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Journal articles on the topic 'Third wave democratization'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Haggard, Stephan, and Robert R. Kaufman. "Democratization During the Third Wave." Annual Review of Political Science 19, no. 1 (2016): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-042114-015137.

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2

ROSE, RICHARD, and DOH CHULL SHIN. "Democratization Backwards: The Problem of Third-Wave Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (2001): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123401000138.

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Countries in the third wave of democratization have introduced competitive elections before establishing basic institutions of a modern state such as the rule of law, institutions of civil society and the accountability of governors. By contrast, countries in the first wave of democratization became modern states before universal suffrage was introduced. Because they have democratized backwards, most third-wave countries are currently incomplete democracies. Incomplete democracies can develop in three different ways: completing democratization; repudiating free elections and turning to an unde

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3

Shin, Doh Chull. "On the Third Wave of Democratization: A Synthesis and Evaluation of Recent Theory and Research." World Politics 47, no. 1 (1994): 135–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950681.

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This article synthesizes significant findings of theoretical and empirical research on the third wave of democratization. It addresses a number of central questions. What changes have been taking place in the study of democracy and democratization over the past two decades? How have the concepts of democracy and democratization been redefined for a new generation of scholars oriented to action and advice? What developments in the measurement of the two concepts have been stimulated by the quickening pace of democratization? What has been learned about the dynamics of democratization itself? Wh

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4

Pierre, Andrew J., and Samuel P. Huntington. "The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 2 (1992): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045138.

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Saidin, Mohd Irwan Syazli. "THE THIRD WAVE: DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE LATE TWENTIETH CENTURY, BY SAMUEL P HUNTINGTON. OKLAHOMA: UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA PRESS, 1991, 384 PAGES. ISBN: 9788475099606." Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 6, no. 1 (2021): 394–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol6iss1pp394-400.

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The discourse on democratization features prominently in the work of Samuel P. Huntington (1927-2008) entitled ‘The Third Wave’ which was published in 1991. Huntington was one of the most influential political scientists and previously held the position of university professor at the prestigious Harvard Kennedy School in the US. He authored many academic books on comparative politics and was the founder of the Foreign Policy Journal as well as the former president of the American Political Science Association (IPSA). Written in six interesting chapters, Huntington’s Third Wave provides a clear

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6

Sqapi, Gerti. "TRANSITIONAL PARADIGM AS AN EXPLANATION FOR THE DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESSES." CBU International Conference Proceedings 2 (July 1, 2014): 217–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v2.467.

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Over the last quarter of the century, the transitional paradigm (or the approach of the transition) has been a dominant paradigm that has greatly influenced different studies on democratization. The purpose of this paper, in a general perspective, is to conduct an analysis of the transitional paradigm, assumptions, key concepts, and hypotheses developed thereof, in order to evaluate the validity or at least be able to understand and explain the processes of democratization wave that affected third world countries. Development of literature and studies within the conceptual framework of this pa

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7

Olimat, Muhamad S. "The Fourth Wave of Democratization." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25, no. 2 (2008): 16–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v25i2.399.

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The tragic events of 9/11 provided the impetus for a fourth wave of democratization in the Arab world. This new phase contains a democratic opportunity that is gathering momentum and, if managed well, will materialize into a genuine transition to democracy across the region. Under this wave, democratization is a matter of security, necessity, and moral imperative. The long-term western policy of “order” at the expense of “change” has proven detrimental to world peace. In this wave, Islamists seem to be leading the way in landslide electoral victories. Dealing with them is unavoidable if democr

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Olimat, Muhamad S. "The Fourth Wave of Democratization." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 2 (2008): 16–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.399.

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The tragic events of 9/11 provided the impetus for a fourth wave of democratization in the Arab world. This new phase contains a democratic opportunity that is gathering momentum and, if managed well, will materialize into a genuine transition to democracy across the region. Under this wave, democratization is a matter of security, necessity, and moral imperative. The long-term western policy of “order” at the expense of “change” has proven detrimental to world peace. In this wave, Islamists seem to be leading the way in landslide electoral victories. Dealing with them is unavoidable if democr

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9

Papaioannou, Elias, and Gregorios Siourounis. "Economic and social factors driving the third wave of democratization." Journal of Comparative Economics 36, no. 3 (2008): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jce.2008.04.005.

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10

Harbeson, John W. "Putting the Third Wave into Practice: Democracy Promotion in Kenya." African Studies Review 59, no. 3 (2016): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.81.

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Abstract:Joel Barkan’s work as the U.S. Agency for International Development’s Regional Democracy and Governance Advisor for Eastern and Southern Africa brought both realism and conceptual strengthening to democracy promotion, most notably giving legitimacy and practical meaning to the concept of civil society as an essential dimension of democratization.

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11

Roeder, Philip G. "Peoples and States after 1989: The Political Costs of Incomplete National Revolutions." Slavic Review 58, no. 4 (1999): 854–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697202.

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As communism was collapsing, both the discipline of political science and American foreign policy were becoming captivated by two concepts—the third wave of democratization and the democratic peace. The third wave of democratization is the "worldwide movement to democracy" that occurred in more than thirty countries during the decade and a half that began with the Portuguese coup of 1974. The democratic peace is the special peace that develops among liberal states "because they exercise democratic caution and are capable of appreciating the international rights of foreign republics."

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12

Solomon, Peter H. "Peoples and States after 1989: The Political Costs of Incomplete National Revolutions." Slavic Review 58, no. 4 (1999): 883–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697203.

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As communism was collapsing, both the discipline of political science and American foreign policy were becoming captivated by two concepts—the third wave of democratization and the democratic peace. The third wave of democratization is the "worldwide movement to democracy" that occurred in more than thirty countries during the decade and a half that began with the Portuguese coup of 1974. The democratic peace is the special peace that develops among liberal states "because they exercise democratic caution and are capable of appreciating the international rights of foreign republics."

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13

Hao, Shinan, and Qiqi Gao. "EAST ASIAN PATHWAYS TOWARD DEMOCRACY: A QUALITATIVE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF “THE THIRD WAVE”." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (2016): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2016.2.

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AbstractWhat drove the East Asian tide of democratization during the “Third Wave?” Instead of focusing on a single-factor explanation, we perform qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) on fourteen cases in the region of East Asia from 1980 to 2000 and find three parallel pathways: (1) overthrow model, which features the positive effects of mass mobilization against authoritarianism under a deinstitutionalized authoritarian regime; (2) urban pressure model that works under an institutionalized authoritarian regime; and (3) inside-out model, in which democratization is triggered by the joint for

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14

Eisenstadt, Todd. "Eddies in the third wave: Protracted transitions and theories of democratization." Democratization 7, no. 3 (2000): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340008403669.

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15

Sözen, Yunus. "Studying autocratization in Turkey: political institutions, populism, and neoliberalism." New Perspectives on Turkey 63 (September 29, 2020): 209–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2020.26.

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AbstractIn this review article I classify the literature on the Turkish political regime during Justice and Development Party rule as two waves of studies, and a potential third wave. The first wave was prevalent at least until the Gezi uprisings in 2013. I argue that, in this wave, the main debate was between two rival and largely culturalist perspectives with conceptual toolkits that tended to interpret regime change through the lens of social transformations. I also maintain that scholarly works written from the hegemonic perspective of this wave, utilizing center–periphery and state–societ

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16

김병조. "A Comparative Analysis of Democratic Consolidations After the Third Wave of Democratization." Review of Korean Studies 10, no. 2 (2007): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25024/review.2007.10.2.003.

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17

Norden, Deborah L. (Deborah Lee). "The Third Wave of Democratization in Latin America: Advances and Setbacks (review)." Latin American Politics & Society 48, no. 4 (2006): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lap.2006.0049.

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18

Humagain, Sanjeev, Girdhari Subedi, and Tikaram Aryal. "The Perils of Parliamentarism: Chasing the Flows of the Third Wave of Democratization in Asia." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 3, no. 1 (2020): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v3i1.27533.

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What is the present state of democracy among the Asian countries that were (re)democratized during the third wave of democratization? What makes the differences? Why some specific factors play prominent role on the deepening of democracy among them? These are the primary questions of this study. The findings from ten young Asian democracies are as follows. First, all the Asian countries that (re)democratized during the third wave of democratization are practicing democratic system at present. Six of them experienced the breakdowns, while four remain as a continuous democracy. Second, out of el

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19

Kato, Junko, and Miki Toyofuku. "The divergent paths of tax development during different waves of democratization." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (2018): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991800018x.

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AbstractTaxation is a critical part of state power and has evolved with modernization. Although tax systems are expected to converge as countries achieve economic development, there are variations in the scale and structure of tax revenues. A recurring question is which tax dominates state financing in democracies. Some scholars associate mature democracies with progressive income taxation, and others find that democracies have relied on regressive taxation on consumption. Learning from the history of tax development, this paper illuminates that countries in different democratic waves followed

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20

Shixue, Jiang. "Latin American Politics after the “Third Wave” of Democratization and Its Future Prospects." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 2, no. 5 (2010): 6764–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2010.05.022.

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21

Maxwell, Kenneth, and Scott P. Mainwaring. "Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 6 (1999): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049577.

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22

de Kadt, Daniel, and Stephen B. Wittels. "Democratization and Economic Output in Sub-Saharan Africa." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 1 (2016): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.15.

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Does democratization increase economic output? Answers to this question are inconsistent partly due to the challenges of examining the causal forces behind political and economic phenomena that occur at the national level. We employ a new empirical approach, the synthetic control method, to study the economic effects of democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa over the period 1975–2008. This method yields case-specific causal estimates, which show that political reform associated with the “third wave” of democracy had highly heterogeneous, yet often substantively important effects in Africa. In s

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23

GONZÁLEZ, FRANCISCO E., and DESMOND KING. "The State and Democratization: The United States in Comparative Perspective." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 2 (2004): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404000018.

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In this article we defend the importance of the concept of ‘stateness’ in scholarly understanding of political democratization. We argue that because processes of political democratization in different spatio-temporal settings often share important similarities they are therefore comparable. We investigate this proposition by comparing the process of American political democratization with those of other liberal democracies, old and new. We review extant accounts of the historical process of American democratization – including those addressing American exceptionalism, class structures, multip

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24

Diamond, Larry, and Ramon H. Myers. "Introduction." China Quarterly 162 (June 2000): 365–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000008171.

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No global political trend in the last quarter of the 20th century has been more far-reaching and profound than the growth of democracy. During what Samuel P. Huntington has called the “third wave” of democratization, the percentage of states in the world that are democratic has grown from 27 (when the third wave began in 1974) to 61 percent. The trend was particularly powerful during the first half of the 1990s, when the number of democracies increased from 76 to 117, where it has essentially remained during the subsequent four years.

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25

Heemskerk, Eelke Michiel, and Meindert Fennema. "Women on Board: Female Board Membership as a Form of Elite Democratization." Enterprise & Society 15, no. 2 (2014): 252–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht136.

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Corporate elites have been all-male bastions until the twenty-first century. The recent inclusion of women in the corporate elite needs explanation because it is an abrupt change in recruitment practices. We consider female presence in corporate boards as a sign of the democratization of elite social networks. Building on a case study of the Netherlands that covers the last four decades, we show that the corporate elite has become more open to nonmembers of traditional elites. In the process, women have also entered the boardroom. Initially, these were predominantly female politicians, but mor

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26

McMahon, Edward R. "Catching the "Third Wave" of Democratization?: Debating Political Party Effectiveness in Africa Since 1980." African and Asian Studies 3, no. 3-4 (2004): 295–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209332643674.

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Abstract Many observers believe that multi-party democracy increasingly represents the inevitable future of governance around the world, including Africa. Some countries such as South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal have in fact made remarkable progress in instituting and moving toward consolidation of democratic systems. There has also been a history on the continent, however, of political systems that place de facto or de jure legal constraints on the ability of political parties to function. In fact, in recent years many African leaders have only grudgingly permitted multi-party politics

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27

Møller, Jørgen, and Svend-Erik Skaaning. "Respect for Civil Liberties During the Third Wave of Democratization: Presenting a New Dataset." Social Indicators Research 117, no. 3 (2013): 1069–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-013-0391-y.

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28

Kato, Junko, and Seiki Tanaka. "Human development without democratic accountability: how regressive taxation contributes to human development through state capacity." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (2018): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000233.

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AbstractState revenue production since the third wave of democratization contrasts sharply with the experiences of the first and second waves of democratization. The late democratizers tend to adopt and raise revenue from a regressive tax on consumption (the value-added tax: VAT), which is more compatible with economic development in global markets but is considered as unequal taxation. How does the weak redistributive (i.e., regressive) effect of this form of taxation affect the welfare of people? We build on the conventional wisdom that democratic accountability through multiparty contestati

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29

Sönmez, Hakan. "Democratic Backsliding or Stabilization?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 46 (September 30, 2020): 54–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.46.3.

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There is a great deal of disagreement about the nature and extent of the alleged democratic backsliding. In order to understand the connection between the conflicting assessments of the democratization process and democracy indices (Freedom House, Polity, V-Dem, and Economist Intelligence Unit), this article investigates the various methods of measuring democracy. The question arises whether the studies outlining a process of democratic backsliding are backed by adequate data. The comparison of indices shows that the pessimistic authors are in minority. Although the conceptualization, coding a

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30

Levitt, Barry, and Tatiana Kostadinova. "Personalist Parties in the Third Wave of Democratization: A Comparative Analysis of Peru and Bulgaria." Politics & Policy 42, no. 4 (2014): 513–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12084.

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Mikkelsen, Flemming. "Politiske protester, sociale bevægelser og demokrati i Danmark." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 71 (August 18, 2015): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i71.107310.

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Based on a dataset of more than 5,000 contentious collective actions from 1700-2000, this paper examines the relation between popular protest and democratization of the Danish political system. The first wave of protests began in the 1830s and culminated in 1848 with the fall of absolutism and the transition to constitutional monarchy. The next protest wave from 1885 to 1887 arose from the so-called ‘constitutional struggle’ and mobilized hundreds of thousands of ordinary Danes, and contributed to the parliamentarization and nationalization of the political system. The third wave unfolded arou

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32

Moore, Pete W., and Bassel F. Salloukh. "STRUGGLES UNDER AUTHORITARIANISM: REGIMES, STATES, AND PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS IN THE ARAB WORLD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 1 (2007): 76a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807222536.

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Scholars interested in the variation of Third Wave democratization have utilized cross–regional frameworks in which a single outcome characterizes the Arab world: no democratization. A number of social scientists working on Arab cases have shifted the investigation away from why democratization failed to how authoritarianism endured and changed over the past two decades. This article joins these efforts by examining the importance of professional associations, which refers to professional representatives and private economic groups, and their relations with regimes and states. The paper examin

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33

Sundhaussen, Ulf, and Anders Uhlin. "Indonesia and the "Third Wave of Democratization": The Indonesian Pro-Democracy Movement in a Changing World." Pacific Affairs 71, no. 3 (1998): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761450.

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34

Domínguez, Jorge I. "Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazilby Scott P. Mainwaring." Political Science Quarterly 115, no. 1 (2000): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658040.

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35

Wibbels, Erik. "Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil. Scott P. Mainwaring." Journal of Politics 63, no. 1 (2001): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.63.1.2691926.

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36

Sintomer, Yves. "From Deliberative to Radical Democracy? Sortition and Politics in the Twenty-First Century." Politics & Society 46, no. 3 (2018): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218789888.

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This article defends four claims. The first is that in the last few decades, two waves of democratic innovation based on random selection must be differentiated by their partly different concrete devices, embodying different social dynamics and pointing toward different kinds of democracy. The second claim is that the rationale of the first wave, based on randomly selected minipublics, largely differs from the dynamic of political sortition in Athens, as it points toward deliberative democracy rather than radical democracy. Conversely, empowered sortition processes that have emerged during the

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37

Schmitter, Philippe C. "Democracy's Third Wave - Samuel P. Huntington: The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. (Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991. Pp. xvii, 366. $24.95.)." Review of Politics 55, no. 2 (1993): 348–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500017435.

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38

Fishman, Robert M. "What Made the Third Wave Possible? Historical Contingency and Meta-Politics in the Genesis of Worldwide Democratization." Comparative Politics 50, no. 4 (2018): 607–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041518823565614.

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39

Локшин, Илья. "Election or coronation? The scope of presidential powers in the countries of the third wave of democratization." Полис. Политические исследования (Polis. Political Studies), no. 5 (September 26, 2014): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2014.05.09.

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40

Varentsova, O. V. "Three Waves of Populism in Latin America." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-153-160.

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Contemporary political regimes in Venezuela and Bolivia led by late Hugo Châvez (now by his successor Nicolas Maduro) and Evo Morales are considered by foreign and Russian scholars as part of the third wave of populism. In the 20th century Latin America already witnessed two waves of populism which coincided with significant political transitions, namely a transition from oligarchy to mass politics accompanied by implementation of import substitution industrialization policies, and a transition from authoritarian rule to democracy during the third wave of democratization which triggered neolib

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Hilgers, Tina. "Democratization Without Representation: The Politics of Small Industry in Mexico." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (2005): 1080–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905319974.

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Democratization Without Representation: The Politics of Small Industry in Mexico, Shadlen, Kenneth C., University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004, pp. vii–xvi, 208.In this book Kenneth Shadlen addresses the important question of what democracy has really meant for civil society in Mexico. Mexico counts among the stragglers over the finish line of third-wave transitions, but, as elsewhere, hopes were high that democratization would magically result in political, social and economic betterment for all. Shadlen's book is among a growing number of studies drawing attention to the d

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Bernhard, Michael, Allen Hicken, Christopher Reenock, and Staffan I. Lindberg. "Parties, Civil Society, and the Deterrence of Democratic Defection." Studies in Comparative International Development 55, no. 1 (2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12116-019-09295-0.

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AbstractThe third wave of democratization has given way to a reverse wave of autocratization. A critical question is what can be done to prevent democratic breakdowns and make democracy endure. A large body of historical-narrative and small-N comparative scholarship has suggested that an active mobilized civil society and institutionalized political parties can be mobilized to protect democracy from authoritarian takeovers. We provide the first rigorous set of empirical analyses to test this argument using data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project for the period from 1900 to 2010. W

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Carey, Peter. "Book Review: Indonesia and the ‘Third Wave of Democratization’: The Indonesian Pro-Democracy Movement in a Changing World." South East Asia Research 6, no. 2 (1998): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9800600206.

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44

Cassani, Andrea, and Luca Tomini. "Post-Cold War autocratization: trends and patterns of regime change opposite to democratization." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 49, no. 2 (2019): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.4.

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AbstractThe so-called third wave of democratization is over and scholars are increasingly alert to the apparently growing number of regime changes in the opposite direction. However, there is little agreement concerning how many distinct forms these processes can take, and even less systematic cross-regional analysis of the phenomenon, which diminishes our ability to seize its actual import. Accordingly, this article pursues a twofold goal. First, we present a framework for the analysis of the processes opposite to democratization. Specifically, we build on the notion of ‘autocratization’, ide

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45

Idris, Idris Mahmoud, Elfatih Abdullahi Abdelsalam, and Abdulhamid Mohamed Ali Zaroum. "The Role of Political Institutions in Africa In Building Democratic Governments." Al Hikmah International Journal of Islamic Studies and Human Sciences 4, no. 3 (2021): 436–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46722/hkmh.4.3.21r.

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The “third wave” of democratization, which saw the fall of old authoritarian regimes across Africa, as well as the introduction of multiparty elections and other significant new changes, has faded. Today, we are witnessing a reversal of democratic gains in favour of dictatorship, resulting in political instability and severe outbreaks of violence in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Kenya, the Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and elsewhere. This article seeks explanation for the failures of the democratization process in Africa, focusing on the challenging role of political institutions in determining the nature of

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Harb, Mustafa. "Theoretical Framework of Democratic Transition: Mechanisms of Democratization." Grani 23, no. 6-7 (2020): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172065.

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Democratic transition from authoritarian rule has been an important focus of scholarly interest since 1970s. The democratic transition literature presented many concepts, theoretical arguments, methodological and analytical approaches to tackle with this phenomenon. This huge academic accumulation came in conjunction with what was called the third wave of democratization which started in the mid-seventies beginning from southern Europe, and extended during the decades of the eighties and nineties to include many countries around the globe. Democratic transition can be defined as a political pr

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47

Green, Christopher. "The Paradox of Third-Wave Democratization in Africa: The Gambia under AFPRC-APRC Rule, 1994–2008. Abdoulaye S. Saine." Africa Today 56, no. 2 (2009): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2009.56.2.106.

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48

Perfect, D. "The Paradox of Third-Wave Democratization in Africa: The Gambia under AFPRC-APRC rule, 1994-2008, by Abdoulaye Saine." African Affairs 109, no. 435 (2010): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adq016.

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49

Cho, Chansoo. "The Modern Prince in the Age of the Third Wave: Economic Reform and Political Democratization in Morocco and Jordan." International Area Review 9, no. 1 (2006): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590600900107.

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Albertus, Michael. "Landowners and Democracy." World Politics 69, no. 2 (2017): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000277.

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Are large landowners, especially those engaged in labor-dependent agriculture, detrimental to democratization and the subsequent survival of democracy? This assumption is at the heart of both canonical and recent influential work on regime transition and durability. Using an original panel data set on the extent of labor-dependent agriculture in countries across the world since 1930, the author finds that labor-dependent agriculture was indeed historically bad for democratic stability and stunted the extension of suffrage, parliamentary independence, and free and fair elections. However, the n

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