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Daniel, Murphy. "Increasing clicks through advanced targeting: Applying the third-party seal model to airline advertising." Journal of Tourism, Heritage & Services Marketing 5, no. 1 (2019): 24–30. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2641244.
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<em>From five-star hotels and Michelin Star restaurants, few industries signal their quality and unique selling points through the use of third-party seals like tourism. However, despite using seals and certifications in advertising being widespread, little academic research has been conducted into their effectiveness. Through the running of campaigns on Facebook’s Ad Manager for Indian airline Jet Airways, this study applies the Third-Party Seal Model to optimise campaign audiences to target the right prospects with the most effective message. Findings and a practical framework for optimal campaign delivery for the airline industry are presented.</em>
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Peterson, Dane, David Meinert, John Criswell, and Martin Crossland. "Consumer trust: privacy policies and third‐party seals." Journal of Small Business and Enterprise Development 14, no. 4 (2007): 654–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14626000710832758.
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Cook and Luo. "The Role of Third-Party Seals in Building Trust Online." e-Service Journal 2, no. 3 (2003): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/esj.2003.2.3.71.
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Cook, David, and Wenhong Luo. "The Role of Third-Party Seals in Building Trust Online." e-Service Journal 2, no. 3 (2003): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esj.2004.0003.
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Özpolat, Koray, and Wolfgang Jank. "Getting the most out of third party trust seals: An empirical analysis." Decision Support Systems 73 (May 2015): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dss.2015.02.016.
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van Baal, Sebastian. "Not all seals are equal: An experimental investigation of the effect of third-party seals on purchase probability in electronic commerce." Electronic Commerce Research 15, no. 2 (2015): 177–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10660-015-9180-9.
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Özpolat, Koray, Guodong (Gordon) Gao, Wolfgang Jank, and Siva Viswanathan. "Research Note—The Value of Third-Party Assurance Seals in Online Retailing: An Empirical Investigation." Information Systems Research 24, no. 4 (2013): 1100–1111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/isre.2013.0489.
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Donaldson, Devan Ray. "Certification information on trustworthy digital repository websites: A content analysis." PLOS ONE 15, no. 12 (2020): e0242525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0242525.
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In 1996, an international group of representatives from national archives and libraries, universities, industry, publishing offices, and other government and private sector organizations first articulated the need for certified Trustworthy Digital Repositories (TDRs). Henceforth, multiple standards for TDRs have developed worldwide and their reviewers provide third party audit of digital repositories. Even though hundreds of repositories are currently certified, we do not know if audit and certification of TDRs actually matters. For example, we do not know if digital repositories are actually better at preserving digital information after certification than they were before. Additionally, we do not know if TDRs preserve digital information better than their counterparts, although TDR standards definitely promulgate this assumption. One way of assessing whether audit and certification of TDRs matters is to study its impact on TDRs’ stakeholders (e.g., funders, data producers, data consumers). As an initial critical step forward, this study examines what certification-related information repositories actually include on their websites since repository websites provide a means of disseminating information. Using findings from a content analysis of 91 TDR-certified repository websites, this research examines: 1) written statements about TDR status, 2) the presence of TDR seals and their location, 3) whether the seals hyperlink to additional certification information, 4) the extent to which the certification process is explained, and 5) whether audit reports are shared. Nearly three-fourths of the repository websites provide TDR status statements and put seals in one or more places; nearly 60% post audit reports and link seals to additional certification information; and over one-third explain the certification process. Directions for future research and practical application of the results are discussed.
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Abdullah Agha, Muhammad, and Muhammad Khalid Sohail. "Assessing the impact of crowdfunding platforms on the investor’s intention in an emerging economy, and the mediating role of trusts." Journal of Accounting and Finance Review 1, no. 1 (2025): 54–80. https://doi.org/10.26652/jafr/24.02.004.
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The study aims to examine the factors that determine investor’s intentions to endow on a crowdfunding platform, which is a relatively under-researched phenomenon in developing and emerging countries. To complete this gap in the literature, we examined how the mediators; relational and calculus trust mediates the effect of our project-related factor network externality, and the factors related to the Platform, which are; third-party seal (TPS), structural assurance (SA), and perceived accreditation (PA) on the entrepreneur’s intention. This research particularly explores the factors influencing an entrepreneur's intention to invest in crowdfunding platforms, an area not widely explored in developing nations. The study looks at how certain elements, like network externality and platform-related aspects such as third-party seals, structural assurances, and perceived accreditations, influence trust and thus investment intentions. In simpler terms, this research offers insights for those looking to raise funds via crowdfunding. This study provides advice for people who want to raise money through crowdfunding. It helps them build strong connections with the people who donate money, and it also advises the people who design crowdfunding websites on how to make them work better. The variables, the key terms used are as their symbols i.e., Investor’s Intention (II), Network Externality (NE), third-party seal (TPS), Structural Assurance (SA), Perceived Accreditation (PA), Calculus Trust (CT), Relational Trust (RT).
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Vázquez, José Luis, and Ana Lanero. "Consumer transition to a green economy: The role of third-party certified eco-labels." SHS Web of Conferences 120 (2021): 02002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202112002002.
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In order to reduce the asymmetry of knowledge between producers and consumers, many organizations promote the use of eco-labels certified by independent third parties, with the purpose of identifying those products or services that have minor impact on the environment throughout their entire life cycle. However, since there are currently a high number of ethical labels and claims and consumers are usually confused about their real meaning. This research is intended to analyze whether consumers attribute organic properties to products identified by third-party certified eco-labels to the same extent that to other third-party certified sustainability labels and other non-certified organic claims. A survey study was carried out with a sample of 200 university business students and ANOVA analysis was used to verify differences in the meaning attributed to different labels. In general terms, the results of the study allow to conclude that consumers do not have a precise knowledge about the meaning of different sustainability dimensions certified by official seals, nor do they know how to differentiate them from non-certified advertising claims. One of the main practical implications of this work has to do with the critical analysis of the effectiveness of Community regulations on eco-labelling and green advertising claims.
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Cardoso, Sofia, and Luis F. Martinez. "Online payments strategy: how third-party internet seals of approval and payment provider reputation influence the Millennials’ online transactions." Electronic Commerce Research 19, no. 1 (2018): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10660-018-9295-x.
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Mcknight, D. Harrison, Charles J. Kacmar, and Vivek Choudhury. "Shifting Factors and the Ineffectiveness of Third Party Assurance Seals: A Two-Stage Model of Initial Trust in a Web Business." Electronic Markets 14, no. 3 (2004): 252–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1019678042000245263.
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yoskowitz, jeffrey. "American Processed Kosher." Gastronomica 12, no. 2 (2012): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2012.12.2.72.
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As America's food system became increasingly industrialized in the twentieth century, it became increasingly difficult for the Jewish community to regulate the foods it ate to comply with kosher law. As American Jews strayed from religious lives, major Orthodox Jewish organizations sought to win back adherents by adapting the ancient ritual of Jewish dietary law to the most complex, modern processing techniques. The result was an elaborate third-party certification system, the first of its kind, which is now the backbone of a billion-dollar industry that thrives today. Within a short span of time, major food corporations were printing kosher certification labels on their packages. Today, two-fifths of food sold in the supermarket come kosher certified. How Jews eat—purchasing packaged products with kosher seals of approval—has fundamentally transformed from the immigrant days on the Lower East Side and the shtetls of Eastern Europe. Consequently, kosher food has become overly reliant on large-scale food production. Small efforts to further adapt the kosher industry to small-scale production and fair-labor rights are underway, though a long way off.
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Sarah, Zaheer. "The Psychology of Online Purchasing: UX Strategies to Reduce Drop-Off Rates." International Journal of Leading Research Publication 2, no. 6 (2021): 1–12. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15259125.
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The examines cognitive and affective considerations in decisions regarding online purchasing, with a focus on the fashion e-commerce sector. It explains key user experience (UX) techniques designed to minimize user abandonment in the consumer experience. The paper emphasizes the need for a seamless checkout design, citing that the reduction of form fields, loading times, and navigation complexity can improve user satisfaction and conversion rates. It demonstrates how perceived security and trust markers like third-party seals, customer reviews, and transparent return policies are key to establishing consumer confidence. Additionally, the study examines the influence of behavioral nudges like urgency cues, personalized offers, and default options from a human-computer interaction point of view. By employing data drawn from A/B testing, heatmaps, and Google Analytics, the study identifies user behavior trends that inform design decisions. Additionally, it assesses the influence of visual design elements and mobile-first interfaces on decision-making processes. By applying digital psychology principles, the study examines emotional drivers like anxiety relief, convenience, and overall satisfaction. The article positions UX design as a strategic tool for establishing trust and engaging consumers. Empirical studies and academic literature are employed to validate these findings, providing practical advice for UX designers and e-commerce platforms. Overall, the findings enhance the understanding of how user-centered design can improve online shopping experiences and improve conversion rates
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Hu, Xiaorui, Guohua Wu, Yuhong Wu, and Han Zhang. "Erratum to “The effects of third-party web assurance seals on consumers' initial trust in online vendors: A functional perspective” [Decision Support Systems Volume (48/2) 407–418]." Decision Support Systems 49, no. 2 (2010): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dss.2010.01.001.
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Raven, Peter, Rex S. Toh, and Frederick Dekay. "When and Where to Buy Airline Seats on Third-Party Websites." Tourism Analysis 16, no. 3 (2011): 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3727/108354211x13110944387040.
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Desserud, Donald Anton, and Jeffery F. Collins. "The 2015 Provincial Election in Prince Edward Island." Canadian Political Science Review 10, no. 1 (2016): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20161391.
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Prince Edward Island's 65th General Election was held 4 May 2015. The Prince Edward Island Liberal Party (Liberals) won 18 of the Island's 27 seats, capturing its third straight majority. The Progressive Conservative Party of Prince Edward Island (PCs) improved its standing to eight seats, once again forming the Official Opposition. The Green Party of Prince Edward Island (Greens) picked up a single seat - its party leader winning that party's first ever in a PEI election. The New Democratic Party of Prince Edward Island (NDP) did not win a seat, despite garnering slightly more votes island-wide than did the Greens. The surprise of the election may not have been the historic election of the leader of the Greens, but the fact that two candidates tied, resulting in a coin toss to determine the winner.
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Jade, Adinda Putri, Diah Nadia Putri, and Sholahuddin Al-Fatih. "Perizinan Membuka Tanah Negara Di Kota Balikpapan." Supremasi Hukum : Jurnal Penelitian Hukum 29, no. 2 (2020): 102–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33369/jsh.29.2.102-130.
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Balikpapan, which is located near to the administrative area of the new capital in Indonesia, Penajam Paser Utara and Kutai Kartanegara, has caused an impact especially in the land sector. The impact is the number of migrants from outside Kalimantan who came and even settled in Balikpapan by buying land or houses. It has a further impact on land registration administration activities which are expected to increase. Therefore one of the efforts of the Balikpapan Local Government in Land administration was creating a License to Open State Land (IMTN). Based on the Balikpapan Local Government Regulation No. 1 of 2014 about License to Open State Land, the certificate of IMTN cannot be issued if there is a rebuttal from the third party, therefore the community is less protected from the land seals they previously owned. The existence of the IMTN procurement aims to ease land administration in Balikpapan, but in reality land administration activities are still not running efficiently due to several obstacles. The method used in this research is Normative-Empirical using library data sources and interview and observation activities. This journal aims to find out what provisions can facilitate the land registration system in the procurement of License to Open State Land (IMTN) in force in Balikpapan and find out how land registration are implemented after the enactment of the IMTN procurement policy. Keywords: Land; Administration; IMTN AbstrakBalikpapan yang berdekatan dengan daerah administrasi ibukota baru Indonesia, yaitu Penajam Paser Utara dan Kutai Kartanegara, menyebabkan adanya dampak yang timbul khususnya di bidang pertanahan. Dampak tersebut adalah banyaknya pendatang dari luar Pulau Kalimantan yang berdatangan bahkan menetap di Kota Balikpapan dengan membeli tanah atau rumah. Hal ini berimbas pula terhadap kegiatan administrasi pendaftaran tanah yang diperkirakan akan semakin meningkat. Maka dari itu salah satu upaya pemerintah Kota Balikpapan dalam penyelenggaraan administrasi pertanahan adalah pengadaan Izin Membuka Tanah Negara (IMTN). Berdasarkan Peraturan Daerah Kota Balikpapan Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 Tentang Izin Membuka tanah Negara, Surat Keterangan Izin Membuka Tanah Negara tidak dapat terbit jika terdapat sanggahan dari pihak ketiga, maka dari itu masyarakat kurang mendapat perlindungan terhadap segel tanah yang mereka miliki sebelumnya. Adanya pengadaan IMTN bertujuan untuk memudahkan penyelenggaraan administrasi pertanahan di Kota Balikpapan, tetapi pada kenyataannya kegiatan administrasi pertanahan masih tidak berjalan dengan efisien dikarenakan adanya beberapa hambatan. Metode yang digunakan yaitu penelitian Normatif-Empiris dengan menggunakan sumber data kepustakaan dan kegiatan wawancara serta observasi. Jurnal ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui ketentuan-ketentuan apa saja yang dapat memudahkan sistem pendaftaran tanah dalam pengadaan IMTN yang berlaku di Balikpapan dan mengetahui pelaksanaan pendaftaran tanah setelah diberlakukannya kebijakan pengadaan IMTN. Kata kunci: Pertanahan; Administrasi; IMTN
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Adelina, Shelly, and Any Soetjipto. "Women’s Political Interest in Political Parties: a Gender Strategy." Jurnal Perempuan 19, no. 2 (2014): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v19i2.78.
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Analysis of the gender strategy in the three largest political parties which dominate the legislative period 2009-2014, namely the Democratic Party, the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) shows several findings that can be reflected to travel to face election. First, third parties accounted for the most number of women seats in the national parliament. Second, as the dominant parties through the fractions in the legislature, three showed no provisions regarding how the policies and strategies of political parties in efforts to achieve gender equality and gender mainstreaming strategies not found in political parties. Third, strategies that are present in the party institutions only tangible Department of Women as women focal point. Beyond that, the strategy of increasing the representation of women is based on justice, equality, and gender equity was absent.
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Addiansyah, Nur Rofiq, Ita Setiyana, Mukhsinatulluaili Mukhsinatulluaili, Mochammad Ariq Ajaba, and Sri Lestari Vitta Ningsih. "Strategi Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) dalam Mendongkrak Perolehan Suara Pemilu 2019 di Kabupaten Pati." Politea 4, no. 2 (2021): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v4i2.12215.
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<p>This paper will discuss how the existence of the National Awakening Party (PKB) in the 2019 election votes in Pati Regency. How the PKB vote got in the 2019 election in Pati, the existence of PKB in Pati, how PKB maintains its existence, will be discussed in this paper. The National Awakening Party (PKB) which is a pseudo-religious party born from NU led by Abdul Rahman Wahid, and declared on July 23, 1998 in Jakarta in the 2019 simultaneous elections in Pati Regency, was able to score six seats. The research method in this paper uses a qualitative research method with a case study type that is descriptive and tends to use analysis. While the technical data collection by studying documentation from books, journals, internet and other relevant sources to obtain secondary data. From the analysis using Pedersan's view with the theory of political party growth, PKB itself to get six seats in the 2019 simultaneous elections in Pati Regency was previously formed through several phases, the first is declaration, the second is authorization, the third is representation, and the last is relevance. There are several ways in which PKB maintains its existence itself, the first is by maintaining party solidarity. The second way is with strong support from the socio-religious organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). The third way is by the appearance of popular figures. And the last way is by having</p>
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Behnke, Joachim. "Das neue Bundeswahlgesetz der Großen Koalition von 2020. Eine Risikoanalyse." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 4 (2020): 764–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-4-764.
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For the first time, in 2013 the electoral law introduced adjustment seats to compensate for surplus seats at the federal level . For the last two elections, this led to a considerable increase of the Bundestag’s size . The reform debate to shrink the Bundestag back to its original size of 598 seats that began in 2013, came to a preliminary end when in October 2020 the new electoral law was passed by the Grand Coalition . The law includes three mechanisms to contain the Bundestag’s size: First, half of the list mandates of the party that has surplus seats can be used for the compensation of surplus seats . Second, up to three surplus seats can be left untouched by adjustment seats . Third, the number of constituencies is reduced from 299 to 280 . Simulations demonstrate that these mechanisms most likely will not be sufficient to prevent a considerable augmentation of the Bundestag . Furthermore, the new law includes elements which could prove to be unconstitutional .
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Pogorelsky, Alexander Valerievich. "PECULIARITIES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF RIGHT-WING POPULISM AND EUROSKEPTICISM IN MODERN SPAIN." Bulletin Social-Economic and Humanitarian Research 21 (23) (February 8, 2024): 19–27. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10632677.
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The rise of right-wing populist parties in the modern European Union can be observed, which have started to achieve significant electoral successes in recent years. In some of the European Union countries, right-wing populists and Euroskeptics have taken seats in national parliaments and even entered governments. Parties such as Alternative for Germany (FRG), the Northern League (Italy), and the National Movement (France) belong to this type. Spain has long been an exception to this trend. Nevertheless, in 2019, the young far-right party VOX (Voice) won 15.1% of the vote and 52 seats in the Congress of Deputies elections. At the moment, the far-right Vox party is the third party in Spain in terms of voter support, with representation in most autonomous community parliaments and the Congress of Deputies. However, as shown by early parliamentary elections in Spain in 2023, despite the fact that the interest of voters in Spain is shifting to the right of the political spectrum, in the absence of a clear electoral program with a set of concrete measures, the party Vox is becoming increasingly difficult to hold the public attention and achieve new electoral successes.
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Manucci, Luca. "Forty years of populism in the European Parliament." População e Sociedade 35 (June 30, 2021): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.52224/21845263/rev35a2.
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In May 2019, the elections for the European Parliament (EP) saw populist parties obtain almost a third of the available seats, with populist radical right parties making the biggest gains compared to the 2014 elections. Despite the results were less resounding than some predictions anticipated, a considerable amount of Members of the EP represent a populist party. This article first presents the performance of populist parties in forty years of EP elections, from their first occurrence in 1979 until 2019, and then focuses on populist radical right parties. The analysis suggests that (i) the number of seats occupied by populist parties in the EP continues to grow over time; (ii) right-wing populist parties no longer struggle to form political groups within the EP; (iii) radical right populist parties have become the most common type of populist party within the EP.
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O'Connell, Stephen D. "Can Quotas Increase the Supply of Candidates for Higher-Level Positions? Evidence from Local Government in India." Review of Economics and Statistics 102, no. 1 (2020): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00802.
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A one-third quota rule for women in local political leadership seats in India increases the number of female candidates who later contest seats in state and national legislatures. This arises from the candidacy of beneficiaries who gained political experience due to the quotas and career politicians who continue contesting in longer-exposed areas. The policy accounts for a substantial portion of the increase in female candidates for high office since the mid-1990s. Women have a higher probability of a top finish when running on major party tickets or contesting in areas that overlap with their local constituency.
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Leinen, Jo, and Friedrich Pukelsheim. "Europäisierung der Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament: das Tandemsystem." integration 45, no. 1 (2022): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2022-1-74.
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The tandem system provides a frame for the election of the European Parliament paying due tribute to the European level of the event. It invites Europarties to contest the election with power, visibility and influence. The system proceeds in three steps. The first step apportions all parliamentary seats among Europarties by aggregating the electorate's votes at Union level. The second step allots the seats by Member State and Europarty in a way safeguarding the preordained seat contingents of the Member States. The third step assigns the seats of a party in a Member State to domestic candidates by means of the same provisions which Member States have been employing in the past, in compliance with the Union's principle of subsidiarity.
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Marlière, Philippe. "What’s Next for the New Popular Front?" Dissent 72, no. 1 (2025): 109–15. https://doi.org/10.1353/dss.2025.a950173.
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ABSTRACT: In July the New Popular Front (NFP), a coalition of left-wing parties, came out on top in a snap general election in France, winning 193 seats in the National Assembly. The centrist bloc supporting President Emmanuel Macron got 166 seats, the far-right National Rally (RN) 142, and the center-right Republicans forty-seven. Three indisputable facts stand out. First, Macron’s governing coalition lost the election. Second, tactical voting and strategic withdrawal of candidates by Macronists and leftists in the decisive second round prevented the RN from winning altogether after it gained the most votes in the first round. This “republican front” strategy worked beyond all expectations: despite receiving the most votes of any party, the RN came third in terms of seats. Finally, the election resulted in a hung parliament and created a political conundrum. The NFP won the most seats in the National Assembly but was left almost 100 short of an absolute majority.
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Sturm, Roland. "Ein weiterer Erdrutschsieg: Die britischen Parlamentswahlen vom 4. Juli 2024." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 55, no. 3 (2024): 574–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2024-3-574.
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After 14 years in opposition, Labour is back in power . A governing party in conflict with itself, big and unresolved economic problems, and a Scottish National Party that managed to steer itself in a political cul-de-sac made change possible . The size of change is not least the result of the first-past-the-post electoral system and its disproportionality effects . These allowed the Labour Party to take 63 .4 per cent of the seats in Parliament with only 33 .7 per cent of votes . The British party system is more divided than ever before . The Liberal Democrats experienced a political comeback as alternative to the Conservatives, and the Green party made progress as an alternative to Labour . Reform UK, the party of the right-wing populist Nigel Farage, came third in the electoral contest with regard to vote totals . The lower turnout is surprising given the broader and stronger competition among parties . It reflects widespread disillusion among voters concerning politics, and the distancing of a growing number of people from the political process .
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Chernetskii, Fedor M. "The 2024 Parliamentary Election in the Republic of Korea." Problemy Dalnego Vostoka, no. 3 (December 15, 2024): 42–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0131281224030034.
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The parliamentary elections in the Republic of Korea were held on April 10, 2024. Although parliament is not as significant part of the political system as the presidency, its role does increase if the president and parliamentary majority are from different parties. This scenario developed after the 2022 presidential elections, which were won by Yoon Suk-yeol. As a result, the government's ability to implement policies that go against the opposition's opinion was limited. In the 2024 elections the ruling party aimed to gain a parliamentary majority or at least maintain its current position, while the opposition tried to achieve a constitutional majority. As a result, there was only an internal reshuffling of the political camps. The Democratic Party once again achieved a convincing victory, winning 169 of the 300 seats, while another 19 were won by DP’s allies. The ruling party won only 108 seats, marginally improving its performance in Seoul and Busan. Despite internal divisions, «third» parties were unable to achieve significant results. The opposition succeeded in consolidating the protest vote to counter the Yoon Suk-yeol’s administration, who will face opposition from parliament during his remaining three years in office. However, the opposition failed to achieve its goal of gaining a parliamentary majority.
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Ardiansya, Ariyanto. "The Political Recruitment of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Takalar Election 2017." Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Administrasi Publik 8, no. 2 (2018): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/jiap.v8i2.8112.
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This research aims to know the Political Recruitment of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Takalar Election 2017. The research method used qualitative method by descriptive analysis. Data obtained through interviews, observation and documentation. Informant of the research, namely the Management and Sympathizers of PKS Takalar and Nasdem Party Takalar, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg. Se're, Regional Election Commission of Takalar Regency.The results showed that the recruitment of PKS in Takalar Election 2017 were: first, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg Se're was promoted by the PKS 4 seats coalition with the National Democratic Party (Nasdem) 2 seats in the regional election. The coalition happened because both parties agreed that the couple is able to bring thoughts or ideas of change in the process of elections battle period of 2017-2022 in Takalar Regency. Secondly, the PKS chose Syamsari Kitta because of his strong ability and strong support-bases in Takalar as well as positive electability with the community. While Ahmad Daeng Sere chose as a candidate for vice regent because he can raise the electability to fight the duet of incumbent. Both have in common with the idea of change to make Takalar much better. Third, the recruitment of Syamsari Kitta as a candidate for regional head / regent because he is a PKS cadre who has experience and capability in politics, his personality is known as an easy person to associate and communicate with the community. The quality of Syamsari Kitta as PKS cadres got positive electoral and militancy support from PKS cadres and other winning teamresearch aims to know the Political Recruitment of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Takalar Election 2017. The research method used qualitative method by descriptive analysis. Data obtained through interviews, observation and documentation. Informant of the research, namely the Management and Sympathizers of PKS Takalar and Nasdem Party Takalar, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg. Se're, Regional Election Commission of Takalar Regency.The results showed that the recruitment of PKS in Takalar Election 2017 were: first, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg Se're was promoted by the PKS 4 seats coalition with the National Democratic Party (Nasdem) 2 seats in the regional election. The coalition happened because both parties agreed that the couple is able to bring thoughts or ideas of change in the process of elections battle period of 2017-2022 in Takalar Regency. Secondly, the PKS chose Syamsari Kitta because of his strong ability and strong support-bases in Takalar as well as positive electability with the community. While Ahmad Daeng Sere chose as a candidate for vice regent because he can raise the electability to fight the duet of incumbent. Both have in common with the idea of change to make Takalar much better. Third, the recruitment of Syamsari Kitta as a candidate for regional head / regent because he is a PKS cadre who has experience and capability in politics, his personality is known as an easy person to associate and communicate with the community. The quality of Syamsari Kitta as PKS cadres got positive electoral and militancy support from PKS cadres and other winning teamThis research aims to know the Political Recruitment of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Takalar Election 2017. The research method used qualitative method by descriptive analysis. Data obtained through interviews, observation and documentation. Informant of the research, namely the Management and Sympathizers of PKS Takalar and Nasdem Party Takalar, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg. Se're, Regional Election Commission of Takalar Regency.The results showed that the recruitment of PKS in Takalar Election 2017 were: first, the couple of Syamsari Kitta - Achmad Dg Se're was promoted by the PKS 4 seats coalition with the National Democratic Party (Nasdem) 2 seats in the regional election. The coalition happened because both parties agreed that the couple is able to bring thoughts or ideas of change in the process of elections battle period of 2017-2022 in Takalar Regency. Secondly, the PKS chose Syamsari Kitta because of his strong ability and strong support-bases in Takalar as well as positive electability with the community. While Ahmad Daeng Sere chose as a candidate for vice regent because he can raise the electability to fight the duet of incumbent. Both have in common with the idea of change to make Takalar much better. Third, the recruitment of Syamsari Kitta as a candidate for regional head / regent because he is a PKS cadre who has experience and capability in politics, his personality is known as an easy person to associate and communicate with the community. The quality of Syamsari Kitta as PKS cadres got positive electoral and militancy support from PKS cadres and other winning team
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Sabat, Ahmad, Muhammad Shoaib, and Abdul Qadar. "Religious populism in Pakistani Punjab: How Khadim Rizvi’s Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan emerged." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 4 (2020): 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865920968657.
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Khadim Rizvi’s open manifestation of religion helped him become one of the most popular leaders of Barelvi-Sunni Muslims in Pakistani Punjab. He emerged as the leader of a moral community during a crisis. After a series of protests and negotiated agreements with the federal and provincial governments, he was able to translate his support into electoral power. In the 2018 election, his TLP bagged 1.8 million votes (National Assembly seats) from Punjab. It was the first instance in recent political history when a newcomer religious party finished third in the province. No religious party had been able, in the last three elections (2008, 2013, 2018), to impact elections in Punjab as the TLP did in 2018.
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Fedorovskaya, I. "On the Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Georgia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 4 (2020): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2020-4-175-184.
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The “Georgian Dream” party won the parliamentary elections in Georgia. It will be in power for a third consecutive term. This is a unique case in the country's history. Out of 150 seats in the parliament, “Georgian Dream” won 90. This gives it the right to form independently a government and approve a prime minister. The opposition does not recognize the election results, accusing the GM of fraud. The opposition MPs decided to boycott the new parliament.
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Noreen, Kanwal, Riffat Naseer, and Farhat Nasim. "Elections of 1970, its Campaign and Results: A Case Study of West Pakistan." Human Nature Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 4 (2023): 184–93. https://doi.org/10.71016/hnjss/md03kj45.
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Aim of the Study: This research seeks to provide a detailed and analytical view of the elections of 1970s in terms of electoral campaign. It also aims to critically evaluate the party manifestos and results of smaller and larger political parties. Methodology: This research is descriptive and analytical in nature. The data has been collected, analysed and narrated in a chronological order to conclude about the Elections of 1970 and more particularly about the electoral campaign of several left and right wing political parties. Both, primary and secondary sources including Legal Framework Order, Parties’ manifestos, their electoral activities, their election strategies and campaigns, election results and parties’ positions, Election Commission’s Reports, clippings of the contemporary newspapers etc. have been utilized in this research. Findings: The study led to some interesting findings. The PPP which led a rigorous election campaign in two major provinces (Punjab, Sindh) won more than 80 seats from these provinces. The CML did not succeeded in getting as many seats as expected because it was lacking strong leadership and an attractive political program. ConML also tribally lost in polls because of its negative image as Kings party during Ayub’s Era. NAP as a leading left wing political party of West Pakistan based in NWFP relatively performed well in the provincial election held in NWFP. However, there was not a single political party who won majority seats from West Pakistan which ultimately led to the breakup of Pakistan. Conclusion: The study concluded that that the PPP focused only on West Pakistan with its slogans of Socialism Other parties like JI, NAP, ConML, CML, JUP ran their campaign in both of the wings. Results showed that no Political party succeeded in securing two third majority with in the polls. A politically polarized Pakistan with a difficult task of transfer of power was waiting for the then political leaders. The postelection scenario also did not show any positive sign and Pakistan was disintegrated on 16 December, 1971.
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Marland, Alex. "The 2015 Newfoundland and Labrador Election: Liberals Have a Ball as PC Party Suffers from Post-Williams Hangover." Canadian Political Science Review 9, no. 3 (2016): 72–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20151302.
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From 2003 to 2010, Premier Danny Williams maintained a tight grip on the Progressive Conservative (PC) Party of Newfoundland and Labrador and the provincial government. His chosen successor Kathy Dunderdale carried the party to a third consecutive majority government in 2011. But the new energy of her leadership masked serious cracks in the PC Party foundation. Barely two years into her mandate, Premier Dunderdale resigned, setting in motion further political instability as the party fumbled to replace her. All the while, Dwight Ball and the Liberal Party won by-election after by-election, public opinion poll after poll. That the Liberals would form the government after the 2015 general election was a certainty; that the opposition won so many seats in a smaller legislature was the surprise. Early in his tenure, Premier Williams often remarked that he was responsible for cleaning up the economic mess left by the previous administration. With growing budget deficits stemming from overspending, coupled with declining offshore oil revenues, the economic problems and difficult decisions awaiting Premier Ball and the Liberal government are just as ominous.
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Prikolota, Maksim, and Ivan Krylov. "The Accession of Macedonia to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a Multi-Level Game." International Organisations Research Journal 15, no. 1 (2020): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-01-08.
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This article analyzes Macedonian foreign policy during the process of joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). We use a modified version of Robert Putnam’s multi-level game concept to show the role of domestic actors in determining Macedonian foreign policy. Based on an analysis of the interactions between the main domestic actors, we identify the reasons for the rapid resolution, after a long pause, of the question of Macedonia’s name and membership in NATO. We use a case-study approach and analyze the available data on the ratio of actors within the existing institutions, key events in the political struggle, and programmes through which the parties formulated foreign policy options. Further, we note the reasons for Greece’s concessions using the concept of multi-level games. We identify a number of important conditions for the formulation of Greece’s position: it is important which party controls the cabinet, whether ruling party coalition partners are ready to support the actions of the cabinet, and whether the actions of the cabinet meet the ideological expectations of other parties. We conclude that three simultaneous conditions made it possible for Macedonia to presently be on the verge of accession to NATO. First, Macedonia’s cabinet was formed by a party ready to accept Greece’s conditions. Second, the party opposed to the country’s renaming occupied less than one third of the seats, making a constitutional majority in the assembly possible. Third, because Macedonian bloc alliances are weak, allies of the anti-renaming party were willing to go against the party forming the bloc.
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FREDERICK AZUBUIKE, OBI. "THE 2022 HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY PRIMARIES AND CHALLENGES OF INTERNAL PARTY DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management Review 06, no. 02 (2023): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37602/ijssmr.2023.6209.
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This article examined what happened at the state party primaries when political parties elected their delegates and candidates to vie for state Houses of Assembly seats for the 2023 general elections in Nigeria. Successful aspirants to state Houses of Assembly are expected in the next four years to make laws on matters that are closest to the grass root. The article however limited its examination of state Assembly primaries to the two dominant political parties – the APC (All Progressive Congress) and the PDP (Peoples Democratic Party) because as of January 2022, these two parties, of the currently registered 18 political parties in Nigeria, controlled 92.8% of the entire state Assembly seats in the 36 states of the Federation. It was established from findings that the problems of imposition of candidates and sponsorship by godfathers characterized the conduct and outcome of party primaries at this level, the extant legal instruments that supposedly ruled against such infractions notwithstanding. This article, by providing a background to this study, established with examples that these problems have existed within the Nigerian political space and in party primaries in particular, during the first second, and third Republics respectively. This creates challenges of accountability when aspirants emerging through this process are elected into office. The article concluded with recommendations on what should be done to limit or eliminate the control of governors, money bags, and godfathers, especially at the level of state Assembly primaries. The emphasis in the recommendations was placed amongst others on the rank-and-file card-carrying members being attracted and retained, as strong financial members of their parties, committed to the party’s ideology and programs, and being made therefore to own the party and its structures.
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Erdogmus, Turgut, Marcel Czermak, Devin Baumsteiger, et al. "How to Support Clients and Vendors in IT Outsourcing Engagements: The Different Roles of Third-party Advisory Services." Journal of Information Technology Teaching Cases 8, no. 2 (2018): 184–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41266-018-0038-6.
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The outsourcing of information technology to external providers has been a phenomenon for organizations around the world since decades. The main reasons for this trend are, for example, cost reductions through scaling, the temporary inclusion of specific skills in the own organization as well as the joint development of innovative solutions with an external partner. The client organization “RetBa,” a major private insurance company, was facing serious quality and performance issues in the delivery of the workplace services. Hence, in 2005 they decided for an outsourcing solution aiming at moving the responsibility for managing IT workplace services for over 50,000 seats worldwide to the external service provider “EuTu.” Over the years, the outsourcing project faced several problems due to the lack of performance and delayed delivery of services by the service provider EuTu. To solve these quality issues and avoid further failures, in 2011 RetBa appointed Scaleit Consulting, a third-party advisor. Scaleit Consulting had the responsibility to identify the causes for these issues, revise the workplace strategy, and support RetBa in the communication with the service provider.
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JOU, WILLY. "Partisan Bias in Japan's Single Member Districts." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 1 (2009): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003368.
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AbstractThe delineation of constituency boundaries and variations in vote distribution across districts often favor certain parties at the expense of others. Applying a hitherto under-utilized formula (Brookes, 1959; Johnston et al., 1999), this study investigates whether the mechanism translating votes into seats in Japan's single-member districts results in systematic partisan advantage that may influence election outcomes. Simulations are conducted for the 2003 and 2005 general elections under two scenarios: where the governing coalition and the main opposition party receive equal vote shares, and where their vote shares are reversed from the actual results. Components of electoral bias are then disaggregated into size and distribution effects, and the impact of malapportionment, electorate size, turnout, and the role of third party/independent candidates on overall electoral bias is examined. Results show that while partisan bias exists, disadvantages toward one party in some components are likely to cancel out benefits derived from others, producing a relatively small net effect. Furthermore, electoral bias in Japan is found to award sectoral rather than partisan seat bonuses.
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Kvashnin, Y. "Collapse and Re-Emergence of the Two-Party System in Greece." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-73-80.
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The article examines the Greek party system under the Third Republic and identifies the key trends in its development during the years of the “great recession” (2008–2016) and the subsequent post-crisis recovery. Economic and social cataclysms led to the political fragmentation, the decline of the once largest party PASOK, the rise of radical parties, both left and right wing. However, the period of political chaos was short-lived. As a result, Greece has come to a quasi-two-party system, similar to the one that functioned in the pre-crisis decades. The return to normalcy was partly caused by the failure of the anti-European agenda, which brought SYRIZA and Independent Greeks to power in 2015 on the crest of a populist wave. But there were other reasons. First, the revitalization of the bipartisan system was facilitated by a reinforced proportional electoral system, which gave 50 bonus seats to the leading party. Second, political competition is constrained by the conservatism of Greek society, its weak susceptibility to new ideas (liberal, «green», regionalist, etc.). Third, bipartisanship is cemented by widespread clientelistic ties between the largest parties and voters who receive public sector jobs and other benefits in exchange for their loyalty. Fourth, the lion’s share of media resources is concentrated in the hands of a small number of media moguls associated with the leading parties, and citizens receive rather scant information about smaller political actors. These factors contribute to political stability, but at the same time they limit political competition, which poses serious risks for the country.
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Kolpakov, N. V. "Who is behind the end of Spanish exclusivity? Analysis of the profile of the electorate of the “Vox” party." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 3 (2022): 50–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-50-66.
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2 677 173 people voted for the “Vox” party in the April 2019 general election. Just seven months later, in November, that number increased to 3 640 063 votes, making “Vox” the third largest party in Spain in terms of both seats in the lower house of parliament (52 out of 350) and total votes (15.21%). “Vox” is a young Spanish right-wing party that was destined to remain small and insignificant, but ended up becoming one of the most influential actors in the country’s political space. Where other radical and far-right parties have failed, “Vox” has succeeded, and the party can now boast that it has put an end to Spain’s once exclusive status of a country free of right-wing politicians. The purpose of this article is to determine the electorate of this party, the success of which has become a real shock in the political arena of Spain. The author makes an analysis of socio-demographic profile of the “Vox” electorate. It is considered how class, education, age, gender and ideological views are associated with the support of “Vox.” “Vox” supporters differ significantly from supporters of both traditional and new Spanish parties. According to the analysis, “Vox” supporters are predominantly young males. The party has the smallest proportion of voters with higher education. “Vox” electorate is largely concentrated around those who strongly identify with Spain and the idea of “Hispanidad” and, above all, those who consider the country “under attack” from internal separatist forces (in Catalonia and the Basque country) and external cosmopolitanism, mainly in the form of immigration.
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Fujiwara, Thomas, and Carlos Sanz. "Rank Effects in Bargaining: Evidence from Government Formation." Review of Economic Studies 87, no. 3 (2019): 1261–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdz004.
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Abstract Theories of multilateral bargaining and coalition formation applied to legislatures predict that parties’ seat shares determine their bargaining power. We present findings that are difficult to reconcile with this prediction, but consistent with a norm prescribing that “the most voted party should form the government”. We first present case studies from several countries and regression discontinuity design-based evidence from twenty-eight national European parliaments. We then focus on 2,898 Spanish municipal elections in which two parties tie in the number of seats. We find that the party with slightly more general election votes is substantially more likely to appoint the mayor. Since tied parties should (on average) have equal bargaining power, this identifies the effect of being labeled the most voted. This effect is comparable to that of obtaining an additional seat, and is also present when a right-wing party is the most voted and the second and third most voted parties are allied left-wing parties who can form a combined majority. A model where elections both aggregate information and discipline incumbents can rationalize our results and yields additional predictions we take to the data, such as voters punishing second most voted parties that appoint mayors.
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Pega, Fransiskus Pake, and Helenerius Ajo Leda. "STRATEGI POLITIK PARTAI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA PERJUANGAN (PDIP) DALAM MEMENANGKAN LIMA KURSI DPRD KABUPATEN ENDE PADA PEMILU 2024." Jurnal Sosial dan Pemerintahan (JSP) 1, no. 1 (2025): 41–52. https://doi.org/10.71241/z1f7e344.
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This research aims to determine the PDI Perjuangan's strategy in winning five seats in the Ende Regency DPRD. The research method used is a qualitative method, with data collection techniques using interview and documentation techniques. The theory of political strategy according to Peter Schroder and Political Marketing is used as an analytical tool. Data shows that PDI Perjuangan's strategy in winning five seats in the Ende Regency DPRD is: First, prioritizing programs and vision and mission. Second, improve the political image of parties and candidates. Third, map and care for target groups. Fourth, form a successful team. The findings above are very relevant if studied using political strategy theory according to Peter Schroder, namely offensive and defensive strategies and using political marketing theory according to Firmanzah, that is the PDI Perjuangan strategy in winning five seats in the Ende Regency DPRD, by implementing programs that are in accordance with the vision of The party's mission and programs are made in accordance with the issues that are emerging in society. Improving the image of the PDI Perjuangan party and candidates is done by responding to the aspirations of the community so that they can be assessed positively by the community, forming a success team that can help legislative candidates and parties to work in winning the PDI Perjuangan and legislative candidates. This research concludes that the strategy implemented by PDI Perjuangan in the 2024 Election was successful through a planned and adaptive approach to community needs, which contributed to the achievement of five seats in the Ende Regency DPRD.
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Carbert, Louise. "The hidden rise of new women candidates seeking election to the House of Commons, 2000 – 2008." Canadian Political Science Review 6, no. 2-3 (2013): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/2012292.
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Women’s candidacy and election are tracked over four Canadian national elections from 2000 to 2008. These elections brought a dramatic expansion in women candi-dates, but only a small increase in the number elected. Simu-lations of alternative electoral outcomes indicate only minor impact due to the shift from Liberal to Conservative gov-ernments. Women candidates from all major parties are found to have been similarly successful as men with the same party and incumbency status. Analysis of the candi-date-pool composition reveals that there were too few new women candidates in 2000 even to maintain the status quo in the House. Increases in 2004 and 2006 brought candida-cies into balance with the House composition. In 2008 the recruitment rate exceeded the House proportion meaning-fully. Since the Conservatives caught up part-way to the other parties in nominating new women candidates in 2008, the gender composition of the House became far less sensi-tive to voters’ partisan preferences than was the case earlier. The results show that the flat numbers elected arose not from stagnation in recruitment of new women candidates, but rather from two relatively large fluctuations: a cross-party collapse in 2000, followed by a cross-party resurgence. Women’s share of non-incumbent major-party candidacies and turned-over seats nearly doubled over the eight-year period, both reaching the one-third mark for the first time in 2008. This cross-party resurgence is shown to have carried over to the 2011 election.
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BADAEVA, A. S. "Freedom Party of Austria: between Rightwing Populism, Austrian Patriotism and German Nationalism." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (2018): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-53-66.
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Sixty years old Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) history is very representative for study West European far-right parties and movements. In last decade West Europe are going through the unprecedented rise of right-wing populism in conditions of citizens’ dissatisfaction with traditional parties’ politics and its institutions. Trying to retain their power the governance parties are involving in the common political trend: use narrative of right-wing populism, are ready to previously unthinkable party alliances erasing usual ideological boundaries. FPÖ exclusive characteristic consists in its special interpretation of Austrian identity combining German nationalism and Austrian patriotism. This position loyalty allows FPÖ to have its own stable electoral foundation and to hope for its support in crisis situations. FPÖ went through several intra-party conflict and experienced periods of serious falls and successful upgrades. At present the party is on its political rise supported by almost one third of Austrian electorate. FPÖ chairman Heinz- Christian Strache became the Vice-Chancellor of Austria after Austrian legislative election in 2017. FPÖ had 6 of 13 seats in the government led by Sebastian Kurz. Set of specific to the Austrian society circumstances, such as denazification minimize and imitation of Austrian identity formation in the postwar period, politicization of the immigration issue escalated in 2015 by European migrant crisis, is making FPÖ a dangerous player on the Austrian political scene and an encouraging example for the far-rights parties of neighbor countries.
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Davidson-Schmich, Louise K. "Gender Quota Compliance and Contagion in the 2009 Bundestag Election." German Politics and Society 28, no. 3 (2010): 132–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280308.
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This article examines the candidates for the 2009 Bundestag election and asks three questions. First, did German political parties comply with their voluntarily-adopted gender quotas for their electoral lists—both in terms of the numbers of women nominated and their placement on the party list? Second, did parties without gender quotas place female candidates in promising list places? In other words, did quotas exert a “contagion effect“ and spur political groups without quotas to promote women's political careers? Third, what propensity did all parties have to nominate female candidates for direct mandate seats? Did the quotas used for the second vote have a spillover effect onto the first vote, improving women's odds of being nominated for constituency seats? I find that while the German parties generally complied with the gender quotas for their electoral lists, these quotas have had only limited contagion effects on other parties and on the plurality half of the ballot. Gender quotas in their current form have reached their limits in increasing women's representation to the Bundestag. To achieve gender parity, a change in candidate selection procedures, especially for direct mandates, would be required.
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Millard, F. "Elections in Poland 2001: electoral manipulation and party upheaval." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, no. 1 (2003): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(02)00053-3.
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The Polish parliamentary elections of 2001 took place in a context of fresh upheavals in the configuration of political parties. The architects of the new electoral law aimed to reduce the seats gained by the social democrats and increase their own. They succeeded in the first aim by a change of electoral formula, forcing the victorious social democratic electoral coalition to seek a third coalition partner. They did not achieve the second aim, as their own failures in government drastically reduced their electoral support and facilitated the breakthrough of populist formations. The result had implications for party development and the composition and workings of both parliament and government. While representation was enhanced by a parliament more accurately reflecting the voters’ choice, the impact appeared potentially harmful to Polish democracy as a whole.
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Siachiwena, Hangala. "A silent revolution. Zambia’s 2021 General Election." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (2021): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a3.
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This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF) used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further, an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding.
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Siachiwena, Hangala. "A silent revolution. Zambia’s 2021 General Election." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (2021): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a3.
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF) used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further, an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding.
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Gibb, Ryan. "The Elections in Uganda, February 2016." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (2016): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100206.
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On 18 February, Uganda conducted presidential and parliamentary elections. Incumbent president Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) won the multiparty contest for a third consecutive time. If his reign as the NRM leader during Uganda's stint as a one-party state is counted, the February elections marked the beginning of Museveni's fifth overall term as president. The NRM continues to dominate parliament, having won a super-majority of the contested seats. Opposition members who competed for both the presidential seat and a seat in parliament contested the results of the election, and the primary opposition candidate Kizza Besigye was placed under house arrest. International observers questioned the integrity of the results, specifically in rural areas that were poorly monitored, and opposition strongholds in urban centres suffered logistical problems. The elections reconfirmed the strength of the NRM following years of political infighting.
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Johnston, Ron, Charles Pattie, and Todd K. Hartman. "Local knowledge, local learning and predicting election outcomes: voter assessments of likely party success in Scotland's constituencies at the 2015 and 2017 general elections." Scottish Affairs 28, no. 1 (2019): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2019.0263.
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Political scientists often debate how much information people have and deploy when making electoral decisions. Some scholars suggest that voters are aware of which party is likely to win in their local constituency at British general elections; however, this might not be the case in situations when there is substantial and spatially varying change in the relative fortunes of two or more parties between elections. That argument is evaluated here using as a case study the 2015 and 2017 general elections in Scotland: at the first, the SNP's vote share more than doubled, and it won 56 of the country's 59 seats, having won just six at the previous contest; at the second, its vote share fell by about a third, and it lost 21 of those 56 seats. Analysis of British Election Survey data collected before and during the campaigns preceding those elections shows that most respondents were aware of the SNP's surge in 2015 and expected their victory in every constituency. In 2017, most voters were aware which of the SNP's three competitors was the biggest threat in each constituency, and that awareness became clearer during the campaign; yet, voters – especially those who identified with the SNP and were contacted by it during the campaign – still (incorrectly) anticipated a local SNP victory.
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Ahmad, Mokhtar, and Junaidi Awang Besar. "15TH STATE ELECTION, NEGERI SEMBILAN: BEHIND THE RISE OF MALAY SUPPORT FOR PERIKATAN NASIONAL." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 10, no. 39 (2025): 160–77. https://doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.1039010.
Full textAbstract:
The 15th State General Election (PRN) in Negeri Sembilan has already drawn its curtain on 12 August 2023. As expected, the Unity Government with the collaboration of Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN) has won with a 2/3 majority, namely 31 State Legislative Assembly (DUN) seats out of the 36 DUN seats contested. However, the performance of the Perikatan Nasional (PN) candidate was quite surprising because the opposition party managed to win 5 DUN seats, namely 3 from PAS and 2 from BERSATU. More surprisingly, PH lost in areas considered to be their strongholds, namely in the Paroi and Labu DUN constituencies, while BN lost in Gemas and Bagan Pinang, which are considered UMNO strongholds and safe areas because of the presence of 'fixed deposit' votes in those areas, namely postal votes from the military. In the Serting DUN constituency, UMNO narrowly lost to the PAS candidate, namely with a majority of 843 votes. Therefore, this article focuses on the 5 DUN constituencies won by PN as the study area. This article tries to focus on the following 3 things. First, to delve into the behavior of voters in 5 DUN constituencies before the 15th PRN. Second, to identify the performance of political parties contesting in those constituencies in the 15th PRN. Third, to assess the issues and factors that led to the change in behavior of voters in those 5 constituencies who switched support to PN. This study uses secondary sources from EC reports, books, journals, papers, websites and online newspapers as study data. This data is then analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study show that rural Malay voters have rejected the cooperation that occurred in the Unity Government between PH and BN. More than that, BN voters, especially UMNO, are still skeptical and confused about the cooperation that occurred, especially involving DAP. Therefore, it is hoped that the impact of writing this article can provide a new picture of the political behavior of Malays in rural areas and add more information related to the political journey in Negeri Sembilan.