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1

Avery, Joshua. "From “Obloquy” to “So Great Trust”: Broken Judgment in More’s and Shakespeare’s Richard III." Moreana 48 (Number 183-, no. 1-2 (June 2011): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2011.48.1-2.7.

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This paper argues that the famous wooing scene of Anne by Richard in Shakespeare’s King Richard III offers an imaginative reply to a question posed, but not explicitly answered, by Thomas More’s History. How does a figure held in general “obloquy” suddenly fall into “so great trust”? I contend that Anne’s vulnerability to Richard’s tactics is largely a function of particular theological assumptions that Richard perceives and skillfully plays upon, assumptions that relate to debates raised by Reformed Christianity.
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2

Moran, Andrew. "“What were I best to say?”: Hasty Curses and Morean Deliberation in Richard III." Moreana 48 (Number 183-, no. 1-2 (June 2011): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2011.48.1-2.8.

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Shakespeare’s King Richard III draws from Thomas More’s The History of King Richard III in its characterization of Queen Elizabeth and in its concern with finding the proper response to malice. Whereas other histories present Elizabeth as foolish and inconstant, More’s stresses her intelligence and deliberation. Shakespeare’s Elizabeth too possesses such traits. She, unlike Lady Anne, recognizes that to return Richard’s curses is to curse oneself. Instead, she protects herself and her daughter, and helps to end England’s curse of civil war, by responding to Richard’s malice with equivocation, specifically by practicing mental reservation.
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3

Frank, Andrea. "Proverbs and Irony: Their Literary Role in Thomas More’s History of Richard III." Moreana 51 (Number 195-, no. 1-2 (June 2014): 210–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2014.51.1-2.15.

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In his History of King Richard III, Thomas More uses proverbs to demonstrate to the reader how to evaluate characters, events, and ideas in the narrative. Identifying and examining the proverbs reveals subtle irony and wisdom. For example, when Richard chooses “a sure foundation” for his plans, a proverb is the starting point from which the reader evaluates Richard’s actions, compares them to Edward’s, and raises perennial questions of how to govern rightly. Similarly, proverbs in the queen’s argument for keeping her son show the error of her decision. Finally, the bishop of Ely’s proverbs and fable demonstrate the power and danger of words in the government and highlight qualities of a good leader which are otherwise lacking in the History.
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4

Bruster, Douglas. "Thomas More’s Richard III and Shakespeare." Moreana 42 (Number 163), no. 3 (September 2005): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2005.42.3.7.

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For his drama Richard III Shakespeare clearly relied on More’s narrative as filtered mainly through the chronicles of Edward Hall and Raphael Holinshed. The complications of transmission and authority relating to Shakespeare’s use of More’s unfinished work, and to the numerous forms each text would come to assume, uncannily replicate the very issues of authority and validation their narratives scrutinize. With his account More produced an archetype of modern, cunning individualism, an archetype that Shakespeare would popularize in Richard III.
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5

Simon, Elliott M. "Thomas More's Historical Legacy: The Tudor Tragedies of King Richard III." Moreana 57 (Number 214), no. 2 (December 2020): 171–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2020.0083.

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Thomas More's History of Richard III is a metahistory, rich in factual and fictional details. I will discuss More's concept of historiography as a rhetorical art and how his presentation of history transformed details of what was imperfectly known about Richard III into a polemic about what should be believed as an irrefutable truth. More's conception of history is much more amorphous than modern theories. He incorporated classical myths, literature, history, and philosophy along with phantasies, dreams, and oral testimonies to recreate his historical Richard III as a tragic figure. More saw patterns of immoral behavior deeply rooted in the histories of the Plantagenet kings from the twelfth century to 1485 as if the sins of the fathers are repeated by their children. More used his sources, the antiquarian John Rous, the historian Polydore Vergil, and the oral history of Archbishop/Cardinal John Morton to prove that the immorality of the Plantagenets, embodied in Richard III, was a curse that will be purged from England by the ascendance of Henry VII. William Shakespeare copied and embellished More's tragic vision of Richard III. Their historical facts and fictions enhanced their moral signification of the rise and fall of Richard III in English history.
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6

Gregg, Samuel. "Intention, Choice and Identity in Thomas More’s The History of King Richard the Third/Historia Richardi Tertii." Moreana 49 (Number 189-, no. 3-4 (December 2012): 213–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2012.49.3-4.14.

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Questions of intentionality and identity have been central to moral and philosophical reflection since Plato. This paper examines the workings of intentionality and free choice in shaping the moral identity of key characters in Thomas More’s The History of King Richard the Third. This reveals More’s emphasis upon the intransitive dimension of human action which makes people as much the object of their own choices as those transitive ends they pursue. The History thus confirms More as someone opposed to deterministic accounts of human choice, a position sharpened in More’s critiques of Reformation conceptions of the will throughout the 1520s.
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7

Cro, Stelio. "The Lion and the Fox: an Unholy Animal Kingdom." Moreana 49 (Number 189-, no. 3-4 (December 2012): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2012.49.3-4.6.

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This article compares the History of Richard III (1512) of Thomas More and The Prince (1513) of Niccolò Machiavelli. More attributes to Richard III a detailed list of moral vices that leaves no doubt as to his very negative view of Richard. On the other hand, in The Prince, Machiavelli deals with contemporary events without moral or religious preoccupations. In essence, for More history is “magistra vitae”, as long as the Christian values are conveyed by the historian, whereas for Machiavelli history’s lesson is valid regardless of religious and/or moral issues.
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8

Keenan, Siobhan. "Re-reading Shakespeare’s Richard III: Tragic Hero and Villain?" Linguaculture 2017, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lincu-2017-0003.

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Abstract The discovery of the body of the historical Richard III under a Leicester car park in 2012 sparked fresh interest in one of England’s most controversial kings. Accused of murdering his nephews—the Princes in the Tower—Richard’s reign was cut short when he was defeated by Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond (later Henry VII), at the Battle of Bosworth (1485). Richard was subsequently demonised in Tudor historiography, perhaps most famously by Sir Thomas More in his “History of King Richard the thirde” (printed 1557). It is to More that we owe the popular image of Richard III as a “croke backed” and “malicious” villain (More 37), an image which Shakespeare has been accused of further codifying and popularising in his Richard III. Today, the historical Richard III’s defenders argue for the king’s good qualities and achievements and blame early writers such as More and Shakespeare for demonising Richard; but, in Shakespeare’s case at least, this essay argues that the possibility of a sympathetic—and even a heroic—reading of the king is built in to his characterisation of Richard III.
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9

Harrison, Tim J. "Spliced segments at the 5? terminus of adenovirus 2 late mRNA.Susan M. Berget, Claire Moore and Phillip A. Sharp; An amazing sequence arrangement at the 5? ends of adenovirus 2 messenger RNA.Louise T. Chow, Richard E. Gelinas, Thomas R. Broker and Richard T. Roberts." Reviews in Medical Virology 10, no. 6 (2000): 355–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1099-1654(200011/12)10:6<355::aid-rmv294>3.0.co;2-a.

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10

House, Seymour. "Richard Marius, Thomas Morus : Eine Biographie." Moreana 25 (Number 98-9, no. 2-3 (December 1988): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1988.25.2-3.16.

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11

Beier, Benjamin V. "“Colour” that Fails “To Set”: Unethical Persuasion and the Nature of Rhetoric in More’s History of King Richard III." Moreana 49 (Number 189-, no. 3-4 (December 2012): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2012.49.3-4.13.

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In The History of King Richard III, Thomas More presents a tyrant whose skill in speaking we often take for granted. This article, however, provides a more complicated view of the sophistic Duke of Gloucester. While More evokes the Roman ideal-orator tradition when describing Richard and while the future King and his henchmen give speeches that help Richard secure the throne, these acts of persuasion usually fail to persuade audiences. Such failures disclose More’s (limited) epistemological confidence in the ability of human beings to see through false appearances. This belief, in turn, helps to reveal More’s conviction – which he dramatizes in The History – about the nature of rhetoric: true and apt words are more persuasive than sophistic falsehoods that are delivered with equal skill.
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12

Lehman, Jeffrey S. "Seeing Tyranny in More’s History of King Richard III." Moreana 50 (Number 191-, no. 1-2 (June 2013): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2013.50.1-2.8.

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As they embark upon a dialectical examination of justice in Plato’s Republic, Socrates admonishes his interlocutors that the pursuit of justice is for those who “see clearly”. Indeed, the dialogue itself is meant to bring about such clear-sightedness as the interlocutors dialectically winnow the various accounts of justice proposed. In like manner, Thomas More’s History of King Richard III helps his readers to see clearly the tyrant and tyranny. In the History, More presents a portrait of a tyrant and the conditions that make his tyranny possible. Crucial to this portrait is what the various characters see as well as when they see within the dramatic context. Why are so many blind to Richard’s machinations? Is their blindness willful? What internal and external factors contribute to their blindness? Who does see and how, if at all, do they respond? In answering these questions, we as readers come to see the nature of the tyrant and tyranny. Along the way, four characters are considered in detail: King Edward, Lord Hastings, Queen Elizabeth, and the people of London.
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13

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 62, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1988): 51–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002046.

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-Brenda Plummer, Carol S. Holzberg, Minorities and power in a black society: the Jewish community of Jamaica. Maryland: The North-South Publishing Company, Inc., 1987. xxx + 259 pp.-Scott Guggenheim, Nina S. de Friedemann ,De sol a sol: genesis, transformacion, y presencia de los negros en Colombia. Bogota: Planeta Columbiana Editorial, 1986. 47 1pp., Jaime Arocha (eds)-Brian L. Moore, Mary Noel Menezes, Scenes from the history of the Portuguese in Guyana. London: Sister M.N. Menezes, RSM, 1986. vii + 175 PP.-Charles Rutheiser, Brian L. Moore, Race, power, and social segmentation in colonial society: Guyana after slavery 1838-1891. New York; Gordon and Breach, 1987. 310 pp.-Thomas Fiehrer, Virginia R. Dominguez, White by definition: social classification in Creole Louisiana. Rutgers, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1986. xviii + 325 pp.-Kenneth Lunn, Brian D. Jacobs, Black politics and urban crisis in Britain. Cambridge, London, New Rochelle, Melbourne and Sydney: Cambridge University Press, 1986. vii + 227 pp.-Brian D. Jacobs, Kenneth Lunn, Race and labour in twentieth-cenruty Britain, London: Frank Cass and Co. Ltd., 1985. 186 pp.-Kenneth M. Bilby, Dick Hebdige, Cut 'n' mix: culture, identity and Caribbean Music. New York: Metheun and Co. Ltd, 1987. 177 pp.-Riva Berleant-Schiller, Robert Dirks, The black saturnalia: conflict and its ritual expression on British West Indian slave plantations. Gainesville, Fl.: University of Florida Press, Monographs in Social Sciences No. 72. xvii + 228.-Marilyn Silverman, James Howe, The Kuna gathering: contemporary village politics in Panama. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1986. xvi + 326 pp.-Paget Henry, Evelyne Huber Stephens ,Democratic socialism in Jamaica: the political movement and social transformation in dependent capitalism. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985. xx + 423 pp., John D. Stephens (eds)-Bridget Brereton, Scott B. Macdonald, Trinidad and Tobago: democracy and development in the Caribbean. New York, Connecticut, London: Praeger Publishers, 1986. ix + 213 pp.-Brian L. Moore, Kempe Ronald Hope, Guyana: politics and development in an emergent socialist state. Oakville, New York, London: Mosaic Press, 1985, 136 pp.-Roland I. Perusse, Richard J. Bloomfield, Puerto Rico: the search for a national policy. Boulder and London: Westview Press, Westview Special Studies on Latin America and the Caribbean, 1985. x + 192 pp.-Charles Gilman, Manfred Gorlach ,Focus on the Caribbean. 1986. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, John Benjamins., John A. Holm (eds)-Viranjini Munasinghe, EPICA, The Caribbean: survival, struggle and sovereignty. Washington, EPICA (Ecumenical Program for Interamerican Communication and Action), 1985.-B.W. Higman, Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and power: the place of sugar in modern history. New York: Elisabeth Sifton Books, Viking Penguin Inc., 1985. xxx + 274 pp.
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14

Young, Archibald. "Revising the Revisionists: Modern Criticism of Thomas More." Moreana 35 (Number 133), no. 1 (March 1998): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1998.35.1.10.

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In Thomas More on statesmanship Gerard Wegemer challenges accounts of More’s thought by Richard Marius and Alistair Fox, who argue that uncertainty characterizes much of More’s work and thinking. While that approach underlines the complex nature of More’s intellectual inquiries, it does not always make sufficient room for his pre-intellectual certainties about God and self. Wegemer is concerned to demonstrate that those certainties formed More’s comprehensively developed philosophy of statesmanship. This thesis has two shortcomings: it leaves little room for the very problematic nature of More’s intellectual life; and it threatens to replace More the man with an ideology that may not be his own.
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15

Finan, Thomas M. "Homage to W.J. Kinsella: With Evocations of Irish Morean Lawyers." Moreana 34 (Number 131-, no. 3-4 (December 1997): 10–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1997.34.3-4.4.

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The article recalls some notable Irish contributors to the modern revival and continuation of interest in Thomas More. It begins with a commemoration of William J. Kinsella, late president of the Thomas More Society of Ireland. It goes on to recall briefly the contributions of a number of distinguished Irish-born lawyers since the nineteenth century. All those students of More had one thing in common: they saw in him a man of special interest for modern times –as a witness to unchanging values in an age of change. The article gives particular notice to Richard O’Sullivan– for the range and depth of his legal learning, and his sense of the importance of More in the history of law.
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16

Marc’hadour, Germain. "Saint Thomas More et les auteurs Spirituels." Moreana 34 (Number 130), no. 2 (June 1997): 27–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1997.34.2.5.

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En 1529, More en appelle, des Réformateurs et de leurs épouses, aux saintes femmes du Moyen-Âge. En 1532, il souhaite que les fidèles, au lieu de lire les stériles écrits de polémique, se nourrissent des classiques spirituels. Dans cet article, on évoque le monastère de Syon où Richard Whitford, ami d’Érasme, devint moine brigittin. Traducteur, adaptateur et auteur, Whitford fut un best seller durant les années de crise qui précédèrent le schisme anglican . On lui attribue une version anglaise de l’Imitation. Après la dissolution des monastères, il fut accueilli au manoir de Mountjoy (d’où Érasme lui écrivit en 1506). Deux publications’ récentes sur la Chartreuse permettent de rappeler la dette de More envers l’ordre de St. Bruno. Catherine de Sienne, luc en anglais dès le début du 15e siècle, partage la popularité de Brigitte de Suède.
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17

Carpinelli, Francis. "Merchant Neighbors of the More Family on Milk Street." Moreana 50 (Number 193-, no. 3-4 (December 2013): 229–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2013.50.3-4.12.

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This paper provides basic research on eleven individuals who were neighbors of the More family living on Milk Street in London from roughly the 1490s into the 1530s. All but one were Mercers and all belonged to the Merchant Adventurers, who dealt in overseas trade. The most famous were Sir Thomas Kitson, Sir James Yarford, and Sir Richard Gresham. They, and some of the other neighbors, can be tied in various ways with Thomas More. This is especially true from about 1509, after More himself was admitted to the guild. The paper argues that More’s service began even earlier, back to at least 1505, when he helped the Mercers with land transactions, as they planned to build their new hall and chapel. For almost all of his adult life – right up to when he resigned from the Lord Chancellorship in 1532 – Thomas More was involved in the affairs of his fellow guild members and his very rich neighbors.
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18

Navaud, Guillaume. "More's History of King Richard III: Bilingual Writing and Renovation of Historiography." Moreana 57 (Number 213), no. 1 (June 2020): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2020.0073.

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Why did Thomas More write two versions of his History of King Richard III, one in English and the other in Latin? Critics tend to answer this question by arguing that the two versions were not destined for the same audience: the Latin for a continental elite, the vernacular for a larger British readership. Although perfectly convincing, this explanation may not be the only one: this paper tries to underline the existence of another motivation, one of a literary nature. The History of King Richard III indeed combines two historiographical models: the ancient and classical monograph as illustrated by Sallust, and the medieval tradition of the chronicle. The oscillation between English and Latin may reflect More's wish to renovate the genre of the medieval chronicle, accomplished by an hybridization with classical Latin models—as if More attempted to grasp the best of both traditions in order to initiate a new means of writing history.
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19

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 68, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1994): 135–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002664.

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-Peter Hulme, Simon Gikandi, Writing in limbo: Modernism and Caribbean literature. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992. x + 260 pp.-Charles V. Carnegie, Alistair Hennessy, Intellectuals in the twentieth-century Caribbean (Volume 1 - Spectre of the new class: The Commonwealth Caribbean). London: Macmillan, 1992. xvii 204 pp.-Nigel Rigby, Anne Walmsley, The Caribbean artists movement, 1966-1972: A literary and cultural history. London: New Beacon Books, 1992. xx + 356 pp.-Carl Pedersen, Tyrone Tillery, Claude McKay: A black poet's struggle for identity. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1992. xii + 235 pp.-Simone Dreyfus, Irving Rouse, The Tainos: Rise and decline of the people who greeted Columbus. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992. xii + 211 pp.-Louis Allaire, Antonio M. Stevens-Arroyo, Cave of the Jagua: The mythological world of the Taino. Alburquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988. xiii + 282 pp.-Irving Rouse, William F. Keegan, The people who discovered Columbus: The prehistory of the Bahamas. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1992. xx + 279 pp.-Neil L. Whitehead, Philip P. Boucher, Cannibal encounters: Europeans and Island Caribs, 1492-1763. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1992. xii + 217 pp.-Peter Kloos, Kaliña, des amérindiens à Paris: Photographies du prince Roland. Présentées par Gérard Collomb. Paris: Créaphis, 1992. 119 pp.-Maureen Warner-Lewis, Alan Gregor Cobley ,The African-Caribbean connection: Historical and cultural perspectives. Bridgetown, Barbados: Department of History, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, 1990. viii + 171 pp., Alvin Thompson (eds)-H. Hoetink, Jean-Luc Bonniol, La couleur comme maléfice: une illustration créole de la généalogie des 'Blancs' et des 'Noirs'. Paris: Albin Michel, 1992. 304 pp.-Michael Aceto, Richard Price ,Two evenings in Saramaka. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1991. xvi + 417 pp., Sally Price (eds)-Jorge Pérez Rolón, Vernon W. Boggs, Salsiology: Afro-Cuban music and the evolution of Salsa in New York City. New York: Greenwood, 1992. xvii + 387 pp.-Martin F. Murphy, Sherri Grasmuck ,Between two islands: Dominican international migration. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. xviii + 247 pp., Patricia R. Pessar (eds)-Rosario Espinal, Richard S. Hillman ,Distant neighbors in the Caribbean: The Dominican Republic and Jamaica in comparative perspective. New York: Praeger, 1992. xviii + 199 pp., Thomas D'Agostino (eds)-Svend E. Holsoe, Neville A.T. Hall, Slave society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John and St. Croix. Edited by B.W. Higman. Mona, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 1992. xxiv + 287 pp.-Light Townsend Cummins, Francisco Morales Padrón, The journal of Don Francisco Saavedra de Sangronis 1780-1783. Translated by Aileen Moore Topping. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1989. xxxvii + 380 pp.-Francisco A. Scarano, Laird W. Bergad, Cuban rural society in the nineteenth century: The social and economic history of monoculture in Matanzas. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. xxi + 425 pp.-Robert L. Paquette, Larry R. Jensen, Children of colonial despotism: Press, politics, and culture in Cuba, 1790-1840. Tampa: University of South Florida Press, 1988. xviii + 211 pp.-Robert L. Paquette, Anton L. Allahar, Class, politics, and sugar in colonial Cuba. Lewiston NY; The Edwin Mellen Press, 1990. xi + 217 pp.-Aline Helg, Josef Opatrny, U.S. Expansionism and Cuban annexationism in the 1850s. Prague: Charles University, 1990. 271 pp.-Rita Giacalone, Humberto García Muñiz ,Bibliografía militar del Caribe. Río Piedras PR: Centro de Investigaciones Históricas, Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1992. 177 pp., Betsaida Vélez Natal (eds)-Carlos E. Santiago, Irma Tirado de Alonso, Trade issues in the Caribbean. Philadelphia: Gordon & Breach, 1992. xv + 231 pp.-Drexel G. Woodson, Frantz Pratt, Haiti: Guide to the periodical literature in English, 1800-1990. Westport CT: Greenwood, 1991. xiv + 313 pp.-Gary Brana-Shute, Livio Sansone, Hangen boven de oceaan: het gewone overleven van Creoolse jongeren in Paramaribo. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis, 1992. 58 pp.-Ronald Gill, Dolf Huijgers ,Landhuizen van Curacao en Bonaire. Amsterdam: Persimmons Management. 1991. 286 pp., Lucky Ezechiëls (eds)-Alex van Stipriaan, Waldo Heilbron, Colonial transformations and the decomposition of Dutch plantation slavery in Surinam. Amsterdam: Amsterdam centre for Caribbean studies (AWIC), University of Amsterdam, 1992. 133 pp.-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Bea Lalmahomed, Hindostaanse vrouwen: de geschiedenis van zes generaties. Utrecht: Jan van Arkel, 1992. 159 pp.-Aart G. Broek, Peter Hoefnagels ,Antilliaans spreekwoordenboek. Amsterdam: Thomas Rap, 1991. 92 pp., Shon Wé Hoogenbergen (eds)
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20

Hasler, Antony J. "Death and the King’s Horsemen:." Moreana 45 (Number 175), no. 3 (December 2008): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2008.45.3.4.

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In William Lamb’s Ane Resonyng of ane Scottis and Inglis Merchand betuix Rowand and Lionis, written in 1549, two merchants, one Scots and the other English, meet on a French road and quarrel over the legitimacy of the contemporary English invasion of Scotland, supporting their arguments with various authorities. Their dispute is witnessed by three earlier victims of English political violence – Thomas More, John Fisher and the Bridgettine Richard Reynolds, the martyrs of 1535. Beyond its propagandist implications, the Resonyng uses the presence of these revenants to meditate on the disjunction between suffering bodies and recording texts which translates lives into authorities.
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21

Wegemer, Gerard. "England’s Civil Wars: Young Thomas More’s Assessment and Solutions." Moreana 48 (Number 183-, no. 1-2 (June 2011): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2011.48.1-2.4.

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This analysis argues that Thomas More’s Richard III is a work of what Cicero would call studia humanitatis, designed to educate “first citizens” about human nature, the requirements of political life, and the arts needed to fashion justice, liberty, peace, and prosperity. Special attention is given to More’s use of Ciceronian vocabulary (respublica, humanitas, libertas, princeps, privates, fides, consilium) and the vocabulary of centuries-old London institutions (mayor, sheriff, alderman, recorder, independent courts, sanctuary, “senate,” “forum”). The article ends with a summary of young More’s solutions to England’s problems of civil war.
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22

Bahr, Stephanie. "On the Discovery of an Elizabethan “Sonet in the commendation of Sir Thomas More Knyght”: Memory, Martyrdom, and Poetry." Moreana 57 (Number 214), no. 2 (December 2020): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2020.0081.

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This article introduces the discovery of a “Sonet in the commendation of Sir Thomas More Knyght” found in a copy of the 1557 English Workes printed by Richard Tottel and edited by William Rastell. It argues the sonnet was written by a Tudor Catholic early in Elizabeth's reign and should also be read in light of its 1557 print context: its physical place in Workes alongside Rastell's Preface, and in conjunction with Tottel's Miscellany printed the same year. Read through such a lens, this newly discovered sonnet helps illuminate the idiosyncratic complexity of Catholic experience in Elizabethan England concerning memory, martyrdom, censorship and repression.
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23

Murphy, Clare M. "Quia fecisti nos ad te: Thomas More’s Open Endings." Moreana 35 (Number 135-, no. 3-4 (December 1998): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1998.35.3-4.11.

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St. Augustine’s formulation of the soul’s restless longing for union with God describes the tradition of both Scripture and of medieval allegory to focus on the perfection of heavenly perception over the incomplete vision of earth. From the preaching of Savonarola cited in his earl y biography of Pico through the classical oxymoron en ding Utopia and the possible disillusionment with the Tudors that stopped the writing of Richard III to the heroic clinging to faith and hope found in the Tower works, More’s religious nature led him as a writer to produce the open-ended works favored by these traditions.
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24

Milward, Peter. "Shakespeare’s Indebtedness to More." Moreana 48 (Number 185-, no. 3-4 (December 2011): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2011.48.3-4.4.

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Obviously, the indebtedness of William Shakespeare as dramatist to the writings of Sir Thomas More, as being “the two greatest minds of the Tudor age”, is indisputable, even if we only consider his hand in the MS Book of Sir Thomas More, his use of More’s Life of Richard III as the unique source for his play of Richard III, and his explicit mention of More in the final history play of Henry VIII. All this, however, is what we may read on the lines of the material that has come down to us concerning Shakespeare, whereas for a true understanding of the dramatist we need to read between the lines, according to the true meaning of “intelligence”. What Lucio says of the “duke of dark corners” in Measure for Measure, we have to apply to the dramatic author, “His givings out were of an infinite distance from his true-meant design.” Even in his own day More had to veil his words under a mask of Socratic irony or Chaucerian humour, and then (after his imprisonment in the Tower) of silence – as it were foreshadowing Hamlet’s lament, “But break, my heart, for I must hold my tongue!” How much more, then, must it have been incumbent on Shakespeare to be careful of his words, living and writing as he did in what his recusant friend Ben Jonson called “a dangerous age”, hemmed in as they both were by suborned informers like the hack playwright Anthony Munday.
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25

Marc’Hadour, Germain. "The Three Bodies of Saint Thomas More." Moreana 43 & 44 (Number, no. 4 & 1-2 (March 2007): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.43-44.4_1-2.6.

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Résumé Les trois corps du titre sont le corps physique de l’homme, le corps du Christ dans l’Eucharistie, et son Corps mystique, qui est l’Eglise. Le premier est représenté par le portrait qu’Erasme fit de son ami londonien, et par les portraits que More lui-même fit de Pic, de Mrs Shore, maitresse d’Edouard IV, et de Richard III. Outre le terme de ‘body’, More emploie celui de ‘corps’ lorsqu’il se réfere au ‘Corps entier de la Chrétienté’, c’est-à-dire l’ensemble des nations qui constituaient l’Europe catholique. Quelques paragraphes examinent les rapports du corps avec l’âme et l’esprit, ainsi que la place privilégiée de l’œil et de la main.
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26

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 253–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002497.

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Ileana Rodríguez; Transatlantic Topographies: Islands, Highlands, Jungles (Stuart McLean)Eliga H. Gould, Peter S. Onuf (eds.); Empire and Nation: The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Michael A. Gomez; Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (James H. Sweet)Brian L. Moore, Michele A. Johnson; Neither Led Nor Driven: Contesting British Cultural Imperialism in Jamaica, 1865-1920 (Gad Heuman)Erna Brodber; The Second Generation of Freemen in Jamaica, 1907-1944 (Michaeline A. Crichlow)Steeve O. Buckridge; The Language of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760- 1890 (Jean Besson)Deborah A. Thomas; Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica (Charles V. Carnegie)Carolyn Cooper; Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large (John D. Galuska)Noel Leo Erskine; From Garvey to Marley: Rastafari Theology (Richard Salter)Hilary McD Beckles; Great House Rules: Landless Emancipation and Workers’ Protest in Barbados, 1838‑1938 (O. Nigel Bolland)Woodville K. Marshall (ed.); I Speak for the People: The Memoirs of Wynter Crawford (Douglas Midgett)Nathalie Dessens; Myths of the Plantation Society: Slavery in the American South and the West Indies (Lomarsh Roopnarine)Michelle M. Terrell; The Jewish Community of Early Colonial Nevis: A Historical Archaeological Study (Mark Kostro)Laurie A. Wilkie, Paul Farnsworth; Sampling Many Pots: An Archaeology of Memory and Tradition at a Bahamian Plantation (Grace Turner)David Beriss; Black Skins, French Voices: Caribbean ethnicity and Activism in Urban France (Nadine Lefaucheur)Karen E. Richman; Migration and Vodou (Natacha Giafferi)Jean Moomou; Le monde des marrons du Maroni en Guyane (1772-1860): La naissance d’un peuple: Les Boni (Kenneth Bilby)Jean Chapuis, Hervé Rivière; Wayana eitoponpë: (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana (Dominique Tilkin Gallois)Jesús Fuentes Guerra, Armin Schwegler; Lengua y ritos del Palo Monte Mayombe: Dioses cubanos y sus fuentes africanas (W. van Wetering)Mary Ann Clark; Where Men Are Wives and Mothers Rule: Santería Ritual Practices and Their Gender Implications (Elizabeth Ann Pérez)Ignacio López-Calvo; “God and Trujillo”: Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator (Lauren Derby)Kirwin R. Shaffer; Anarchism and Countercultural Politics in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Lillian Guerra; The Myth of José Martí: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Israel Reyes; Humor and the Eccentric Text in Puerto Rican Literature (Nicole Roberts)Rodrigo Lazo; Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Nicole Roberts)Lowell Fiet; El teatro puertorriqueño reimaginado: Notas críticas sobre la creación dramática y el performance (Ramón H. Rivera-Servera)Curdella Forbes; From Nation to Diaspora: Samuel Selvon, George Lamming and the Cultural Performance of Gender (Sue Thomas)Marie-Agnès Sourieau, Kathleen M. Balutansky (eds.); Ecrire en pays assiégé: Haiti: Writing Under Siege (Marie-Hélène Laforest)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 3 & 4
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27

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2006): 253–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002497.

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Ileana Rodríguez; Transatlantic Topographies: Islands, Highlands, Jungles (Stuart McLean)Eliga H. Gould, Peter S. Onuf (eds.); Empire and Nation: The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Michael A. Gomez; Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (James H. Sweet)Brian L. Moore, Michele A. Johnson; Neither Led Nor Driven: Contesting British Cultural Imperialism in Jamaica, 1865-1920 (Gad Heuman)Erna Brodber; The Second Generation of Freemen in Jamaica, 1907-1944 (Michaeline A. Crichlow)Steeve O. Buckridge; The Language of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760- 1890 (Jean Besson)Deborah A. Thomas; Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica (Charles V. Carnegie)Carolyn Cooper; Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large (John D. Galuska)Noel Leo Erskine; From Garvey to Marley: Rastafari Theology (Richard Salter)Hilary McD Beckles; Great House Rules: Landless Emancipation and Workers’ Protest in Barbados, 1838‑1938 (O. Nigel Bolland)Woodville K. Marshall (ed.); I Speak for the People: The Memoirs of Wynter Crawford (Douglas Midgett)Nathalie Dessens; Myths of the Plantation Society: Slavery in the American South and the West Indies (Lomarsh Roopnarine)Michelle M. Terrell; The Jewish Community of Early Colonial Nevis: A Historical Archaeological Study (Mark Kostro)Laurie A. Wilkie, Paul Farnsworth; Sampling Many Pots: An Archaeology of Memory and Tradition at a Bahamian Plantation (Grace Turner)David Beriss; Black Skins, French Voices: Caribbean ethnicity and Activism in Urban France (Nadine Lefaucheur)Karen E. Richman; Migration and Vodou (Natacha Giafferi)Jean Moomou; Le monde des marrons du Maroni en Guyane (1772-1860): La naissance d’un peuple: Les Boni (Kenneth Bilby)Jean Chapuis, Hervé Rivière; Wayana eitoponpë: (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana (Dominique Tilkin Gallois)Jesús Fuentes Guerra, Armin Schwegler; Lengua y ritos del Palo Monte Mayombe: Dioses cubanos y sus fuentes africanas (W. van Wetering)Mary Ann Clark; Where Men Are Wives and Mothers Rule: Santería Ritual Practices and Their Gender Implications (Elizabeth Ann Pérez)Ignacio López-Calvo; “God and Trujillo”: Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator (Lauren Derby)Kirwin R. Shaffer; Anarchism and Countercultural Politics in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Lillian Guerra; The Myth of José Martí: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Israel Reyes; Humor and the Eccentric Text in Puerto Rican Literature (Nicole Roberts)Rodrigo Lazo; Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Nicole Roberts)Lowell Fiet; El teatro puertorriqueño reimaginado: Notas críticas sobre la creación dramática y el performance (Ramón H. Rivera-Servera)Curdella Forbes; From Nation to Diaspora: Samuel Selvon, George Lamming and the Cultural Performance of Gender (Sue Thomas)Marie-Agnès Sourieau, Kathleen M. Balutansky (eds.); Ecrire en pays assiégé: Haiti: Writing Under Siege (Marie-Hélène Laforest)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 3 & 4
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28

Roux, Louis. "Histoire et théâtre : Richard III, Thomas More, Shakespeare." XVII-XVIII. Revue de la société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles 49, no. 1 (1999): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xvii.1999.2093.

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29

McCutheon, Elizabeth. "Some Notes on Litotes in Thomas More’s The History of King Richard III." Moreana 38 (Number 146), no. 2 (June 2001): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2001.38.2.8.

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30

Schmidt, Gabriela. "What use to make of a tyrant? Thomas More’s History of Richard III and the Limits of Early Tudor Historiography." Moreana 50 (Number 191-, no. 1-2 (June 2013): 159–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2013.50.1-2.10.

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The literary genre and ideological stance of More’s History of King Richard III have long been subject to critical debate. While it seems obvious that his portrayal of the last Plantagenet as a full-blown tyrant is anything but historically ‘accurate’, the question remains controversial as to whether this intricately ironic text represents a (somewhat half-hearted) attempt at legitimising the ruling Tudor dynasty’s claim to authority, an implicit rejection of the same, or a more general humanist moral exemplum. Placing More’s Richard within the historiographical practice of its time and reading it alongside his own critical reflections on historiographical method in the debate with Germanus Brixius, this article attempts to access the problem of generic purpose from a meta-literary perspective, reading the text as a self-conscious parodic comment on some of the major strands of early Tudor historiography and as an implicit challenge to the humanists’ confidence in language as a valuable basis for the construction of a commonwealth.
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31

Kurzon, Dennis. "The three silences of Sir Thomas More." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 17, no. 1 (June 7, 2016): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.17.1.05kur.

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The paper discusses three instances of silence in the life and writings of Sir Thomas More in terms of conversational and thematic silence. The first is the silence of the London citizenry in More’s History of Richard the Third (1513). The second is the House of Commons’ response of silence, in 1523, to Cardinal Wolsey’s request to provide him, the Chancellor, with a substantial grant for state affairs; at that time, More was Speaker of the House. The third is More’s fatal silence when he was required to take an oath supporting Henry VIII’s divorce from Catherine and subsequent marriage to Anne Boleyn, and his refusal to discuss Henry’s break from the Pope and the Roman Church.
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32

Marc’hadour, Germain. "L’édition critique de More: Rétrospective sur huit lustres (1958-1998)." Moreana 35 (Number 135-, no. 3-4 (December 1998): 75–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1998.35.3-4.7.

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Cette rétrospective, personnalisée comme un témoignage, évoque surtout les débuts du More Project, que Louis Martz lança en 1958 en vue d’une édition de The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, à publier par les Presses Universitaires de Yale. L’auteur recourt à la correspondance pour évoquer des pionniers aujourd’hui défunts, et notamment le premier Executive Editor, Richard S. Sylvester, mort en 1978. Il souligne les liens qui, dès l’origine, unirent le centre américain de l’édition avec le centre angevin de recherche et de diffusion; il suggère que Moreana publie chaque année les Addenda & Corrigenda de chaque tome. Il esquisse un parallèle entre Sylvester et son successeur, Clarence Miller, qui dirigea l’entreprise jusqu’à la parution du dernier volume (1997).
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33

Curtright, Travis. "The making of a martyr and loss of a poet: Richard Tottel, Reginald Pole, and Thomas More in 1556–57." Moreana 55 (Number 209), no. 1 (June 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2018.0028.

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Should Thomas More be considered England's lost Renaissance poet? This essay investigates the printing and reception of More's vernacular verses in light of the Marian restoration of Catholicism, including More's overall treatment as a martyr, an opponent of heresy, and the political uses of his reputation. In the context and events of 1556–57, More's status as a poet diminishes while his public persona as a divinely inspired author of theological controversies grows.
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34

Kendell, Angela. "Thomas More, Richard Fox and the Manor of Temple Guyting in 1515." Moreana 23 (Number 91-9, no. 3-4 (December 1986): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1986.23.3-4.3.

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35

Candido, Joseph. "Thomas More, the Tudor Chroniclers, and Shakespeare's Altered Richard." English Studies 68, no. 2 (April 1987): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138388708598500.

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36

Milward, Peter. "Two Tudor Witnesses to “the Corps of Christendom” – More and Shakespeare." Moreana 47 (Number 181-, no. 3-4 (December 2010): 94–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2010.47.3-4.5.

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In the literary history of Tudor England, I venture to propose two names as standing out and claiming comparison with each other as witnesses to the ideal and reality of Christendom – those of Thomas More in the reign of Henry VIII and William Shakespeare in the reign of Elizabeth I. In the case of More, little needs to be said, it is so obvious that he bore witness to the ideal and the reality, even to the shedding of his blood as a canonized martyr. But in that of Shakespeare, much more has to be said in view of the seemingly overwhelming evidence to the contrary. For this purpose it is necessary to take account not just of the dramatist’s indebtedness to More’s Life of Richard III in his history play of that title, nor just of his contribution to the MS Book of Sir Thomas More, nor of the one explicit mention of More in the play of Henry VIII, which is commonly attributed to John Fletcher, but of the whole corpus of Shakespeare’s plays in their chronological order as bearing witness in their totality to what More called in his last speech at his trial in Westminster Hall “the whole corps of Christendom”.
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37

Herbrüggen, Hubertus Schulte. "Thomas More’s Fortune Verses: A contribution to the solution of a few problems." Moreana 48 (Number 185-, no. 3-4 (December 2011): 121–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2011.48.3-4.7.

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In this seminal article, first published in German in 1967, Hubertus Schulte Herbrüggen offers answers to several important open questions regarding the textual history and structure of Thomas More’s Fortune Verses. He argues convincingly that the text should be dated about 1503 and that Richard Hill’s hand-written copy may be treated as the earliest source. Furthermore, he identifies the sources for two groups of stanzas among the sections of questionable provenance, which appear only in Robert Wyer’s edition. Internal evidence, together with William Rastell’s testimony, suggests that the fortune telling book for which the poems probably functioned as a preface was an early English version of Lorenzo Spirito’s popular lottery book Libro de le sorte. Their purpose was to admonish enthusiasts of the lottery book to humble themselves and not to take their game too seriously. The theme of the vanity of the coveted prizes of fortune recurs throughout More’s corpus.
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38

Faro, Giorgio. "Cunning as a snake: Thomas More and the right to stay silent (with a long digression on Seneca)." Moreana 57 (Number 213), no. 1 (June 2020): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2020.0074.

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The article examines the reasons for silence in Thomas More, starting from his History of King Richard the III, considering then his actions as speaker of the House of Commons and later as Chancellor, and, finally, his refusal to take the oath to uphold the Acts of Succession and Supremacy. Another relevant subtopic takes a cue from Seneca's assertions about silence (in his Œdipus) to allow the author, after careful reading of a paper published by F. Mitjans on Moreana, to correct an assertion made, in an earlier essay, in regard to the Seneca details in Lockey's copy of Holbein's More family portrait, as well as to present a more analytical assessment of the relevance of Seneca's presence in More's works (only More's two latter works are taken into account here). It turns out that More cites Seneca more often than has been thought, but with certain fairly crucial reservations, which should—at least in part—explain More's apparent reluctance to quote Seneca's name: another case of silence, which needs to be probed.
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39

Ronnick, Michele Valerie. "A Note Concerning Elements of Tacitus’ Depiction of Nero in Thomas More’s Historia Richardi Regis Angliae." Moreana 36 (Number 139-, no. 3-4 (December 1999): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1999.36.3-4.9.

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40

Closel, Régis Augustus Bars. "Utopia and the Enclosing of Dramatic Landscapes." Renaissance and Reformation 41, no. 3 (November 12, 2018): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v41i3.31542.

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This article focuses on the enclosing of the land as depicted in More’s Utopia (1516); the anonymous domestic tragedy, Arden of Faversham (1589); and the Carolinian play, A Jovial Crew (1641), by Richard Brome. It discusses how the relationship between the multiple resulting changes in the environmental, social, and economic landscape gave rise to important points for action and social debate in early modern English fiction, in which the customary pre-Reformation past is as irreconcilable as a fictional utopian world. This article argues that the emerging profitability of the newly and increasingly enclosed topography as imagined in Utopia appears in Thomas Nashe’s The Unfortunate Traveller, and its initial consequences are disclosed in the anonymous Arden, only to spread through generations of social displacement in Richard Brome’s Jovial Crew, by which time an absurd realignment of the relationship between beggary and ideal worlds is taking place in drama. Cet article se penche sur le phénomène d’enclôture des terres tel que Thomas More le décrit dans l’Utopie, dans la tragédie anonyme intitulée Arden of Faversham (1589) et dans la pièce carolinienne A Jovial Crew (1641) de Richard Brome. On montre d’abord comment les différentes conséquences environnementales, sociales et économiques ont donné lieu à des mouvements et des débats sociaux au sein de la fiction anglaise moderne, où la l’histoire convenue du passé précédant la Réforme paraît tout aussi éloignée que la fiction d’un monde utopique. On avance que les possibilités de profit qu’offre la nouvelle topographie de terres de plus en plus clôturées, ainsi que l’imaginait l’Utopie, sont évoquées dans la pièce The Unfortunate Traveller de Thomas Nashe, que les conséquences de ces changements apparaissent dans la pièce Arden, et que les déplacement sociaux qui y ont fait suite pour des générations se retrouvent plus tard dans la pièce de Richard Brome ; à cette période, le théâtre procède à un absurde réalignement du lien entre les mondes idéaux et la mendicité.
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41

Edwards, Gwynne. "Gwyn Thomas's Sap and Theatre Workshop's Oh What a Lovely War." New Theatre Quarterly 27, no. 3 (August 2011): 272–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x11000467.

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In the autumn of 1962 Gwyn Thomas, author of The Keep and Jackie the Jumper, two plays already staged at the Royal Court, delivered to the Theatre Royal, Stratford East, his script of Sap, a play with songs about the First World War. In March 1963, Joan Littlewood premiered at the Theatre Royal Oh What a Lovely War. Subsequently, Thomas felt that his ideas and research had been stolen, and because of the success of Oh What a Lovely War, Sap was not staged for another eleven years. In this article Gwynne Edwards discusses the circumstances surrounding these events and outlines the similarities and differences between the two plays. Gwynne Edwards has written extensively on Spanish theatre, in particular on the plays of Lorca, which he has also translated. More recently he has written plays based on the lives and work of Dylan Thomas, Gwyn Thomas, and Richard Burton. Burton was staged in Hollywood in 2010.
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42

Headly, J. M. "Thomas More. A biography. By Richard Marius. Pp. xxiv + 562. Dent, 1985. £16.95." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 1 (January 1986): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900032012.

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43

McCann, Timothy J. "Some Unpublished Accounts of the Martyrdom of Blessed Thomas Bullaker O.S.F. of Chichester in 1642." Recusant History 19, no. 2 (October 1988): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020227.

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THOMAS Bullaker is one of the eighty-five martyrs who were beatified by Pope John Paul II on 22 November 1987. His biography necessarily involves an exercise in textual criticism. The most important sources for his life are two, more or less contemporary, accounts: theCertamen Seraphicum,written by his fellow Fransciscan Richard Mason, and published in 1649; and theHistoire de la Persecution presente des Catholiques en Angleterreof Le Sieur de Marsys, published in 1646. When Richard Mason wrote his account he had access to some writings of the martyr himself, which were kept in the archives of St. Bonaventure's at Douai, and were lost at the time of the French Revolution. His description of Bullaker's trials is largely based on the martyr's first hand testimony. De Marsys, a servant of the French Ambassador, who collected papers concerning sixteen of the martyrs, claimed to have been present at Bullaker's final trial and execution. A copy of a pamphlet entitledAn Exact Relation of the Apprehension, Examination, Execution and Confession of Thomas Bullaker,1642, which was sold in London on the day of Bullaker's execution, has survived among the Thomason Tracts in the British Library.
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44

Warnicke, Retha M. "More'sRichard IIIand the mystery plays." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 761–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026157.

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AbstractAn analysis of Thomas Mare's English version ofThe history of King Richard IIIindicates that the popular mystery cycles influenced his composition. Associated with the celebrations of Corpus Christi Day, the cycles present a series of biblical plays, beginning with the Creation and ending with the Last Judgment. The important themes of tyranny and sacrifice, which this drama explores, also loom large inRichard III. The theme of tyranny is loosely related in the cycles through Lucifer's functioning as the prototype of all earthly tyrants, including More'sRichard III. Evidence of the sacrifice, which is at the heart of the mass, can also be found in many biblical scenes. More's reference to Richard's adolescent nephews as ‘innocent babes’ links them to the infants Herod earlier sacrified to his ambitions. Indeed, inRichard III, More does make an intriguing reference to a cobbler performing the role of a ‘sowdayne’ in a play. The suggestion that this drama influenced More's writing is consistent with the speculation that he composed the English version first and then, with the classics in mind, wrote out a separate Latin text, for the two versions have significant differences in imagery, word choice and structure.
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45

May, Robert M., and Michael P. Hassell. "Thomas Richard Edmund Southwood. 20 June 1931 — 26 October 2005." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 54 (January 2008): 333–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2008.0005.

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Sir Richard Southwood—Dick Southwood to his many friends—was one of the twentieth century's most eminent and influential zoologists and ecologists. His own research, beginning with boyhood interests in observing and collecting insects, matured into major contributions to understanding the structure and function of plant–insect communities. He has left an even more important legacy through his superb skills as mentor, builder of academic departments and institutions, and wise counsellor to Governments in areas where scienceand policy intersect.
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46

Cook, Brendan. "Prudentia in More’s Utopia: The Ethics of Foresight." Renaissance and Reformation 36, no. 1 (August 22, 2013): 31–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v36i1.20019.

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L’article explore les usages du terme latin prudentia dans l’Utopie (1516) de Thomas More. Cet article explique les apparentes contradictions du traitement de More du mot prudentia, à travers l’étude des utilisations du terme dans un éventail de sources, incluant les dialogues de Cicéron, les écrits éthique de l’humaniste italien du XVe siècle Lorenzo Valla, les écrits d’étude biblique du contemporain de More, Érasme de Rotterdam, et le History of King Richard III de More. Cet article cherche également à évaluer les différentes interprétations de la prudentia dans les versions anglaises de l’Utopie, offre plusieurs options pour les futurs traducteurs.
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47

Lindenberger, Herbert. "Wagner and the Romantic Hero. By Simon Williams. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004; pp. 193. $75 cloth." Theatre Survey 46, no. 1 (May 2005): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557405350095.

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Wagner has proved more fortunate than other opera composers in the liveliness, variety, and intellectual enterprise of his critical interpreters during the past decade or two. One need only cite Thomas Grey's study of the composer's aesthetics in Wagner's Musical Prose (1995); Carolyn Abbate's deconstruction of his narrative passages in Unsung Voices (1991); and Marc Weiner's analysis of how nineteenth-century racial codes shape the operas in Richard Wagner and the Anti-Semitic Imagination (1995) to note the range of approaches that have been applied to him.
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48

Tuggy, Dale. "Antiunitarian Arguments from Divine Perfection." Journal of Analytic Theology 9 (September 22, 2021): 262–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.12978/jat.2021-9.030004-6519-65.

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Some have argued that unipersonal concepts of God collapse into incoherence, so that such a being is no more possible than a square circle, or at least that such theologies are, as non-trinitarian, significantly less probable than some trinitarian theologies. I discuss the general strategy and examine recent arguments by William Lane Craig, C. Stephen Layman, Thomas V. Morris, and Richard Swinburne based on divine love, flourishing, and glory. I show why none of these arguments is compelling, as each has at least one weak premise.
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49

Zell, Rosmarie. "Thomas Morus, Die Geschichte König Richards III, Übersetzt, eingeleitet und kommentiert von Hans P. Heinrich. München: Kösel, 1984, 224 pp. (Thomus Morus Werke, Herausgegeben von Hubertus Schulte Herbrüggen, Band 3), ISBN 3-466-25020-X. DM 34; Hans Peter Heinrich, Sir Thomas More's Geschichte König Richards III, im Lichte humanistischer Historiographie und Geschichtstheorie. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1987, 220 pp. (Beiträge zur Englischen und Amerikanischen Literatur, Band 5), ISBN 3-506-70815-5." Moreana 31 (Number 117), no. 1 (March 1994): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1994.31.1.11.

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50

Tapp, Christian. "Utrum verum et simplex convertantur. The Simplicity of God in Aquinas and Swinburne." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 10, no. 2 (June 12, 2018): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v10i2.2555.

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This paper explores Thomas Aquinas’ and Richard Swinburne’s doctrines of simplicity in the context of their philosophical theologies. Both say that God is simple. However, Swinburne takes simplicity as a property of the theistic hypothesis, while for Aquinas simplicity is a property of God himself. For Swinburne, simpler theories are ceteris paribus more likely to be true; for Aquinas, simplicity and truth are properties of God which, in a certain way, coincide – because God is metaphysically simple. Notwithstanding their different approaches, some unreckoned parallels between their thoughts are brought to light.
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