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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Thomas (Canterbury, England)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Thomas (Canterbury, England)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Thomas (Canterbury, England)"

1

Jordan, Alyce A. "Remembering Thomas Becket in Saint-Lô." Arts 10, no. 3 (September 14, 2021): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts10030067.

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France numbered second only to England in its veneration of the martyred archbishop of Canterbury. Nowhere in France was that veneration more widespread than Normandy, where churches and chapels devoted to Saint Thomas, many embellished with sculptures, paintings, and stained-glass windows, appeared throughout the Middle Ages. A nineteenth-century resurgence of interest in the martyred archbishop of Canterbury gave rise to a new wave of artistic production dedicated to him. A number of these modern commissions appear in the same sites and thus in direct visual dialogue with their medieval counterparts. This essay examines the long legacy of artistic dedications to Saint-Thomas in the town of Saint-Lô. It considers the medieval and modern contexts underpinning the creation of these works and what they reveal about Thomas Becket’s enduring import across nine centuries of Saint-Lô’s history.

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2

Greatrex, Joan. "Marian Studies and Devotion in the Benedictine Cathedral Priories in Later Medieval England." Studies in Church History 39 (2004): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015060.

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On 15 November 1407, in the monastic infirmary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Thomas Wykyng breathed his last with a prayer for the intercession of the Virgin Mary on his lips. The brethren in attendance, so the memoir continues, were convinced that at the moment of his departure the Blessed Virgin summoned him to herself (‘ad se evocavit’) because next to his trust in God he had always placed supreme confidence in her. He was remembered as a model monk who had served his turn in many offices including those of cellarer, sacrist, novice master, and warden of Canterbury College, Oxford. To the many young monks who owed their instruction in the celebration of mass to him he strongly recommended that this same prayer be included as part of their personal devotions as they stood at the altar.

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3

D'Alton, Craig. "William Warham and English heresy policy after the fall of Wolsey." Historical Research 77, no. 197 (July 1, 2004): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2004.00213.x.

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Abstract This article examines actions against heresy and heretics in England in the wake of the 1529 fall of Cardinal Thomas Wolsey. It charts the brief re-emergence of William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, as the main driving force, arguing that the lord chancellor, Sir Thomas More, did not assert control over heresy policy until late 1531. Warham's policy combined anti-heresy activity with attempts at clerical reform. Moreover, he sought to publicize and publicly refute the errors of the heretics, eschewing show trials and burnings. This policy ultimately failed, and was replaced with more direct action which saw several key heretics handed over for burning.

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4

Emms, Richard. "St Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, and the ‘First Books of the Whole English Church’." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015710.

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Early in the fifteenth century, Thomas of Elmham, who grew up in Norfolk and became a monk of St Augustine’s abbey, Canterbury, began to write and illustrate an ambitious history of his monastery. It may be that his interest in history arose from his early years at Elmham, site of the see of East Anglia in late Anglo-Saxon times. This could explain why he became a monk at the oldest monastic establishment in England instead of at the local Benedictine houses, such as Bury St Edmunds, Ely, or Norwich. Clearly he developed his historical interests at St Augustine’s with its ancient books and relics, even though, apart from the chapel of St Pancras and St Martin’s church nearby, pre-Conquest buildings were no longer to be seen.

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5

Ayris, Paul. "Continuity and change in diocese and province: the role of a Tudor bishop." Historical Journal 39, no. 2 (June 1996): 291–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020252.

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ABSTRACTThomas Cranmer's register is important in shedding valuable shafts of light on the nature of the episcopal office in Tudor England. Despite the government's break with Rome in the 1530s, much of the archbishop's routine administration continued unaltered. Nonetheless, there were profound changes in Cranmer's role. Royal commissions, proclamations, injunctions, letters missive and acts of parliament all served to modify Cranmer's position as principal minister of the king's spiritual estate. When the crown issued a commission to the archbishop for the exercise of his jurisdiction, the prelate's position as a royal official was clear for all to see. It is sure, however, that the impact of Christian humanism and reformed theology also did much to shape Cranmer's work. The enforcement of the English Litany and, most notably, of the 42 Articles reveal the changing nature of the episcopal office at this time. In contrast to received orthodoxy, it is now clear that the bishops mounted a widespread campaign at the end of Edward VI's brief reign to secure use of this reformed formulary. There can be little doubt that Thomas Cranmer's years at Canterbury were of great significance in reshaping the role of the episcopate in early modern England.

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Beer, Barrett L. "Episcopacy and Reform in Mid-Tudor England." Albion 23, no. 2 (1991): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050604.

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In Tudor Prelates and Politics, Lacey Baldwin Smith wrote sympathetically of the dilemma faced by the conservative bishops who saw control over the Church of England slip from their grasp after the accession of Edward VI in 1547, but he gave less attention to the reforming bishops who worked to advance the Protestant cause. At the beginning of the new reign the episcopal bench, according to Smith's calculations, included twelve conservatives, seven reformers, and seven whose religious orientation could not be determined (see Table 1). The ranks of the conservatives were thinned as a consequence of the deprivation of Stephen Gardiner of Winchester, Edmund Bonner of London, Nicholas Heath of Worcester, George Day of Chichester, and Cuthbert Tunstall of Durham. On the other hand, eight new bishops were appointed between 1547 and 1553. These new men together with the Henrician reformers, of whom Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, was most important, had responsibility for leading the church during the period which saw the most extensive changes of the Reformation era. This essay examines the careers of the newly-appointed reforming bishops and attempts to assess their achievements and failures as they worked to create a reformed church in England.The first of the eight new bishops appointed during the reign of Edward VI was Nicholas Ridley, who was named Bishop of Rochester in 1547 and translated to London in 1550. In 1548 Robert Ferrar became Bishop of St. David's in Wales. No new episcopal appointments occurred in 1549, but during the following year John Ponet succeeded Ridley at Rochester while John Hooper took the see of Gloucester.

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7

Loades, David M. "The Piety of The Catholic Restoration in England, 1553–1558." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001708.

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There was very little in Reginald Pole’s previous record as a scholar, confessor, or ecclesiastical statesman to suggest that he attached great importance to the externals of traditional worship. However, in his task of restoring the Church in England to the Catholic fold, he felt constrained to use whatever methods and materials were available to his hands. Ceremonies, as Miles Huggarde rightly observed, were ‘curious toyes’, not only to the Protestants, but also to those semi-evangelical Reformers of the 1530s whose exact doctrinal’standpoints are so hard to determine. Along with the papal jurisdiction had gone the great pilgrimage shrines, not only St Thomas of Canterbury—that monument to the triumph of the sacerdotium over the regnum—but also Our Lady of Walsingham and a host of others. Down, too, had gone the religious houses, lesser and greater, with their elaborate liturgical practices, and many familiar saints’ days had disappeared from the calendar before the austere simplifications of 1552. Such changes had provoked much opposition and disquiet, but they had left intact die ceremonial core of the old faith, the Mass in all its multitude of forms, and the innumerable little sacramental and liturgical pieties which constituted the faith of ordinary people. The recent researches of Professor Scarisbrick, Dr Haigh, Dr Susan Brigden, and others have reminded us just how lively these pieties were before—and during—the Reformation, even in places heavily infiltrated by the New Learning, such as London. It was at this level that traditional religion seems to have been at its most flourishing; in the small fraternities and guilds attached to parish churches; in the ornamentation and equipment of the churches themselves; and in the provision of gifts and bequests for obits, lights, and charitable doles.

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8

Kim, Un-Yong. "A Study on Reformation of the Church in England in the 16th Century and Reformation of Worship by Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury." Theology and Praxis 72 (November 30, 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14387/jkspth.2020.72.7.

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9

Bingham, Matthew C. "On the Idea of a National Church: Reassessing Congregationalism in Revolutionary England." Church History 88, no. 1 (March 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719000519.

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In 1641, the Congregational minister Thomas Goodwin delivered a series of sermons to his independent church in London, expounding the letter to the Ephesians in characteristically meticulous detail. Goodwin had recently returned to England after a brief but formative period of religious exile in the Netherlands, and as the Sundays passed, his auditors were surely moved by the oratory of a speaker so “blessed with a rich invention and a solid and exact judgment.” The minister's breadth was equally impressive. The sermons opened up a cornucopia of Christian themes, flowing from one topic to the next as Goodwin's capacious mind found stimulus in the scriptural text. Seemingly eager to follow every possible digression, application, and excursus, Goodwin's unhurried pace required thirty-six sermons simply to exhaust the epistle's first chapter. And yet, amid this abundance of subject matter, one issue in particular arrested Goodwin's attention. While delivering his thirty-fifth discourse on Ephesians, Goodwin paused to consider what he described as “the Great question of these times” and, alternatively, “the great Controversy of the times.” By the middle of 1641, Goodwin's world was experiencing an unprecedented upheaval—England had been invaded by Scottish covenanters, the archbishop of Canterbury had been arrested and imprisoned, and the king had been forced to call a parliament he would be unable to dissolve. Yet Goodwin's “great Controversy” turned not upon political or cultural convulsion but rather upon a seemingly obscure point of ecclesiastical polity, a question not often considered by modern historians and even less often fully appreciated: “the great Question of these times,” said Goodwin, was “whether yea or no . . . many congregations, many Churches united in one may not be called one particular Church.” What did this strangely worded question mean to Goodwin and his hearers, and why did the future president of Magdalen College and religious adviser to the Lord Protector deem this rather specific query the very hinge upon which the nation's future turned? To answer these questions, we must consider how the early modern English mind understood the idea of a “national church”—for though he does not explicitly invoke the term, it was, as we will see, a concept embedded at the very center of Goodwin's “great Controversy.”

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10

Eales, Richard. "The Political Setting of the Becket Translation of 1220." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011669.

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Between 1170 and 1220 the cult of Thomas Becket had spread widely within Christendom, bearing with it the primary message that the Archbishop was a martyr who had died for the liberties of the Church, and in opposition to royal oppression. But no well-documented medieval cult, and certainly no major cult, is adequately characterized in such as simple and straightforward way. If ‘the causa beati Thome became the symbol of the rights of the church throughout the thirteenth century’ and beyond, this did not prevent it embracing other ideas and aspirations, some of them in apparent tension with each other, from the 1170s onwards. Over much of Europe the image of the Martyr’s fortitude confronting the King’s tyranny, already to some extent pre-sold in the propaganda of the exile years 1164 to 1170, required no qualification. In England, as Beryl Smalley has pointed out, ‘Writers had the more difficult task of combining loyalty to their king with defence of ecclesiastical freedom’, especially after Henry II had achieved a rapprochement with the Church. One way of handling this problem was to universalize the cult, by emphasizing that it ultimately transcended issues of royal-clerical relations, however important. Becket was portrayed as the martyr of the age, whose death had benefited the whole of Christendom. Such beliefs, made more plausible by the extraordinary miracle-working achievements of the tomb at Canterbury, led at their extreme to the systematic comparison of Becket’s death with that of Christ.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Thomas (Canterbury, England)"

1

Malo, Roberta. "Saints' relics in medieval English literature." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1186329116.

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Books on the topic "Thomas (Canterbury, England)"

1

Secker, Thomas. The autobiography of Thomas Secker, Archbishop of Canterbury. Lawrence: University of Kansas Libraries, 1988.

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2

Secker, Thomas. The autobiography of Thomas Secker archbishop of Canterbury. Lawrence: University of Kansas Libraries, 1988.

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3

Secker, Thomas. The autobiography of Thomas Secker, Archbishop of Canterbury. Lawrence: University of Kansas Libraries, 1988.

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4

La vie de saint Thomas Becket. Paris: Libr. H. Champion, 1990.

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5

Cuffley & Goff's Oak Genealogy Group. and Hertfordshire Family and Population History Society., eds. Monumental inscriptions: St. Thomas of Canterbury, Northaw. [Ware]: Hertfordshire Family & Population History Society, 1997.

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6

Cult of St Thomas Becket in the Plantagenent World, C. 1170-C. 1220. Boydell & Brewer, Incorporated, 2016.

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7

Historical Memorials of Canterbury: The Landing of Augustine; the Murder of Becket; Edward the Black Prince; Becket's Shrine. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2018.

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8

Jones, Peter J. A. Laughter and Power in the Twelfth Century. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843542.001.0001.

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Towards the end of the twelfth century, powerful images of laughing kings and saints began to appear in texts circulating at the English royal court. At the same time, contemporaries began celebrating the wit, humour, and laughter of King Henry II (r.1154-89) and his martyred Archbishop of Canterbury, Saint Thomas Becket (d.1170). Taking a broad genealogical approach, Laughter and Power in the Twelfth Century traces the emergence of this powerful laughter through an immersive study of medieval intellectual, literary, social, religious, and political debates. Focusing on a cultural renaissance in England, the book situates laughter at the heart of the defining transformations of the second half of the 1100s. With an expansive survey of theological and literary texts, bringing a range of unedited manuscript material to light in the process, the book exposes how twelfth-century writers came to connect laughter with spiritual transcendence and justice, and how this connection gave humour a unique political and spiritual power in both text and action. Ultimately, the book argues that England’s popular images of laughing kings and saints effectively reinstated a sublime charismatic authority, something truly rebellious at a moment in history when bureaucracy and codification were first coming to dominate European political life.

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9

Todd, Henry John. Vindication of the Most Reverend Thomas Cranmer, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury: And Therewith of the Reformation in England, Against Some of the Allegations Which Have Been Recently Made by the Rev. Dr. Lingard, the Rev. Dr. Milner, and Charles Butler. HardPress, 2020.

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Book chapters on the topic "Thomas (Canterbury, England)"

1

Varnam, Laura. "Introduction: Reading sacred space in late medieval England." In The church as sacred space in Middle English literature and culture. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784994174.003.0001.

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The introduction establishes the methodology for reading sacred space in Middle English literature through an examination of the fifteenth-century text ‘The Canterbury Interlude’, in which Chaucer’s pilgrims arrive at Canterbury Cathedral, visit the shrine of Thomas Becket and argue over their interpretation of the stained glass. The chapter explores the relationship between texts, buildings, visual art, and lay practice in the production of sanctity and sets up the theoretical framework for discussing the church as sacred space. The chapter argues that sacred space is performative and must be made manifest, with reference to Mircea Eliade’s concept of the hierophany, and suggests that sacred space is a powerful tool in the negotiation of social relationships. Finally, the chapter discusses sanctity as a form of symbolic capital in an increasingly competitive devotional environment.

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2

Marshall, Peter. "Mumpsimus and Sumpsimus." In Heretics and Believers. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300170627.003.0009.

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This chapter examines the Act of Six Articles, passed in 1539 by Henry VIII to enforce under heavy penalties the fundamental doctrines of the Church of England. In many respects, the Six Articles were a disaster for the reformers, affirming a traditionalist line on all the propositions Norfolk placed before Parliament. For one, heresy and treason became thoroughly conflated. The Six Articles were a setback for evangelicals, and a shot in the arm for conservatives, but they did not signal any fundamental repudiation of the path Henry had followed since 1532. The chapter analyses the ways that the Act of Six Articles not only reinforced existing heresy laws and reasserted traditional Catholic doctrine as the basis of faith for the English Church, but also determined the political fate of Thomas Cromwell, archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, and the other reformist leaders.

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3

Schramm, Jan-Melissa. "A Study in Repetition and Revival." In Censorship and the Representation of the Sacred in Nineteenth-Century England, 202–31. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826064.003.0006.

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This chapter offers close readings of a series of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century play-scripts about the murder of Thomas à Becket in Canterbury Cathedral in 1170, including works by Douglas Jerrold, Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, Alfred Tennyson, and T. S. Eliot. Tracing their performance over 100 years involves the exploration of changing attitudes to the performance of Christian worship and sacrifice on stage and, more broadly, the changing status of the Established Church itself. In the repetitions and variations of Becket’s narrative deployed over time, we can chart changes in the idea of Christian tragedy, renewed appreciation of the communal significance of religious ritual, especially in the revival of the classical chorus, and a growing sense that sacred drama was not just an aberration to be carefully policed and perhaps suppressed, but part of the living fabric of English national drama with a performative future as well as a past.

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4

Hall, David D. "From Protestant to Reformed." In The Puritans, 14–39. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691151397.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the Reformed (or Calvinist) tradition. The Reformed tradition (or, alternatively, “Calvinism”) played a singular role in the making of the Reformation in England, Ireland, and Scotland and the development of New England. As early as the 1530s, Luther's theology, although available in translation, was giving way to connections direct and indirect with the Reformed international, connections nurtured by Thomas Cranmer, who became Archbishop of Canterbury in 1533. The chapter then looks at how the Reformed tradition was conveyed to British Protestants through books such as John Foxe's Acts and Monuments (1563 in English) and first-hand encounters with Reformed practice that happened in the 1550s during the reign of Mary Tudor (1553–58), when English and Scottish ministers—the “Marian exiles”—fled to the Continent. As Foxe and the martyrs whose faith he was documenting repeatedly declared, Catholicism was wrong because it was based on “human inventions” whereas their version of Christianity was restoring the “primitive” perfection of the apostolic church. The chapter also outlines how the Reformation in Scotland differed from the Reformation in England.

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