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Journal articles on the topic 'Theurgy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Panayotov, Stanimir. "Non-Theurgy: Iamblichus and Laruelle." Labyrinth 20, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.25180/lj.v20i1.118.

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Mysticism, theurgy, non-philosophy: this text will experiment with the three in an attempt to perform a non-philosophical hijacking of so-called theurgy (theurgia). I will experiment with a comparison between Iamblichus' theurgy, Laruelle's non-philosophy, and the notion of the Vision-in-One. I claim their point of convergence is their allegiances to the theory of the One, derived from Plato's Unwritten Doctrines. The ancient notion of the One is subject to a similar procedural gesture in both Iamblichus and Laruelle, namely, the procession of the One from the noematic to the aesthetic realm. What connects them is their rejection of the theory that the soul's descension from the One to the visible realm represents a degeneration of the Nous. In a concept akin to the very idea of theurgy, Laruelle proposes his Vision-in-One, which is to think from the One rather than the One. The Vision-in-One is an attempt to materialize the disembodied fate of the noema against realistic skepticism.

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2

Buzhor, Yevgeniya S., Vadim I. Buzhor, and Larisa V. Milyaeva. "“Theurgic creativity” in philosophical conceptions of F. Nietzsche, Vl. Solovyov, and N. Berdyaev." SHS Web of Conferences 103 (2021): 01011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202110301011.

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The article presents a comparative analysis of theurgic activity in the works of three thinkers from the point of the generic understanding of theurgy as a “complete transformation of reality”. Despite the literal meaning of the term “theurgy”, according to all three thinkers, the indicated transforming influence is carried out by man and not by God. Although F. Nietzsche himself does not utilize the concept of theurgy, his theory of the Übermensch does fit into the framework of radical theurgic creativity since it presupposes a complete transformation of man carried out by himself, a change in his ontological nature. What is noted as a substantial similarity of the understanding of the transforming human activity by V. Solovyov and F. Nietzsche is that both thinkers view man as a product and the highest link of nature from which it follows that the highest calling of man is the transformation of not only himself but also nature. The difference lies in the fact that in Nietzsche’s view, the theurgic transformation is carried out by a person alone, through heroic effort. According to Solovyov, the main path of transformation of man and the world – the path of love – begins with a combination of two individuals and leads to conciliarity. In contrast, N. Berdyaev’s conception of theurgic creativity is distinguished by its radical transcendence, opposition to nature.

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3

Klitenic, Sarah. "THEURGY." Classical Review 50, no. 2 (October 2000): 480–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.2.480.

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4

Kolomiets, Galina G., and Pavel V. Lyashenko. "From Russian Theurgical Aesthetics to the Utopian Theurgy of Beauty and Art in the Russian Diaspora Philosophy." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 26, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2022-26-1-120-136.

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The paper is devoted to the analysis of theurgic aesthetics in relation to the concept of utopia that initiates a different understanding of the philosophy of the Russian diaspora representatives through the prism of utopian theurgy of beauty and art. Introducing the idea of utopian theurgy of beauty and art the authors emphasize its meaningful, axiological component. The authors interpret the utopian theurgy of beauty and art in the Russian diaspora philosophy of the first third of the 20th century as an aesthetically mystical experience of the imperfection of human earthly existence that causes a gap with socio-historical reality with direct co-existence of the creative individual with God who is considered to be the true Beauty, the cosmic Harmony, and the universal Love. The meaning of the utopian theurgy of beauty and art is in achieving the goal of possible union with the deity, as well as in affirming persons actions as a co-creator of the world process. The utopian theurgy of beauty and art of an optimistic nature, associated with the light of hope directed to the transformation of earthly existence is reflected in N.S. Arsenyev's idea of spiritual joy achievable in the mystical experience of "longing for Beauty in God"; in B.P. Vysheslavtsev's reflections about the artistic and creative embodiment of eros as thirst, the birth of the God-Man in beauty, as well as in I.A. Ilyin's philosophy, in which, despite disappointments in social changes, the faith in art as the Mystery, as "a service and a joy" always following sacred traditions is preserved. The aesthetic and pessimistic foundations of utopian theurgy are realized in the aesthetic views of V.V. Weidle, according to which art has lost its orientation to high objective spirituality; in S.L. Frank's idea of unrealized Beauty as a dream of the ultimate transformation of the world that is opposed by the bitter reality of the split of being; as well as in the philosophy of N.A. Berdyaev, who postulates the tragedy of earthly existence caused by the unattainability of the full realization of the cosmic Beauty that considers as the goal of the world process. N.O. Lossky's metaphysics, intuitionism and value system are of particular importance, as the utopian theurgy of beauty and art consists in the following: there always remains a share of the absolute truth in art that is the world of illusions and artists imagination; the absolute value of beauty universally valid for all substantial personalities is affirmed.

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5

Ahmetagić, Jasmina. "Culture: Theurgy." Kultura, no. 160 (2018): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1860193a.

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6

Steinhart, Eric. "Theurgy and Transhumanism." Revista Archai, no. 29 (March 31, 2020): e02905. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_29_5.

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Theurgy was a system of magical practices in the late Roman Empire. It was applied Neoplatonism. The theurgists aimed to enable human bodies to assume divine attributes, that is, to become deities. I aim to show that much of the structure of theurgical Neoplatonism appears in transhumanism. Theurgists and transhumanists share a core Platonic-Pythagorean metaphysics. They share goals and methods. The theurgists practiced astrology, the reading of entrails, the consultation of oracles, channeling deities, magic, and the animation of statues. The transhumanist counterparts of those practices are genetics, self-tracking with biosensors, artificial intellects like Google and Siri, brain-computer interfaces, programming, and robotics. Transhumanist techno-theurgy shows how Neoplatonism can be a modern philosophical way of life.

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7

Shaw, Gregory. "Ancient Magic, Theurgy, and Philosophy." Gnosis 7, no. 1 (March 10, 2022): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-00701006.

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Abstract This commentary reflects on Radcliffe Edmonds’ remarkable Ancient Magic, Theurgy, and Philosophy, focusing specifically on his study of the interface between theurgy and magic in late antiquity. Edmonds explores the striking similarities of theurgy and magic. After demonstrating a keen understanding of how theurgy worked for Iamblichus and the later Platonists, he compares its metaphysics and theory to the magical papyri. Although magicians were far less “theoretically inclined” than Platonic theurgists, Edmonds argues that they implement theurgical principles in their practices. He finds remarkable parallels and makes a strong case, but I argue that in one significant respect the magician and theurgist were profoundly different, a difference defined by the fact that Platonists like Iamblichus had passed through the withering catharsis of Platonic mystagogy, something that was not required or evident among magicians.

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8

Blumenthal, H. J. "Theurgy and the Soul." Ancient Philosophy 17, no. 2 (1997): 520–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199717260.

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9

Zlochevskaya, Alla. "From Decadence to Theurgy." Stephanos. Peer reviewed multilanguage scientific journal 33, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24249/2309-9917-2019-33-1-210-214.

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10

Dillon, John. "Iamblichus' Defence of Theurgy: Some Reflections." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 1, no. 1 (2007): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254707x194645.

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AbstractAn issue which plainly exercised the thoughts of many intellectuals in the late antique world was that of man's relation to the gods, and specifically the problems of the mode of interaction between the human and divine planes of existence. Once one accepted, as anyone with any philosophical training did, that God, or the gods, were not subject to passions, and that, as not only Stoics but also Platonists, at least after the time of Plotinus, believed, the world-order was (either entirely or very largely) determined as a product of God's providence, it became a serious problem as to how precisely one could influence the gods, or the course of events, by one's prayers or sacrifices. And yet efforts to do this, on both the popular and the official level, continued unabated. What was the proper attitude for a Platonist philosopher to take up? This is very much the subject of the well-known controversy between Plotinus' pupil Porphyry and his own pupil Iamblichus which manifests itself in the exchange of public letters known as The Letter to Anebo and The Reply of the Master Abammon to the Letter of Porphyry to Anebo (popularly known, since Marsilio Ficino conferred this title upon it, as De Mysteriis Aegyptiorum). The present article involves a close and sympathetic study of Iamblichus' position in defence of theurgy, reflecting on the validity of the distinction between religion and magic.

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11

Gaisin, Aleksandr. "Solovyov’s Metaphysics between Gnosis and Theurgy." Religions 9, no. 11 (November 13, 2018): 354. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9110354.

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This article provides a reading of Vladimir Solovyov’s philosophy as expressed in his ‘Lectures on Divine Humanity’ and ‘The Meaning of Love’. It seeks to unpack his eclectic thought in order to answer the question of whether there is a Jewish Kabbalistic influence on the Russian thinker amidst his usual platonic, gnostic, and Schellengian tropes. Interested as a young man in Jewish Mysticism, Solovyov fluctuates in his ‘Lectures on Divine Humanity’ between a platonic reading of Schellengian Gnosticism and some elements of Kabbalistic origin. In ‘The Meaning of Love’, he develops a notion of love that puts him very close to what Moshe Idel calls ‘theosophic-theurgical Kabbalah’. Showing how ‘The Meaning of Love’ completes the narrative of ‘Lectures’, we can affirm that there is a certain Christian Kabbalistic line in Solovyov’s thought that culminates in his theurgical understanding of love. In this sense, Solovyov might be called a philosophical Marrano as he is certainly a heterodox theosopher that fluctuates between Christian Gnosis and Christian Kabbalah, never assuming a solid identity.

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12

Shaw, Gregory. "Neoplatonic Theurgy and Dionysius the Areopagite." Journal of Early Christian Studies 7, no. 4 (1999): 573–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1999.0093.

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13

Svetlov, Roman, and Dmitry Shmonin. "Porphyry, Chaldaism, Judaism." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 17, no. 2 (2023): 866–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2023-17-2-866-874.

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The article seeks to explain the issue of why Porphyry of Tire, the first thinker introducing the discourses of the «Chaldean oracles» into Platonism, did not integrate Chaldaism and Judaism in his ideas on the nature of barbarian "theologies". For example, Julian the Apostate had accomplished such integration in his “political theology”. In the authors' opinion the reason for Porphyry's caution was his assessment of theurgy and its role in the genuine piety. The well-known discussion on the efficacy of theurgy in Porphyry's «Letter to Anebon» and «On the Egyptian Mysteries» of Iamblichus shows us two different modes of understanding of the Chaldean wisdom. Meantime, focusing on Iamblichus' approaches, Julian achieved this integration.

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14

Rosa, Vítor. "As Lições de Lyon para os cavaleiros maçons Eleitos Coëns do universo um curso martinista no século XVIII (1774-1776)." Via Spiritus: Revista de História da Espiritualidade e do Sentimento Religioso, no. 29 (2022): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/0873-1233/spi29v3.

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In the French city of Lyon, for three years (1774 to 1776), three personalities of first importance (Louis-Claude de Saint-Martin, Jean-Jacques Duroy d’Hauterive and Jean-Baptiste Willermoz) taught other initiates and members of the Order of the Masonic Knights Elect Coëns theosophy and the theurgy of their master and great sovereign Martinès de Pasqually. What were these teachings? What theurgy is that? What did this Order, which still has its adherents today, intend? This article aims to understand what the Lyon lessons are and what they mean, using the original manuscripts of the time. We retrace the history and clarify the Martinist and Martinist thought, as a Masonic current of Jewish-Christian mysticism that arose in the 18th century.

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15

Mastrocinque, Attilio. "The divinatory kit from Pergamon and Greek magic in late antiquity." Journal of Roman Archaeology 15 (2002): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400013891.

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Divination was one of the most important features of the learned magical arts in the Imperial period. Not only do the Graeco-Egyptian ‘magical papyri’ contain an abundance of recipes which claim to enable the practitioner to know the future, but several ancient authors attest that divination was of special interest to occultists. Recent scholarship has indeed recognised the importance of divination in ritual-magical practice, but the relevant archaeological evidence has not been much discussed since the publication of the second volume of Th. Hopfner'sGriechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauberin 1924. The major new evidence here has been the Near-Eastern divination- and incantation-bowls. The present article, however, is concerned with the possible implications of a much older find, the divination kit from Pergamon, and its recently-discovered analogue from Apamea in Syria, for the study of specifically theurgic divination. The rôle of magical ritual within theurgy has received considerable attention in recent years, but the relevance of the divination kits has not hitherto been noticed. I shall argue that the physical instruments employed in theurgic divination help us to understand several features of theurgic practice. I shall also stress the possible contribution of magical gems in the same context, for in them we can recognise images and attributes of divine beings with whom magicians and theurgists identified themselves during their performances.

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16

Redondo, José Manuel. "The Celestial Imagination: Proclus the Philosopher on Theurgy." Culture and Cosmos 19, no. 1 and 2 (October 2015): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01219.0205.

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This paper focuses on Proclus’s On the hieratic art of the Greeks – considered as a contemporary philosophical problem – exploring some of its fundamental concepts and images, thus delineating Proclus’s notion of theurgy, which he primarily conceived as divine action manifesting in the union between a god and the theurgist, and only secondarily as a technique. These aesthetic experiments of thought or philosophical performances, by means of which a divine self is created, had deep metaphysical, cosmological, psychological, ethical, linguistic and even political and religious implications for Late Antiquity Platonism, and had a profound impact on the development of Renaissance philosophy and magic. Such practices are meant to be understood in the context of the philosophical paideia of which it represents its final stage and consummation; they are developed by intricate hermeneutics of a poetic theology operated by very sophisticated conceptions of symbol, analogy and the imagination, all of which are at the base of the celestial-terrestrial correspondences used by theurgists in their hymn singing.

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17

Marchenkov, Vladimir L. "Theurgy revisited, or the harmony of cultural spheres." Studies in East European Thought 71, no. 1 (February 7, 2019): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11212-019-09318-5.

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18

Pejovic, Katarina. "Theurgy, Paredroi, and Embodied Power in Neoplatonism and Late Antique Celestial Hierarchies." Religions 15, no. 3 (February 28, 2024): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15030300.

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This article will place the rituals of the Greek Magical Papyri (PGM) for the acquisition of a supernatural assistant (paredros) into conversation with broader late antique debates surrounding the place of daimones within the celestial hierarchy. In considering the writings of Plotinus, Plutarch, Porphyry, and Iamblichus, it will survey points of contention surrounding questions of appropriate and inappropriate displays of ritual power, as facilitated by intermediary spirits who act as intercessors between humanity and the divine. Through analyzing the metaphysical underpinnings of the nature of the paredros, as variously articulated within the rituals for their conjuration within the Greek Magical Papyri, it will contextualize the aims of the ritualist against the backdrop of Iamblichus’ theurgy in pursuit of mastery of—and intimate, transcendent communion with—the fundamental numinous nature of the world. In doing so, this article argues that Iamblichus’ theurgy and the paredros rituals of the PGM ultimately grasp towards similar soteriological goals using different ritual methodologies; both seeking to elevate the incarnated body of the ritualist into a higher level of spiritual attainment through direct confrontation with the powers of nature.

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19

Alexandrov, Emile. "The Neoplatonic Substructure of Russian Orthodox Iconography and Theology." Journal of Visual Theology 5, no. 2 (2023): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.34680/vistheo-2023-5-2-135-150.

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This paper aims to uncover the underlying Neoplatonic ideas embedded in Russian Orthodox iconography and theology. The focus is on two earlier figures of Neoplatonism, namely, Iamblichus and Plotinus. In Iamblichus, his determination of religious practices or theurgy as imperative for union with God is emphasised. This includes his utilisation of symbols and icons for heightening the worshipper’s faith, a practice that Russian Orthodoxy largely appropriated into a Christian context. However, the understanding of Beauty that both Iamblichus and Russian Orthodoxy incorporated is propelled out of Plotinus’ ontology set in the Enneads. The suffusion of Plotinean ontology and Iamblichean theurgy resulted in the Orthodox portrayal of a divine ladder symbolising assimilation with God. This theological symbolism is markedly adopted by central figures of Eastern Orthodox theology and artistically rendered in Orthodox icons, such as the 12th-century icons Ladder of Divine Ascent and the Faith, Hope, and Love. Both icons are also closely intertwined with the theological texts of Eastern Orthodoxy, especially the Philokalia, which is permeated with Neoplatonic themes that portray a deep historical trajectory of influence that this paper hopes to have better elucidated.

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20

Maroshi, V. V. "Lyrical Rite of Self-Immolation in Russian Symbolist Theurgy." Critique and Semiotics, no. 1 (2018): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2307-1737-2018-1-165-186.

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21

Markus, Donka D. "Divination and Theurgy in Neoplatonism: Oracles of the gods." Ancient Philosophy 35, no. 2 (2015): 479–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil201535240.

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22

Finamore, John F. "Theurgy and the Soul: The Neoplatonism of Iamblichus.Gregory Shaw." Speculum 73, no. 3 (July 1998): 894–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887556.

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23

Athanassiadi, Polymnia. "Dreams, Theurgy and Freelance Divination: the Testimony of Iamblichus." Journal of Roman Studies 83 (November 1993): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300982.

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The men of the Antonine era shared with us a keen interest in divination, which they expressed in a variety of complementary or apparently contradictory ways: in polemic and dispassionate research, but more obviously in the act of reviving their ancient prophetic shrines and of establishing new oracles. If the rage that the vaticinating demons inspired in Oenomaus of Gadara and in Lucian is sufficient evidence of the rationalist's reaction to a mounting social and intellectual trend, the scholarly achievement of Artemidorus of Daldis at the instigation of Apollo himself exemplifies in more positive fashion the involvement of the age with prophetic lore. So does the incredible success of the Pythagorean Alexander's oracular establishment on the inhospitable shores of the Black Sea, and the personality of Aelius Aristides, that professional valetudinarian whose night-diaries dictated by Asclepius covered more than three hundred thousand lines. It was in precisely this world that the Delphic oracle underwent a remarkable renaissance under the auspices of a Platonist philosopher, and that an emperor commended the publication by a senator of a work about the dreams which foretold his ascent to the throne.

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24

LOUTH, A. "PAGAN THEURGY AND CHRISTIAN SACRAMENTALISM IN DENYS THE AREOPAGITE." Journal of Theological Studies 37, no. 2 (October 1, 1986): 432–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/37.2.432.

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25

Shaw, Gregory. "Theurgy: Rituals of Unification in the Neoplatonism of Iamblichus." Traditio 41 (1985): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900006838.

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In the late third century of the Common Era, the Platonic tradition was changed profoundly under the direction of Iamblichus of Chalcis, head of the Platonic school in Syria. Through the introduction of Egyptian and Chaldaean religious rites as part of the intellectual disciplines of his school, Iamblichus was given the honorific title ‘divine’ (θεĩος) by his Neoplatonic successors. Modern scholars, however, have generally not seen the head of the Platonic school's turning to magic rites as the high point of intellectual progress, and Iamblichus' contribution to Platonism has either been dismissed as a corruption of the tradition or has been left as an irresoluble enigma.

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26

Rist, John M. "Theurgy and the Soul: The Neoplatonism of lamblichus (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 35, no. 2 (1997): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.1997.0040.

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27

Eklund, Erik. ""A green lane in Paradise": Eschatology and Theurgy in Lolita." Nabokov Studies 17, no. 1 (2020): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nab.2020.0000.

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28

Shaw, Gregory. "Demon est Deus Inversus: Honoring the Daemonic in Iamblichean Theurgy." Gnosis 1, no. 1-2 (July 11, 2016): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-12340010.

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Iamblichus’s doctrine that the immortal soul becomes mortal is puzzling for Platonic scholars. According to Iamblichus, the embodied soul not only becomes mortal; as human, it also becomes “alienated” (allotriōthen) from divinity. Iamblichus maintains that the alienation and mortality of the soul are effected by daemons that channel the soul’s universal and immortal identity into a singular and mortal self. Yet, while daemons alienate the soul from divinity they also outline the path to recover it. Iamblichus maintains that daemons unfold the will of the Demiurge into material manifestation and thus reveal its divine signatures (sunthēmata) in nature. According to Iamblichus’s theurgical itinerary, the human soul—materialized, alienated, and mortal—must learn to embrace its alienated and mortal condition as a form of demiurgic activity. By ritually entering this demiurgy the soul transforms its alienation and mortality into theurgy. The embodied soul becomes an icon of divinity.

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29

Meconi, David Vincent. "Book Review: Theurgy and the Soul: The Neoplatonism of Iamblichus." Journal of Early Christian Studies 5, no. 1 (1997): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1997.0025.

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30

Janowitz, Naomi. "Theurgy and the Soul: The Neoplatonism of Iamblichus. Gregory Shaw." Journal of Religion 77, no. 4 (October 1997): 663–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490106.

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31

Shevchenko, Oleg K. "The Russian Idea for the 21st Century: Unity, Theurgy, Theocracy." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v328.

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The timely monograph by S.O. Perekhod explores the ultimate (metaphysical, sacred, mythopoetic) grounds of the “Russian world”. The article analyses the author’s philosophical, religious and cultural techniques that help to understand the fate of the Russian idea in the near future. A conclusion is made about the extreme relevance of this monograph today. The book will be of interest to both specialists and those caring about the fate of Russia and the “Russian world”.

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32

Dzielska, Maria. "The religious panorama of the Roman Empire." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 16, no. 1 (2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253//jaema.2020.1.1.

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While traditional Roman religion was more about orthopraxy than orthodoxy, the emergence of Christianity challenged non-Christian intellectuals of the later empire to respond to issues of personal devotion to the gods and the role of theurgy as well as divine unity. This is exemplified in this paper through an examination of Aelius Aristides, Marcus Aurelius, Apollonius of Tyana, Saturninius Secundus Sallustius, Iamblichus, and Proclus. Not only was their thought a reaction to Christianity but also influenced its development.

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33

Halperin, David J., and Martin Samuel Cohen. "The Shiʿur Qomah: Liturgy and Theurgy in Pre-Kabbalistic Jewish Mysticism." Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 3 (July 1986): 577. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/602123.

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34

Krulak, Todd C. "ΘϒΣΙΑ AND THEURGY: SACRIFICIAL THEORY IN FOURTH- AND FIFTH-CENTURY PLATONISM." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 353–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000530.

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The centrality of sacrifice in ancient life has elicited a steady stream of scholarship on the subject that continues unabated. Treatments of the ritual in the works of the philosophical authors of this period and, in particular, within Late Platonism are less prevalent. The occasional references to θυσία in modern studies tend to be chronologically front-loaded and to focus primarily on Porphyry of Tyre (c. 234c.e.–c. 305c.e.) and Iamblichus of Chalcis (third–fourth centuriesc.e.), two of the initial philosophers in the tradition. The official resurgence of the practice under the emperor Julian (reigned 360–3c.e.) in the wake of the limitations on and outright bans of the practice by Constantine and his sons, along with the brief explication of sacrifice by Julian's comrade, Sallustius, have also received some scholarly attention. The fortunes of the ritual in the Platonic Academy of fifth-century Athens have come under even less scrutiny. This essay seeks to make its own contribution to the study of sacrifice in Late Platonic philosophy.

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35

Cherkasova, E. A. "The uncompleted cycle about poetry as theurgy in Vl. Solovyov’s lyrical poetry of the second half of the 1890s." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2020.4.020-033.

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The author examines the inter-connections of subjects and motives in ten poems which Solovyov wrote in the second half of the 1890s. The method of motive analysis shows that those works bear the mark of a verse unity making an uncompleted cycle. It appears that Solovyov’s poems during that period can be related not only to his aesthetic and philosophical works but also to the lyrical pieces of earlier poets. Thus, it is shown that ten poems belong to the tradition of A.A. Fet, K.K. Sluchevsky, A.N. Maykov, V.A. Zhukovsky and Ya.P. Polonsky. It is suggested to call this uncompleted cycle “Poetry as theurgy”. A brief review is proposed of the aesthetic and philosophical ideas which are important to understand the general theme canvass of the cycle. The common theme and cross-cutting motives of twelve poems forming that cycle are defined. It is suggested to consider that the lyrical mystery theme is common to all the poems of that cycle. It is shown that the prophetic motive and images/symbols of nature and of the poet as prophet can be traced throughout the whole of the cycle. The conclusion is that Solovyov has created a series of poems which, through their themes and motives, prolong and complete each other, thus offering an uncompleted cycle of poetry as theurgy. From the point of view of its structure and content, that cycle is typical of the literary epoch when it was composed, being a continuation of the classical tradition while at the same time creating a new tradition, that of the symbolists.

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Lauritzen, Frederick. "A lifetime with Proclus: Psellos as reader." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0004.

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Abstract Michael Psellos (1018-1081) read texts of the Neoplatonist Proclus (412-485) throughout his life. His interest may have started as early as 1034, but the first direct references can be dated to ca 1041 and the last occur towards the end of his life, notably the Omnifaria Doctrina. Psellos’ interest in Proclus evolved over time: 1. 1034-1043 hermeneutical problems, 2. 1043-1059 theurgy and interest in relation between body and soul, 3. 1059-1081 physiology and interest in Proclus’ philosophical principles. Psellos’ wide range of interests means that each phase represents a particular focus, but not exclusive one.

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Berchman, Robert M. "Divination and Theurgy in Neoplatonism: Oracles of the Gods by Crystal Addey." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 11, no. 1 (2016): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.2016.0005.

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Khrenov, N. A. "“THEURGY” PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPT AND RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN PHILOSOPHY, ART AND RELIGION IN MODERN RUSSIA." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 3 (2018): 15–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2018-3-15-57.

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Corrigan, Kevin. "Divination and Theurgy in Neoplatonism: Oracles of the Gods, written by Crystal Addey." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 10, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341342.

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Buzykina, I. N. "Cure, healing, magic, superstition: the symbolism of the mandrake in Antiquity and the Middle Ages from the point of view of Hugo Rahner." Russian Journal of Church History 3, no. 1 (March 9, 2022): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2022-97.

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The article reviews the idea of cure or healing in Late antiquity, which was accepted by Christian tradition. According to this tradition, the healing effect is emerging simultaneously both in body and soul, and the very idea of cure or healing falls into spiritual dimension. In mediaeval Christianity this concept of healing takes its form as folklore-medicine way of theurgy, or it appears as a pure allegory or symbolic interpretation in a miracle-play, or, in alchemy. This essay is trying to discuss the early Christian concept of healing or cure from the later Christian humanistic point of view, which was presented in Hugo Rahner’s book Greek Myths and Christian Mystery, first published in 1945.

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Buzykina, I. N. "Cure, healing, magic, superstition: the symbolism of the mandrake in Antiquity and the Middle Ages from the point of view of Hugo Rahner." Russian Journal of Church History 3, no. 1 (March 9, 2022): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2022-97.

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The article reviews the idea of cure or healing in Late antiquity, which was accepted by Christian tradition. According to this tradition, the healing effect is emerging simultaneously both in body and soul, and the very idea of cure or healing falls into spiritual dimension. In mediaeval Christianity this concept of healing takes its form as folklore-medicine way of theurgy, or it appears as a pure allegory or symbolic interpretation in a miracle-play, or, in alchemy. This essay is trying to discuss the early Christian concept of healing or cure from the later Christian humanistic point of view, which was presented in Hugo Rahner’s book Greek Myths and Christian Mystery, first published in 1945.

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Dillon, John. "The Ubiquity of Divinity According to Iamblichus and Syrianus." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 7, no. 2 (2013): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341260.

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Abstract In two passages in particular of his Commentary on the Timaeus, Proclus attributes to his master Syrianus a series of arguments in favour of not confining gods or daemons to any particular level of the universe, either hypercosmic or encosmic, as had been the more or less universal practice of earlier Platonists, but asserting the ubiquity of all classes of ‘higher being’ at every level, and criticising earlier doctrine as in effect cutting the gods off from contact with man, thus undermining the power of theurgy. This interesting development was in fact initiated (as in so many other details of Syrianus’ doctrine) by his Syrian forerunner Iamblichus of Chalkis, and it is this doctrine that this essay seeks to explore.

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Domaradzki, Mikołaj. "Symbolic Poetry, Inspired Myths and Salvific Function of Allegoresis in Proclus’ Commentary on the Republic." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(5) (January 24, 2015): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2014.1.5.

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The present article is concerned with Proclus’ highly original and profoundly influential account of the symbolic function of poetry, the pedagogic as well as the hieratic value of myths and the soteriological power of allegorical interpretation. Thus, the paper begins with a brief discussion of Plato’s dismissal of poetry as μέγιστον ψεῦδος. Subsequently, Proclus’ theory of three kinds of poetry is examined, upon which attention is paid to his revolutionary idea that σύμβολα rather than μιμήματα are the tools of the highest kind of poetry. Then, Proclus’ views on the difference between Plato’s and Homer’s μυθοποιΐα are considered. While the article concludes with an analysis of Proclus’ conviction about the functional similarity of symbols in myths and those in magic rites, allegoresis is shown to have the same salvational role that Proclus ascribes to theurgy.

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Bychkov, Victor. "The Russian Symbolist Viacheslav Ivanov on Aesthetic Experience as Religious." Religions 12, no. 2 (January 21, 2021): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020068.

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Viacheslav Ivanov (1866, Moscow–1949, Rome) is one of the most prominent Russian symbolist poets and a leading theorist of symbolism at the beginning of the twentieth century. The article demonstrates that Ivanov understood art (and, more broadly, aesthetic experience) as one of the most effective forms of contact between the human being and the spiritual world, as well as with its first cause. Ivanov distinguishes between three “aesthetic principles” of the universe, which all together constitute “the beautiful”—the sublime, beauty, and the chaotic—and links them to the three stages of being of the artist in the process of creative activity. The artist first passes through the chthonian, subconscious stage of demonic chaos. Next, artists undergo the process of ascent into the ideal, spiritual sphere, where they gain experience, which cannot be expressed in words. After that, the process of the descent of the artist towards the earth takes place, where artists attempt to express in the form of artistic symbols the experience that they have acquired. Ivanov sees the artistic symbol as a materially given structure, which nevertheless cannot be described in words. This structure not only expresses a spiritual essence, but also really and energetically manifests it. Hence, Ivanov sees the creator of high, symbolic art (“realist symbolism”) as an artist-theurge (theurgy is the art of the future, of the future mystery on the basis of a synthesis of the arts that receives divine assistance), who contributes to the augmentation of being. For the recipient, the artistic symbol is anagogical (from the Greek ἀναγογή, “leading up”). It leads one up from the real world to a more real one (a realibus ad realiora). According to Ivanov, both the symbol and its content, myth, are of divine origin; they are “embodiments of the divine truth.” Therefore, high art is one of the principal ways of one’s ascent to spiritual reality by means of sensory reality.

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Stang, Charles M. "From the Chaldean Oracles to the Corpus Dionysiacum: Theurgy between the Third and Sixth Centuries." Journal for Late Antique Religion and Culture 5 (December 15, 2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18573/j.2011.10307.

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AVERBUCH, ALEXANDER. "The Theurgy of Impurity: Fin‐de‐Race and Feminine Sin in Russian and Ukrainian Modernisms." Russian Review 78, no. 3 (June 7, 2019): 459–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/russ.12240.

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Afonasin, Eugene. "Damascius in Alexandria (2). Selected fragments of his “Philosophical History”." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 1 (2021): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-1-295-316.

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In the paper, I trace the evolution of the Neoplatonic school in Alexandria on the basis of select fragments from Damascius’ “Philosophical History,” translated into Russian for the first time. The fragments concern the Alexandrian intellectual scene of the second part of the fifth century (fragments 72–96 Athanassiadi). Damascius vividly presents the major philosophical figures of this period, such as Heraiscus, Asclepiades, Asclepiodoti (Senior and Junior), and Domninus. Most information is preserved about Asclepiodotus the Junior, who against the background of the general fascination of the Platonists with theurgy and other forms of philosophical religion, the practice of piety and, as a scientific component, theoretical mathematics, stands out for his penchant for empirical research, which could be applied to botany, biology, medicine, geology, for the study and development of technology, and even, if we believe Damascus' account that during his journey from Athens to Aphrodisias he "studied men", then psychology.

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Ebstein, Michael. "“In Truth You are the Polytheist!”: Mythic Elements in Ibn al-ʿArabī’s Teachings on the Divine Names." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 6, no. 3 (May 30, 2018): 359–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00603006.

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Abstract The following article aims at highlighting the mythic elements inherent in Muḥyī l-Dīn Ibn al-ʿArabī’s teachings on the Divine names. The article begins with a very general introduction to the subject of Divine names in Islamic mysticism and then proceeds to clarify the meaning of the term “mythic” as it is used in this study. The core of the article is devoted to an examination of four main areas in which the Divine names, according to Ibn al-ʿArabī, play a central role: the creation of the world (cosmogony); its management; mystical experiences and knowledge; magic and theurgy. The main claim is that in all four areas, Ibn al-ʿArabī’s discourse is to a great extent mythic. The implications of this claim for the understanding of Akbarian thought and for the study of Islamic mysticism in general are discussed in the concluding paragraph of the essay.

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Verman, Mark. "The Enlightened Will Shine: Symbolization and Theurgy in the Later Strata of the Zohar (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 13, no. 2 (1995): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1995.0056.

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Wu, Yuhao. "A New Form of Taoist Theurgy in the Qing Dynasty: Xizhu Doufa in the Taoist–Tantric Fusion Style." Religions 14, no. 6 (June 12, 2023): 775. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14060775.

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The Longmen Xizhu Xinzong 龍門西竺心宗 was a Taoist sect that was active during the Qing Dynasty. The sect reportedly originated in India and has long been renowned for its Xizhu Doufa 西竺斗法. However, due to its secrecy and lack of literature, its true form remains a mystery. Examining the self-reported history of the Longmen Xizhu Xinzong, it can confidently be stated that Xizhu Doufa was often used in conjunction with Dharani and had deep roots in Tantric Buddhism. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, Tantric Buddhism gained popularity in China and evolved into Tang Tantrism (Ch. Tangmi 唐密). There is a large amount of Dipper Method (Ch. Doufa 斗法)-related content in Tang Tantrism, which is a variant of China’s original Dipper Method observed in India. After being passed back to China, it was named “Western Transmission”. Many of the existing documents on the Dipper Method from the Ming and Qing Dynasties originated from Tang Tantrism. In terms of belief, they reflect the combination of Doumu 斗姆 and Marici; in terms of methods, they incorporate multiple elements, including the Taoist Thunder Method (Ch. Leifa 雷法) and Marici mantra. Overall, the ideas, lineage of transmission, and other aspects recorded in these documents are extremely similar to those emphasized by the Longmen Xizhu Xinzong, providing evidence for the origin of Xizhu Doufa. This evidence also provides a new reference for the direction in which Tang Tantrism developed after the Huichang Persecution of Buddhism 會昌毀佛.

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