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Journal articles on the topic 'Thomson, Virgil, Music'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Giroud, Vincent. "VIRGIL THOMSON: MUSIC CHRONICLES." Yale Review 104, no. 1 (December 15, 2015): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/yrev.13054.

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2

Giroud, Vincent. "VIRGIL THOMSON: MUSIC CHRONICLES." Yale Review 104, no. 1 (2016): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tyr.2016.0072.

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3

Yellin, Victor Fell, Virgil Thomson, and John Rockwell. "A Virgil Thomson Reader." American Music 5, no. 2 (1987): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052165.

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4

DICKINSON, PETER. "Stein Satie Cummings Thomson Berners Cage: Toward a Context for the Music of Virgil Thomson." Musical Quarterly LXXII, no. 3 (1986): 394–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mq/lxxii.3.394.

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5

Lister, Rodney. "ANOTHER COMPLETELY INTERESTING OPERA: ‘THE MOTHER OF US ALL’ PART I: HISTORY AND BACKGROUND." Tempo 64, no. 254 (October 2010): 2–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298210000379.

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On 5 December 5 1941, two days before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Virgil Thomson wrote to Gertrude Stein, his friend and the cocreator of their opera Four Saints in Three Acts. The bulk of the letter concerned Thomson's most recent plan for publication of the opera, including details of dividing the royalties and expenses involved in the undertaking (a continual source of disagreement and haggling between them). At the end of the letter, referring to Stein's assurance at the end of her most recent letter to him that the European war would be over soon and that they would soon meet again in Paris, Thomson wrote, ‘… I miss you a great deal but do hope that you are right that we shall be seeing each other soon in Paris. I wouldn't know; I have no prophetic sense about wars … When the war is over we must write another opera. Only we must wait till then, because I don't think we could choose the subject very well by mail'. His next preserved letter to her was almost five years later. In that letter, dated 5 March 1946, Thomson wrote, ‘Carl [Van Vechten] says the opera is nearly finished. I hope so. I want to see it. I pine for it’.

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6

Lister, Rodney. "Virgil Thomson: a Portrait of his Music (as Glimpsed in Recent Recordings)." Tempo, no. 175 (December 1990): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298200012572.

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Virgil Thomson's music is foolishness to some, a stumbling block to others, but those of us who love it love it with all our hearts, through thick and thin (which often as not means through bad and unknowing performances). Those who don't love it, don't see that there's anything there at all. They just don't get it. The music can also seem cryptic to players, since although it has few notes, it is nonetheless not at all easy to play. On any number of occasions I have had people tell me that the music seems to them to be just harmony exercises. I have never been able to explain it to them. If they don't see the great beauty of The Mother of Us All or Mostly About Love or the Cello Concerto, nothing I can say can make them see it. I simply sadly resign myself to the fact that between them and me is a great, unbridgeable gulf.

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7

ROBINSON, SUZANNE. "“A Ping, Qualified by a Thud”: Music Criticism in Manhattan and the Case of Cage (1943–58)." Journal of the Society for American Music 1, no. 1 (February 2007): 79–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196307070046.

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This article surveys the reception of concert performances in Manhattan of music by John Cage, from his arrival in 1942 until his gala retrospective held in Town Hall in 1958, in particular comparing responses from composer-critics such as Virgil Thomson, stabled at theNew YorkHeraldTribune, with that of music journalists based at theNew York Timesand other local dailies. Close reading of reviews and of an array of archival sources suggests that Cage's personal and professional relationships with composer-critics ensured that the reception of his music was uniquely well informed, and that his prepared piano works and early experiments with chance were treated with a remarkable degree of affirmation. Much of Cage's critical identity can be attributed to the aegis of Thomson, who, if he denied acting as “hired plugger” for Cage, nonetheless sympathetically construed him as Americanist, Francophile, post-Schoenbergian, and ultramodernist. Thomson's resignation from theTribunein 1954 coincided with a pronounced deterioration in Manhattan critics' appreciation of Cage. I argue that the reasons for this lie as much with the demise of the composer-critic—and a reversal of Cage's own attitude to criticism—as with conservative disaffection with new forms of experimentalism.

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8

Gardner, Kara Anne, and Steven Watson. "Prepare for Saints: Gertrude Stein, Virgil Thomson, and the Mainstreaming of American Modernism." American Music 19, no. 4 (2001): 466. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052421.

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9

Miller, Philip Lieson. "Works by Paul Bowles, Lee Hoiby, Richard Hundley, Eric Klein, John Musto, and Virgil Thomson." American Music 9, no. 3 (1991): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051438.

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10

Hershberger, Monica A. "Feminist Revisions." Journal of Musicology 37, no. 3 (2020): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2020.37.3.383.

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In 1945 Virgil Thomson and Gertrude Stein began working on The Mother of Us All, their second and final opera. If the pair’s chosen subject matter—the life and work of Susan B. Anthony (1820–1906)—was radical in and of itself, so too was the librettist’s approach to it. As Stein scholar Jane Palatini Bowers has carefully documented, Stein quoted heavily from political speeches as she crafted her libretto, using numerous “male-generated texts” but ultimately telling an “antipatriarchal” story. Bowers and others have argued that Stein’s revisions of these texts tell not only Anthony’s but also Stein’s story. I argue that in its final form, The Mother of Us All tells yet another story, for it was Thomson who revised Stein’s libretto after her untimely death in 1946, approximately one year before the opera’s premiere at Columbia University. Drawing extensively on both versions of the libretto text, as well as the musical score, I assert that Thomson sought to buy into Stein’s feminist project, and I read his revisions to The Mother of Us All as his attempt to refashion himself as her political and artistic partner. At the same time that The Mother of Us All represented a very personal project for Stein and Thomson, it was a more broadly political project as well, a critique of the status of women in the United States following World War II. As Stein and Thomson looked back on the significance of the women’s suffrage movement, they chose not to bring their story to an unequivocally rousing conclusion celebrating the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. Instead, they suggested an unfinished struggle, one that so-called “second-wave” feminists would task themselves with furthering during the latter half of the twentieth century and one that would nourish productions of The Mother of Us All well into the twenty-first century.

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11

Hubbs, Nadine. "The Letters of Gertrude Stein and Virgil Thomson: Composition as Conversation (review)." Notes 67, no. 4 (2011): 722–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2011.0049.

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12

HESS, CAROL A. "Competing Utopias? Musical Ideologies in the 1930s and Two Spanish Civil War Films." Journal of the Society for American Music 2, no. 3 (July 18, 2008): 319–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196308080103.

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AbstractAlthough literature inspired by the Spanish Civil War has been widely studied, music so inspired has received far less scholarly attention, and film music even less so. Musical ideologies of the 1930s, including the utopian thinking of many artists and intellectuals, emerge in some surprising ways when we consider two films of the era. Both The Spanish Earth (1937), an independent documentary, and Blockade (1938), produced in Hollywood, were intended to awaken Loyalist sympathies. The music for the former, consisting of recorded excerpts chosen by Marc Blitzstein and Virgil Thomson and widely understood as folkloric, embodies leftist composers' idealization of folk music. Werner Janssen's score for Blockade relies on many stock Hollywood gestures, granting it the status of a commodity. This article explores both films in light of Michael Denning's reflections of the relationship between the “cultural front” and the “culture industry,” along with Fredric Jameson's advocacy of the Utopian principle as a hermeneutic tool. It argues that the music for The Spanish Earth unwittingly subverts the Loyalist cause, whereas the score of Blockade, with its manipulation of Hollywood codes, is far more persuasive than the political whitewashing of its plot would seem to suggest.

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13

Thomson, Virgil, Philip Glass, Gregory Sandow, and J. Bunker Clark. "The Composer and Performer and Other Matters: A Panel Discussion with Virgil Thomson and Philip Glass, Moderated by Gregory Sandow." American Music 7, no. 2 (1989): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052202.

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14

AASLID, VILDE. "The Poetic Mingus and the Politics of Genre in String Quartet No. 1." Journal of the Society for American Music 9, no. 1 (February 2015): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196314000522.

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AbstractIn 1972, the Whitney Museum of American Art commissioned new musical settings of poems by Frank O'Hara for a concert honoring the late poet. Among pieces by Virgil Thomson and Ned Rorem, the program featured a new work by Charles Mingus: his String Quartet No. 1. Mingus's piece was performed only once, at that concert, and was never recorded. It survives only in manuscript form.String Quartet No. 1 thwarts nearly all expectations of a piece by Mingus. Scored for strings and voice, the work's modernist approach to rhythm and pitch is unprecedented for the composer. Mingus chafed at being categorized as a “jazz” composer, and String Quartet No. 1's style is both a bid for and an undermining of the prestige of the high art world. Faced with primitivist discourses that characterized jazz musicians as unschooled and nonverbal, Mingus deployed poetry as a mode of resistance. He worked with poetic texts throughout his life, often writing the poetry himself. Mingus's sensitive setting of O'Hara's text in String Quartet No. 1 points to the centrality of poetry to Mingus's artistic and political project, and suggests that the piece's anomalous style can be partially understood as his response to O'Hara's text.

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15

Swayne, Steve. "Four Saints in Three Acts. By Virgil Thomson and Gertrude Stein. Edited by H. Wiley Hitchcock and Charles Fussell. Music of the United States of America, Vol. 18. Recent Researches in American Music, Vol. 64. Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2008." Journal of the Society for American Music 8, no. 1 (February 2014): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175219631300062x.

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16

Hubbs, Nadine. "Homophobia in Twentieth-Century Music: The Crucible of America's Sound." Daedalus 142, no. 4 (October 2013): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00237.

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Challenging notions of the composer as solitary genius and of twentieth-century homophobia as a simple destructive force, I trace a new genealogy of Coplandian tonal modernism–“America's sound” as heard in works like “Rodeo,” “Appalachian Spring,” and “Fanfare for the Common Man” – and glean new sociosexual meanings in “cryptic” modernist abstraction like that of Gertrude Stein and Virgil Thomson's opera “Four Saints in Three Acts.” I consider gay white male tonalists collectively to highlight how shared social identities shaped production and style in musical modernism, and I recast gay composers' close-knit social/sexual/creative/professional alliances as, not sexually nepotistic cabals, but an adaptive and richly productive response to the constraints of an intensely homophobic moment. The essay underscores the pivotal role of the new hetero/homo concept in twentieth-century American culture, and of queer impetuses in American artistic modernism.

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17

"BOOK REVIEWS." Tempo 65, no. 255 (January 2011): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298211000064.

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18

Baeta, Dominique Marie. "Nadia Boulanger: "In the midst of the stars"." UF Journal of Undergraduate Research 20, no. 1 (December 12, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/ufjur.v20i1.106198.

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Nadia Boulanger is the French performer/teacher who changed the landscape of American music. Under the mentorship of her father, Ernest Boulanger, and the tutelage of musical genius, Gabriel Fauré at the Paris Conservatory, Nadia Boulanger had an excellent education and earned high honors as a student of organ and composition. However, early in her life Boulanger decided to turn her full focus to teaching. Among her most outstanding American composition students are Aaron Copland, Walter Piston, Roy Harris, Philip Glass, and Virgil Thomson. Student testimonials and class notebooks shed light on her teaching. Nadia Boulanger taught with a combination of rigor and passion, successfully mentoring a generation of aspiring composers and performers. Her profound imprint on American music is recognizable in the fact that almost all American composers of note in the 20th century studied with Nadia Boulanger either in Paris or during her residency in Boston. It is possible to trace parallels between her education and compositional style, and her teaching of composition. This paper investigates how Nadia Boulanger taught, why she was successful, and how her early education affected her future as a composition teacher.

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19

Hubbert, Julie. "The Plow That Broke the Plains and The River. Pare Lorentz, director; Virgil Thomson, music. Post-Classical Ensemble, Angel Gil-Ordóñez, music director; Joseph Horowitz, artistic director. Naxos DVD 2.110521, 2007." Journal of the Society for American Music 2, no. 01 (January 25, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196308081121.

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