests in shaping the behaviour of the two sides. The study takes interest in understanding the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor with and within Southeast Asia through a reflectivist lens. The thesis is an attempt to provide a new perspective on a relationship commonly assessed from an economic angle. It outlines the opportunity of non-traditional security (NTS) challenges to enhance EU actorness and normative influence in Southeast Asia.
Against this backdrop, the study explores the dialogue and cooperative initiatives of two regions, which attach relatively little salience to each other. The study employs a NTS lens and draws upon the case of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the haze in relation to forest governance, the Bali bombings of 2002 and the political conflict in Aceh. The study assumes that these NTS issues can stimulate processes of threat convergence as well as threat ‘othering’. It argues that these processes enhance European engagement in Southeast Asia and contribute to shaping regional stability in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, NTS crises present situations, where norms can become unstable, contested and substituted. This allows us to better examine the EU as a normative actor.
To establish an understanding of the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor, the empirical evidence will focus on the threat perceptions, motivations of action and activities of the EU and its member states. For the purpose of differentiating the EU as a normative actor, the study will also include the discussion of the normative objectives and behaviours of the EU and its member states and apply a reflectivist theoretical framework.
Hypothetically, NTS crises trigger external assistance and normative influence and thus, they offer an opportunity to establish a more nuanced picture of the EU in the region. At the same time, the study acknowledges that there are a variety of constraints and variables that complicate the EU’s actorness. The thesis seeks to identify and discuss these. So far, scholarly publications have failed to apply the NTS perspective systematically. This thesis provides the first monograph-length treatment of the EU in Southeast Asia through a NTS and reflectivist lens.
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Chabbi, Mourad. "Surpuissance et sous-complexe régional : application pour une étude sécuritaire de l'Iran au sein du Golfe depuis 1989." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30062.
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Cette thèse se propose d’étudier un cadre général d’interprétation de l’évolution du comportement de la République islamique d’Iran dans sa région, comportement considéré comme la principale problématique internationale de cette dernière décennie. En d’autres termes, les éléments de focalisation de ce travail se situeront principalement au niveau de la région du Golfe, et plus précisément, au niveau de l’interaction existant entre l’Iran et son environnement immédiat. L’idée que sous-tend ce travail est qu’il existe une cohérence dans le cheminement politique et sécuritaire iranien qui se reflète suite à la problématique soulevée par l’intrusion d’un acteur global. Plus précisément, ce travail a pour objet la mise en lumière d’une corrélation forte entre, d’une part, les hypothèses offertes par l’analyse des dimensions sécuritaires, et d'autre part, l’évolution du positionnement iranien dans un système international à la structure singulièreThis thesis deals with the evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s behavior in its region, this behavior being considered as the main international problem of the last decade. This research will focus on the Gulf Region and more precisely on the interaction existing between Iran and its immediate environment. The idea behind this work is that Iran’s political and safety evolution has been influenced by the issues arising from the intrusion of a global player. More precisely, this work intends to highlight a strong correlation between, on the one hand, theories coming from the analysis of safety aspects and, on the other hand, the evolution of Iran’s positioning within the new structure of the international system
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Hur, Mi-yeon. "Examining the Six-Party Talks Process on North Korea: Dynamic Interactions among the Principal States." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/14880.
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This doctoral thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and historical analysis of foreign policy behaviour of the principal states involved in nuclear talks on North Korea known as the Six-Party Talks (SPT). Despite the failure in achieving a primary objective of denuclearizing North Korea, the SPT were believed to provide interesting and informative cases to investigate dynamic interactions among states engaged in security talks with different motives and interests. For a holistic approach to foreign policy analysis, the thesis adopts a newly introduced theoretical framework called Interactionist Role Theory (IRT) which integrates the levels of analysis from individuals to international system by incorporating the concept of ‘roles’. Based on IRT, the thesis examines what drove the concerned states’ foreign policy shifts; what kinds of discrepancies the states experienced between or among competing roles (role conflicts); how successful their deliberate policy implementations were (role-makings); and what structural effects their foreign policy decisions had on the overall Six-Party Talks process. The thesis findings support the IRT premise that it is critical to understand a state’s perceived ideal roles to accurately identify the state’s motives for actions regarding particular foreign policy issues. The prevalence of inter-role conflicts at the time of states’ role-makings evinces that the SPT as social constraints did exert competing role expectations that challenged the member states’ role conceptions. Above all, the sequential analysis of the SPT process clearly shows the mutual influence between the member states (agents) and the SPT (social structure), which implies successful multilateral negotiations require reciprocal relations among participating states where all parties’ desired roles (role conceptions) are mutually verified and affirmed. The thesis is deemed to give insightful messages to conventional foreign policy readings that predominantly view the nuclear drama in the Northeast Asia region from a binary focus of US-DPRK mutual deterrence.
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Langin, Chester Louis. "A SOM+ Diagnostic System for Network Intrusion Detection." OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/389.
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This research created a new theoretical Soft Computing (SC) hybridized network intrusion detection diagnostic system including complex hybridization of a 3D full color Self-Organizing Map (SOM), Artificial Immune System Danger Theory (AISDT), and a Fuzzy Inference System (FIS). This SOM+ diagnostic archetype includes newly defined intrusion types to facilitate diagnostic analysis, a descriptive computational model, and an Invisible Mobile Network Bridge (IMNB) to collect data, while maintaining compatibility with traditional packet analysis. This system is modular, multitaskable, scalable, intuitive, adaptable to quickly changing scenarios, and uses relatively few resources.
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Faivre, Pierre-Marie. "Le traitement des questions de sécurité dans la région sahélo-saharienne : étude des approches malienne, nigérienne et burkinabè." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCB171.
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La récurrence des crises politiques et sécuritaires dans la région sahélo-saharienne continue de mettre en lumière les multiples facteurs d'instabilité qui la touchent. Plaçant l'État au centre de notre réflexion, nous verrons que, si ces fragilités peuvent être le fruit de facteurs exogènes, elles constituent surtout le résultat de décisions endogènes. Partant de ce constat, cette étude analysera les politiques mises en place par les autorités du Burkina Faso, du Mali et du Niger, le cadre régional dans lequel elles s'inscrivent et les interdépendances qu'elles contractent. Face à la faiblesse de ces pays, la solution d'une approche régionale a été plébiscitée mais son efficacité se heurte à la défense des intérêts particuliers des États et de leurs gouvernantsThe repetition of political and security crisis in the Sahel region highlights the multiplicity of factors of instability. The State being at the center of our study, we will observe that, despite exogenous threats, its fragility is mostly the result of endogenous decisions. This said, our work will analyze policies implemented by the authorities of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, the regional frame in which they place themselves and the mutual dependence they contracted. To counter the weakness of these countries, the regional approach has benne praised. Its effectiveness must, however, face the defense of rulers' and States' particular interests
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Sitniece, Katrīna Marija. "The Power of Values in Determining Interstate Threat Perception." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445527.
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Interstate threat perception plays a vital role in peace and conflict, having the potential to lead to pre-emptive war. Despite the significance of the theme, little is known about the elements and mechanisms at play guiding threat perception at the state level. This study contributes to said gap by focusing on values as the driver of threat perception. The argument explores the regional constraints of threat perception, focusing on regional military interventions and their effects on the threat perception of the states within said region. Thus, the paper addresses the question of what role value congruence plays in interstate threat perception following a regional military intervention. The paper hypothesises that a higher perceived value congruence between the perceiving state and the intervening state lowers the degree of threat perception. Noting data limitations and isolation challenges, the study finds support for this hypothesis by exploring the case of 2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine and its effects on Belarus, Poland, and Sweden.
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Žáčková, Markéta. "Historie a činnost urbanistického pracoviště Výzkumného ústavu výstavby a architektury v Brně." Doctoral thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta architektury, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-233262.
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The dissertation explores the history and activities of the Brno-located Town and Country Planning Department of The Research Institute for Building and Architecture (RIBA) since its foundation in 1954 until its abolishment in 1994. As a part of the department functioning, a description of its main research tasks and publications, which had played an essential part while formulating theory and methodology of urban planning after the 2nd World War in Czechoslovakia, are introduced. Special attention is paid to tasks and publications whose authors and research workers applied interdisciplinary approaches and – in spite of the prevailing totalitarian regime – managed to apply their experience acquired abroad to produce highly influential works such as The Principles and Rules of Spatial Planning. Another objective of the dissertation is the creation of a complex bibliography of texts that were produced by the department (books, reports on the outcomes of research tasks that had been explored at the Town and Country Planning Department and that were released internally as handbooks serving research workers of the institute and other institutions focusing on building and architecture). Depictions of the Brno department of RIBA from the perspective of two of its significant representatives who have outlived the institution they had witnessed to be founded and to the functioning of which they had significantly contributed, become a key part of the text: Ing. arch. Vladimír Matoušek, CSc., the second head of the Town and Country Planning Department of RIBA and Ing. arch. Dušan Riedl, CSc., a theoretician of architecture and urban planning and a top expert on Czech national herritage. As the topic has not yet been subjected to scholarly research, the main objective of the work is to create the very first complex text on the Brno department of RIBA and its activities. The circumstances surrounding the constitution of RIBA in the context of other similarly functioning research institutes are pursued with a special focus on the fields of building, architecture and urban planning as well as legislative embedding of its foundation and functioning, its organization structure, staff, definition of taskmasters and the way the tasks were approached, relations to other institutions in the field, publishing activities and transfer of theoretical research outcomes to practice. The text also deals with the state of present-day research of architecture and urban planning. Archive material and publications released by the institute represent a predominant source of information about RIBA activities. They are now stored at the archive of ABF Foundation in Prague (the foundation has been administering both the archive and library of the Prague department of RIBA since its abolishment), at the library of The Institute for Spatial Development in Brno (the institute administers the library of the former Brno department) and at the Moravian Land Archive in Brno. Both of the archives have been thoroughly researched by the author. Critical reflections upon the urban-planning department of RIBA occurring in contemporary publications and periodicals are another important source of information which help to specify the character of its activities (recent literature mentions RIBA scarcely, a complex evaluation is still missing). Oral history reported by former employees of RIBA, who had contributed to the first-rate quality of its research activities.
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Lee, Chao-Hsien, and 李昭賢. "Threat Perception and State Behaviors: A Perspective of Regional Security Complex Theory." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/00435449436133415617.
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博士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
104
These years, the Middle East is not calm. Since the United States began to withdraw from Iraq, and after the Arab Spring swept the Middle East, Syria was plunged into civil war. The Sunni Islam militant group "Islamic State" (IS) has also occupied parts of the region and is expanding its influence through terror. Scholarship on the Middle East has traditionally used the balance of power or clash of civilizations theories to assess regional security threats, rarely providing an eclectic perspective that considers both material power and intangible cultural variables. In particular, such analyses have been unable to provide a clear understanding of regional security threats that emerged following the end of the Cold War. This study addresses this gap by using the "Regional Security Complex Theory", proposed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever in 2003, which enables a regionally-centered examination of contemporary Middle Eastern security threats, taking into account both material and non-material, cultural, variables. This research focuses on the impact of political instability in Iraq and Syria and the raise of the Islamic State on the security of Saudi-Arabia, Iran and Turkey, with a view to understanding the latter’s subsequent reaction.
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Bragatti, Milton Carlos. "Theorizing South American International Security." Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/115382.
Full textAbstract:
What accounts for the paradoxical militarization, which occurs simultaneously to processes of cooperation in Defence in the South American region? With an analysis informed by a theoretical framework which combines the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) with the English School of International Relations approach and based on systematic review methodology, this research seeks to contribute to answering this question in order to understand International Security in South America. Evidence suggests the centrality of the regional primary institutions, which both stimulate and restrain conflicts, but also effective cooperation and integration in the region, remaining a security regime.Cosa spiega la militarizzazione paradossale, che si verifica contemporaneamente ai processi di cooperazione nella difesa nella regione sudamericana? Con un'analisi informata su un quadro teorico che combina la Teoria del Complesso di Sicurezza Regionale (RSCT) con l'approccio della Scuola Inglese di Relazioni Internazionali e basato sulla metodologia di revisione sistematica, questa ricerca ha l'obiettivo di contribuire a rispondere a questa domanda al fine di comprendere la sicurezza internazionale nel sud America. Le prove suggeriscono la centralità delle istituzioni primarie regionali, che stimolano e frenano sia i conflitti sia un'efficace cooperazione e integrazione nella regione, rimanendo un regime di sicurezza.
O que explica a militarização paradoxal, que ocorre simultaneamente aos processos de cooperação em Defesa na região sul-americana? Com uma análise informada em referencial teórico que combina a Teoria do Complexo de Segurança Regional (RSCT) com a abordagem da Escola Inglesa de Relações Internacionais e com base em metodologia de revisão sistemática, esta pesquisa tem o objetivo de contribuir para responder a essa pergunta, a fim de compreender a Segurança Internacional em América do Sul. Evidências sugerem a centralidade das instituições primárias regionais, que estimulam e restringem os conflitos e a cooperação e integração eficazes na região, permanecendo um regime de segurança.
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Smith, Kiganda Alžběta. "ASEAN: regionální bezpečnostní komplex nebo případ úspěšné integrace?" Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339609.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis analyzes the development of the security discourse in Southeast Asia namely on the ground of the ASEAN organization and in its member states. The thesis main aim is to find out whether the region of the ASEAN can be considered as the Regional Security Complex. The theoretical basis of the thesis is drawn from the theoretical concept of the Copenhagen school, specifically on researchers such as, Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde, who formulated the theory. The theory applicability is studied through the securitization processes elaborated on the sectoral analysis. On the military, political, economic, environmental and societal sector the thesis strives to analyze the essential securitization and desecuritization processes, attempts to name the main securitization actors, referential objects and confront them with the theory. Based on the elaboration on the current issues connected with the securitization logic the thesis describes the security dynamic in the region. At the end of analysis, the thesis evaluates the current regional setting of the ASEAN as the Regional Security Complex and gives the recommendations for its next developments.
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Stráník, Tomáš. "Severojižní plynový koridor jakožto východisko pro zajištění energetické bezpečnosti EU v souladu s její dlouhodobou politikou." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-325031.
Full textAbstract:
This work will try to analyse, if a project of Nort-South gas corridor is a really effective solution for EU and if this project really supports an effort to achieve a common energy security of EU. Work is based on hypothesis that natural gas and significant difference between member states of EU in dependence on Russian gas are the main problems which complicate efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU. Project, which could support efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU must be a project which could assure a diversification of gas routes and diversification of gas sources without weakening of energy security of any of EU member states. This work will try to analyse if existing gas projects (North Stream, South Stream, Nabucco and North- South gas corridor are really realistic projects which meet energy needs of member states of EU and long-term policy of EU. This work will try to prove, that North- South gas corridor is f the project, which really brings diversification of gas sources and gas routes and existence of this project will have also positive influence on efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU.
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Shen, Yenlung, and 沈延龍. "The Study of China’s Energy Security with Barry Buzan’s Security Complex Theory." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/33568444183309168612.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
100
There are several different perspectives on China’s energy security issues. This study is to start with how China seeks energy security based on the points of geopolitical view. Security Complex theory is as a framework for analysis of China’s energy security studies. It extends from the domestic, to the regional, and finally to the global areas. Within this security complex, it blended with wider agenda of security studies. Not only the traditional military and political sectors, but also the economic, societal, and environmental ones are taken into account. Countries, transnational corporations, international organizations are as the multiple actors within this security complex. Each of them competes and cooperates with each other. This thesis reviews China’s transformation on security concepts. It shows China has been changing its security concepts on ensuring its energy security. Future more, China’s energy challenges come from regions, which are separated into oceanic and continental areas. Globally, China petroleum companies cooperate with oil exporting countries by the help from China government. Alternative energy technology research has been undergoing within China and other oil-consuming countries. Cooperation of China’s Energy risk management has also been in progress between China and international organizations such as International Energy Agency. With this security complex, this study shows various aspects on China’s energy security tangling with multi-actors, military competition and common benefits-cooperation.
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WU, DE-QING, and 巫德慶. "Impact of ECFA on the cross-strait security situation- Based on Security Complex Theory." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/05723161199679817176.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國防大學政治作戰學院
政治研究所
101
The scope of the study refers to the amity and enmity on Cross-Strait. Not only the goodwill of economic cooperation form, but political risk and hostility to the conflict with each other. We also discuss why the state actors who have traditional security conflict and deploy asymmetric cooperations in nontranditional security area. The security policy and issue to non-state actors result in spill-over effect on Cross-Strait. There are four orientations in Security Complex Theory about amity and enmity. These are included: First, to maintain the status quo; second, nternal transformation; third, extraversion transformation; fourth, overlay effects. By four orientations as the international phenomenon universality, not only help to explain the characteristics of the Cross-Strait economic cooperation complex political risk, but also explain the overlay effects from the United States and Mainland China. By observing the security complex trend on the Cross-Strait, we can explain how to maintain the status quo and understand the uniqueness. It means that we need not change core interests, when military threats accompany with the lack of political trust between Cross-Strait, in the meanwhile deploy asymmetric cooperations in nontranditional security area.
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Huang, Hong-yao, and 黃虹堯. "A Study of People’s Republic of China Participate to Construct East Asia Regional Security Complex." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/d3z75h.
Full textAbstract:
博士國立中山大學
大陸研究所
96
U.S. led Western Democracies have imposed comprehensive sanctions on the PRC government by ceasing high-level exchanges politically and canceling bilateral cooperative agreements economically in response to the PRC’s 1989 crackdown on Tiananmen Square demonstrators. At that time, former paramount leader Deng Xiaoping brought up a “24 character” strategy for China’s foreign and security policy: “observe calmly; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership.” PRC did not gradually disengage from the U.S. led isolation until the U.S. government resumed high-level exchanges in 1993. The end of the Cold War meant that China was the major beneficiary of greatly reduced superpower penetration, and this strengthened the interregional dynamics of the Northeast and Southeast Asia. After PRC disengaged from diplomatic isolation made by U.S. - led Western Democracies and began to have the power to influence regional security affairs, a China-centered East Asian regional security complex was born. From lack of confidence in constructing in East Asian regional security complex in the mid 1990s, China became active and could rule the RSC after late 1990s. The goal of PRC’s security strategy is to form an anti-U.S.-led East Asia military alliance to protect its national security interest. In the existing regional security complexes, the framework of ASEAN Regional Forum was separated into “ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership” and “non ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership” camps in 2003. China established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2001 and allowed one of the axis of evil states- Iran to participate in the Organization in 2005. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization will develop into an anti-U.S.-led military alliance under China’s manipulation. In 2003, the U.S. government urged China to play a responsible stakeholder role in the Six-Party Talks instead of being a draft- making secretary. The PRC’s participation in constructing East Asia regional security complexes is analogous to a state that clothed neo-realism but harangued regional security interdependence. On the one hand it reprehends the U.S. East Asia military alliance as an out-of-date cold war thinking. On the other hand, PRC’s military expenditure from 1996 to 2006 shows an annual growth of more than 10 percent. The mutual security in East Asian regional security complexes are still being constructed. China participates in The Six-Party Talks and ASEAN Regional Forum while sometimes it will depend on particular circumstances to make certain contributions, but rules the Shanghai Cooperation Organization with its full strength to keep it operate as China’s political will. The aim of this thesis is to examine the changing characteristics of the regional security complexes in East Asia. The thesis focuses on the foreign policies and strategies of PRC’s participation in those security complexes from mid 1990s. Finally, this thesis will to explore what will impact on the East Asian regional security complex when China participates in and try to construct it, and who will construct whom.
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Zahálková, Iva. "Post-konfliktní rekonstrukce v Afghánistánu z perspektivy teorie regionálních bezpečnostních komplexů." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337014.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this diploma thesis is to analyze the nature of obstacles to the regional approach to Afghanistan through the lens of the Regional Security Complex Theory. I will focus on studying security dynamics within and among three security complexes surrounding Afghanistan, to see how these dynamics affect their interaction with the latter. Prospects of any regional cooperation on Afghanistan are hampered by security dynamics within these complexes whereby primary traditional political-military threats are perceived by the complex states as more threatening than the mostly transnational threats stemming from unstable Afghanitan. Particularly the Indo-Pakistani rivalry and to a lesser extent the Saudi-Iranian rivalry represent major obstacles as it is reflected also in their engagement in Afghanistan. On the other hand, weak Central Asia states are linked to Afghanistan security dynamics by mostly transnational threats and ethnic affinities but are generally too weak to extend their security dynamics beyond their respective complex. The thesis also seeks to analyze the possibility of Afghanistan's external transformation in terms of its inclusion into the South Asia complex and based on now stronger security interdependence among the Afghanistan-Pakistan-India triangle. This assumption could...
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Košatková, Iva. "Arktida jako regionální bezpečnostní komplex. Aplikace teorie regionálních bezpečnostních komplexů na geopolitický region Arktida." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304771.
Full textAbstract:
This diploma thesis deals with the Arctic geopolitical region from the perspective of one of the most influential regionalist concepts in the modern IR theory and international security studies - the regional security complex theory developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver from the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute. The main aim of the thesis is to examine whether such a specific geopolitical region as the Arctic could be analyzed from the perspective of this theory and defined as a regional security complex with a unique security dynamics and an intense interconnection of major processes of securitization and desecuritization. This research question seeks to suggest a theoretical and analytical tool for studying the specific regional dynamics of the Arctic, and alternatively identify shortcomings of the theory in confrontation with the case and propose possible theoretical modifications. The diploma thesis concludes that the Arctic can be classified as a regional security complex in terms of Buzan's and Wæver's theory, although as an emerging one with rather weak securitization interconnections yet with a big potential to develop into a strong and dynamic security complex. The application of the Arctic case to the theory however showed that there is a need for some theoretical modifications to make...
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Yeh, Chia-Chuan, and 葉家銓. "The Studies of Regional Security Complex Factors in the Cross-Strait Relations in the Xin Jinpin Period研." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/tsgtb7.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國防大學政治作戰學院
政治研究所
107
After 18th Congress, Xi Jinping has become the fifth leader of CCP(Chinese Communist Party). After Xi came to the office, he proposed the concept “China Dream” to achieve the great national rejuvenation. Xi expects this concept become a turning point for peaceful unification between Mainland and Taiwan through national spirit and the concept of “people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits are all of one family. Meanwhile, CCP executes “beneficial policy toward Taiwan” policy to increase Taiwanese people’s Chinese identity. On the other hand, CCP keeps oppressing Taiwan and using traditional military means to reach the psychological threat effect on our government and citizen. CCP adopts two-handed strategy combining threatening and cooperation which poses complex security threats. This strategy merges the traditional and non-traditional security ways and those amicable policies is actually policies with political risks and substantial enmity in the hidden disguise. Therefore, the research uses Regional Security Complex Theory to explore the complex of amity and enmity in cross-strait relations and distribution of power situation. Through applying four aspects “Maintenance of the Status Quo”, “Internal Transformation”, “External Transformation” and “Overlay” proposed in Security Complex Theory, this theory explains why both sides can cooperate in economic, cultural and societal dimensions even if CCP is posing political and military threat to Taiwan. Moreover, it explains “Overlay” effect from the two powers the United States and CCP, on cross-strait relations. The research expects to clarify CCP’s amity and enmity forms of performance to analyze the threat and challenge that may occurred. Hence, we are able to adopt an effective strategy to maintain safe and stable cross-strait relations.
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Lee, Ming-Chen, and 李明錚. "Study on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization：A New-Type Regional Security Institution under the Perspective of International Regime Theory." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/67200004674884679552.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
97
“Shanghai Cooperation Organization”（SCO） is the first multilateral international institution created by the Communist Party of China (CPC)﹐is deeply contains the meaning of symbol of multilateral diplomacy and the new deed of security issues of CPC. It is also the first international organization which takes the “anti-terrorism” as the main demand﹐and gradually expands it to other non-traditional security cooperation fields such as economy﹐environmental protection. Compared to other major international organizations which are committed to focus on the emphasis of working and cooperation of a particular item in Europe or Asia﹐the cooperation issues of SCO are increasing and evolving constantly﹐which shows that the organization has its own institutional specificities. Generally﹐the characteristics and orientation of the regional institution presented by Europe and Asia are totally different. Therefore﹐this thesis is going to question：the SCO that as being in Central Asia﹐but be with the potential capacity for influencing entire North-East Asia﹐Eurasia﹐and the Asia-Pacific region﹐which character （Western or Asian type） is the most in this regime？ Is it unique？ Or even whether a “new-type” regional security institution different from the present in Asia？ How will its trend of progress be in the future？ It is quite worthy of our study. This thesis is going to cite the “International Regime Theory” from international relations theories﹐with some arguments relative to the cooperation of regional institution﹐and induce several common characteristics of regional security institution﹐then make them the analytical indicators of this study﹐as try to examine the SCO through them. Furthermore﹐we also make some brief﹐assistant comparison with the main security institutions in Europe and Asia﹐such as North Atlantic Treaty Organization（NATO）﹐Association of Southeast Asian Nations（ASEAN）and the ASEAN Regional Forum（ARF）﹐during the procedure of characteristics analysis. In this approach﹐essay to find out the primary institutional character and uniqueness of the SCO.
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Chang, Ding-Yuan, and 張丁元. "Research of the impact of China’s Rise to the Northeast Asian Regional Security from the Theory of Hegemonic Stability." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/52907329405518833012.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
100
Since the economic reform and open-door policy in 1978, after more than 30 years of economic development, until now People’s Republic of China has been transformed into a Northeast Asian power, even a global political and economic power. Its powerful economic capability, military force and international influence have made it a potential country which could threat the hegemony of the United States, thus influence deeply the political and economic policies of the main Northeast Asian countries. From 1990 to now, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan have taken China’s rise as an opportunity because of the weakness of the domestic economic. Therefore for the sake of the rotations of domestic regimes and the impacts of important international events, Japan and South Korea gradually adjusted the policies to P.R.C. to tend to the situation to close to the United States, only Taiwan still cannot leave from the sphere of influence of P.R.C. because of the deep interdependence in the economic and trade. After several conflicts on the international issues between the United States and People’s Republic of China, U.S. President Barack Obama gradually adapted the containment policy to China’s rise. From the theory of hegemonic stability, the competition and cooperation between the United States and People’s Republic of China become gradually white-hot. Although there is space in many international issues and bilateral economic and trade cooperation, but it is undeniable that the roles of the U.S. and P.R.C. and the conflicts of national interests, for the sake of the continued increase in China’s power will gradually lead the two countries to the “Tragedy of Great Power Politics.”
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Haringová, Ingrida. "Afghánistán jako izolátor regionálních komplexů? Sektorová analýza afghánské bezpečnosti." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-365086.
Full textAbstract:
The goal of master thesis Afghanistan as an insulator of regional complexes? Sectoral analysis of Afghan security was to analyze security of Afghanistan based on sectors and from the viewpoint of Regional security complex theory developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver. The purpose of the thesis was to review categorization of Afghanistan as an insulator and identify factors which undermine his status as such. Afghanistan's location is very much unique because it lies among three different regional security complexes - Central Asia, The Middle East, and South Asia. The analysis was conducted through combination of a) discourse analysis of statements and speeches of president Ashraf Ghani and CEO Abdullah Abdullah (2014 - ) and added with information from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and b) material relations in regions, such as trade routes, military aid etc. and c) history. Analysis is based on military, political, and economic sectors. The discursive analysis pays attention to the perception of Afghanistan on itself with focus on institutional discourse and broader debate in the English-speaking afghan media.
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Evangelista, Blenda Karoline Ribeiro. "Cooperação regional em segurança e defesa: a União Europeia e a UNASUL." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/64883.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de mestrado em Relações InternacionaisEste trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a evolução da cooperação nos domínios da segurança e defesa no quadro da União Europeia (UE) e da América do Sul. Para tal, iremos examinar o aumento da cooperação regional em matéria de segurança e defesa, levando à criação de uma Política Comum de Segurança e Defesa (PCSD). Por outro lado, iremos analisar a cooperação regional no âmbito da América do Sul, tendo como foco analítico a União das Nações Sul-Americanas (UNASUL) e o seu Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano (CDS). A presente dissertação tem como foco uma análise comparada entre as regiões acima enunciadas, tendo por base os principais fatores que estiveram na génese da cooperação, os seus constrangimentos, limitações e desafios. A identidade das lideranças em ambas as regiões e a relação com os Estados Unidos da América (EUA) serão aspetos também considerados. Serão analisados os aspetos comuns que levaram ao aumento da cooperação regional em segurança e defesa, em ambos os casos no pós-Guerra Fria com a unipolaridade dos EUA. Iremos nos debruçar, igualmente, sobre os aspetos que distinguem ambas as experiências de cooperação, como os canais de integração e os desafios ao estabelecimento de uma cooperação estável no âmbito da segurança e defesa. Através da perspetiva comparada proposta pela presente dissertação, podemos concluir que a cooperação nos domínios da segurança e defesa, no quadro da UE e da América do Sul, evoluíram com base em quatro grandes fatores: o contexto pós Guerra-fria, quando a unipolaridade dos EUA não permitia que os blocos regionais desenvolvessem uma capacidade de autonomia, ao nível das áreas de segurança e defesa; a perspetiva de dependência da OTAN, no caso da UE, e da agenda norte-americana para a região, no caso da América do Sul; o propósito das lideranças regionais, que no caso da UE contou com o papel central da França e do Reino Unido, e no caso da América do Sul, a identificação do Brasil como um region-builder; e, sobretudo, a caracterização da UE como uma comunidade de segurança estreitamente integrada, que serviu de inspiração para o desenvolvimento da cooperação no âmbito do complexo regional de segurança da América do Sul.
This work aims to analyze the evolution of security and defense cooperation within the European Union (EU) and South America. To this end, we will examine the increased regional cooperation in the field of security and defense, leading to the creation of Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). On the other hand, we will analyze regional cooperation in South America, focusing on the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and its Council of South American Defense (CDS). The present dissertation focuses on a comparative analysis between the regions mentioned above, based on the main factors that were in the genesis of cooperation, their constraints, limitations and challenges. The identity of the leaders in both regions and the relationship with the United States of America (US) will also be considered. We will analyze the common aspects that lead to increase of the regional cooperation in security and defense, in a post-Cold War and US unipolarity perspective. We will also address the aspects that distinguish both experiences of cooperation, such as the channels of integration and the challenges of establishing stable security and defense cooperation. From the comparative perspective proposed by this dissertation, we can conclude that security and defense cooperation within the EU and South America has evolved on the basis of four major factors: the post-Cold War context, when the unipolarity of The US did not allow the regional blocs to develop an autonomy capacity in the area of security and defense; the prospect of dependence on NATO for the EU and the US agenda for the region for South America; the purpose of regional leaders, which in the case of the EU had the central role of France and the United Kingdom, and in the case of South America, the identification of Brazil as a region-builder; and above all, the characterization of the EU as a closely integrated security community, which has inspired the development of cooperation within the South American regional security complex.
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Obodozie, Onuorah J. "Security concerns: Nigeria's peacekeeping efforts in Liberia and Sierra Leone, 1990-1999." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1390.
Full textAbstract:
The essence of this thesis is to explore the role of Nigeria, West Africa's hegemon, in the intervention efforts by the Economic Community of West African states (ECOWAS) through its Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in both Liberia (1990-1997) and Sierra Leone (1993-2000). While the thesis has sought to understand the leading role played by Nigeria in first establishing the ECOWAS and being the primus motor for its functions, I have also attempted to analyse the rationalities for the transformation of ECOWAS from a purely economic integrative scheme to a security organisation. While the economic agendas for ECOWAS have not changed, the argument in this thesis is that security related issues and realities have taken precedence over the original economistic agendas. One of the thesis' major arguments is that the nature of results attained in both Liberia and Sierra Leone are different because of (a) the leadership role of Nigeria and (b) the nature of international responses and contributions to the resolution of these conflicts.
In the thesis, I argue that in the Liberian case, Nigeria took a more domineering leadership role albeit tinged with the characteristics of the actions of a benevolent hegemon. Here, Nigeria through different processes either through leadership, consensus-seeking processes and dialogue managed to get other ECOWAS states to coalesce around its leadership. However, in Sierra Leone, Nigeria's leadership role was not permitted to unfold. The resultant effect was the shift from NIFAG to ECOMOG and eventually "rekindling hatred" of these troops as UN troops.
This thesis has pointed to the utility of sub-regional organisations in resolving conflicts and demonstrates the need for further study.Political Science
DLITT ET PHIL (INT POL)
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Oliveira, Pedro Miguel Domingos Duarte de. "A influência do meio local nas dinâmicas de inovação do complexo agroalimentar do Vale do Tejo: análise e formulação de estratégias territoriais de ação coletiva." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/6378.
Full textAbstract:
O objetivo geral desta investigação consistiu em determinar que fatores poderiam influenciar
a inovação numa região predominantemente rural, contígua a uma área metropolitana. A
população objeto do estudo foi constituída pelas empresas da fileira agroalimentar,
estabelecidas no Vale do Tejo até 2009. Estabeleceram-se os seguintes objetivos específicos:
• Identificar e caracterizar a função principal dos diversos agentes empresariais,
associativos e institucionais que atuam no complexo agroalimentar do Vale do Tejo,
incluindo a teia de relações mercantis e não mercantis que os envolve;
• Apurar se uma eventual aglomeração espacial de empresas agrícolas e de agroindústrias
na região poderá estar associada à presença de cidades de pequena e média dimensão no
seu território;
• Avaliar e interpretar o desempenho em inovação numa fileira estratégica para a economia
da região, atendendo a fatores específicos de ordem empresarial e territorial enquadrados
num modelo de análise generalizável a outras regiões (não necessariamente rurais), em
linha com diversas contribuições teóricas acerca da relação entre território, inovação e
desenvolvimento regional;
• Analisar a intervenção das entidades públicas (administração central e local) em termos
de suporte institucional aos processos de inovação e de internacionalização nas empresas
dedicadas às atividades agrícolas, indústrias alimentares e do vinho implantadas na
região;
• Propor uma agenda em matéria de governança territorial que permita adequar o meio
local ao perfil característico de um meio inovador de cariz rural.
Para a obtenção de dados realizaram-se entrevistas diretas, semiestruturadas, a representantes
das empresas e respetivas associações, dos grupos de ação local que acompanham o Programa
de Desenvolvimento Rural (ProDeR) no território, e dos municípios da Lezíria do Tejo.
Consultou-se, também, a legislação de enquadramento das atividades afetas àquela fileira,
cujas empresas foram posteriormente objeto de inquérito.
Por preocupação com a representatividade da amostra inquirida recorreu-se às bases de dados
setoriais da Direção Regional de Agricultura e Pescas de Lisboa e Vale do Tejo, do Instituto
de Apoio às Pequenas e Médias Empresas e à Inovação, do Instituto de Financiamento da
Agricultura e Pescas, do Instituto Nacional de Estatística, e do Gabinete de Estratégia e
Planeamento do Ministério do Trabalho e da Solidariedade Social. A estratégia de
A INFLUÊNCIA DO MEIO LOCAL NAS DINÂMICAS DE INOVAÇÃO DO COMPLEXO AGROALIMENTAR DO VALE DO TEJO
amostragem foi principalmente intencional no caso dos produtores e das indústrias
alimentares (guiada por especialistas e do tipo bola de neve). Foi inquirida a população
identificada das organizações de produtores, cooperativas agrícolas e adegas cooperativas,
obtendo-se taxas de resposta de 62% e 81% respetivamente.
Os dados recolhidos foram sujeitos a uma análise interpretativa, baseada na triangulação das
fontes de dados qualitativos e quantitativos atrás referidas. Depois, procedeu-se a uma análise
estatística, descritiva e inferencial (por testes de associação, regressões e testes de diferença
de médias), tendo-se constatado a relevância dos fatores projetados no referido modelo de
análise; bem como de outros atributos empresariais (tais como a antiguidade, a dimensão do
mercado e as atividades económicas desenvolvidas).
Finalizando, identificaram-se lacunas a nível empresarial e institucional que enfraquecem o
potencial de desenvolvimento da região visto pelo prisma dos meio inovadores, justificando a
formulação de ações corretivas.The general objective of this research was to determine what factors might influence innovation in a predominantly rural area, adjacent to a metropolitan area. The target population for the study consisted of companies belonging to the agrifood supply chain, established in the Tagus Valley until 2009. It was established the following specific objectives: • To identify and describe the main function of different business agents, associations and institutions operating in the agrifood complex of Tagus Valley (Portugal), including the web of market and non-market relations that involves them; • To ascertain whether any spatial clustering of agricultural enterprises and agro-industries in the region may be associated with the presence of small and mid-sized towns in its territory; • To evaluate and interpret innovation performance in a strategic supply chain for the region's economy, considering specific factors of business and territorial nature framed in a analysis model generalizable to other regions (not necessarily rural), in line with several theoretical contributions around the relationship between territory, innovation and regional development; • To analyze the intervention of public authorities (central and local level) in terms of institutional support to the processes of innovation and internationalization of companies engaged in agricultural activities, food and wine industries established in the region; • To propose an agenda for territorial governance that allows the changing of local environment (‘millieu’) to characteristic profile of a rural-oriented innovative one. For data collection it was conducted direct and semi-structured interviews with representatives of business and respective associations, groups of local action accompanying the ProDeR (the Portuguese acronym, for Rural Development Programme) in the territory, and municipalities of Tagus Leziria (a sub-region of Tagus Valley). It was also consulted the framework legislation for agri-food supply chain activities, whose companies were subsequently the subjet of an inquiry. Concerning about the representativeness of the sample surveyed it resorted to sectoral databases of Regional Directorate of Agriculture and Fisheries of Lisbon and Tagus Valley, the Institute for Support to Small and Medium Enterprises and Innovation, the Institute for A INFLUÊNCIA DO MEIO LOCAL NAS DINÂMICAS DE INOVAÇÃO DO COMPLEXO AGROALIMENTAR DO VALE DO TEJO Financing Agriculture and Fisheries, the National Institute of Statistics, and the Office of Strategy and Planning of the Ministry of Labour and Social Solidarity. The sampling strategy was mainly intentional for producers and food industries (guided by experts and snowball type). It was surveyed the identified population from producers organizations, agricultural and winery cooperatives, yielding response rates of 62% and 81% respectively. The data collected were subjected to an interpretative analysis, based on triangulation of the qualitative and quantitative data sources mentioned above. Then it proceeded to a statistical analysis, descriptive and inferential (by association tests, regressions and difference of means tests), and it was found the relevance of factors designed in the model analysis of reference, as well as of other business attributes (such as seniority, market size and economic activities undertaken). Finally, it identified gaps at corporate and institutional levels that weaken the development potential of the region seen through the prism of innovative ‘millieux’, justifying the formulation of corrective actions.