Academic literature on the topic 'Tikanga Maori'

Introduction : A key strategy for improving the management of patients with diabetes is the provision of a free annual review ‘Get Checked’. Although it is known that certain patients do not attend these free reviews, little is known about the barriers. METHODS: A group of patients with diabetes who had not attended an annual review in the previous two years were identified and sent questionnaires asking about the barriers to attending. Non-respondents where followed up with a telephone call. Barriers were thematically analysed. FINDINGS: 26/68 patients identified patients responded (38%). Key issues identified included difficulty with transport, conflict with work and lack of motivation. There were differences in responses between Maori and non-Maori. CONCLUSION: Recommendations include more emphasis in recognising Maori tikanga (culture), more flexible provision of services to allow working patients to attend and increased emphasis on reminders for patients. KEYW ORDS: Diabetes mellitus; Maori; family practice; barriers

This journey of critically exploring Mana Tangata supervision has drawn together the diverse styles, stories and analyses of three generations of tane from the Ruwhiu whanau. This is our journey within to strengthen without – ‘E nohotia ana a waho, kei roto he aha’. Pirihi Te Ohaki (Bill) Ruwhiu (father, grandfather and great grandfather) frames the article by highlighting the significance of wairuatanga, whakapapa and tikanga matauranga Maori – a Maori theoretical and symbolic world of meaning and understanding that informs mana enhancing engagements within the human terrain. Leland Lowe Hyde (son, grandson and father-to-be) threads into that equation the significance of ‘ko au and mana’ (identity and belonging) that significantly maps personal growth and development. Leland Ariel Ruwhiu (son, father and grandfather) using pukorero and nga mohiotanga o te ao Maori me te ao hurihuri weaves these multi dimensional reasonings into a cultural net (Te Kupenga) reflecting indigenous thinking around Mana Tangata supervision for tangata whenua social and community work practitioners.

BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT: New Zealand’s primary mental health initiatives (PMHIs) have successfully filled a health service gap and shown good outcomes for many presenting with mild to moderate anxiety/depression in primary health care settings. Maori have higher rates of mental health disorders and complexity of social and mental health needs not matched by access to PMHIs. ASSESSMENT OF PROBLEM: The Wairua Tangata Programme (WTP), a Hawkes Bay PMHI, aimed to provide an integrated, flexible, holistic, tikanga Maori–based therapeutic service targeting underserved Maori, Pacific and Quintile 5 populations. External evaluation of the programme provided formative and outcome feedback. RESULTS: The WTP reported high engagement of Maori (particularly women), low non-attendance rates, good improvements in mental health assessment exit scores, strong stakeholder support and service user gratitude. GPs reported willingness to explore mental health issues in this high needs population. Challenges included engaging Pacific peoples and males and recruiting from scarce Maori, Pacific and male therapist workforces. STRATEGIES FOR IMPROVEMENT: Effectively meeting the target population’s complex social and therapeutic needs required considerable programme flexibility, referral back into the programme and assistance with transitioning to other therapeutic or social support services. Referral criteria required adaptation to accommodate some sectors, especially youth. A group programme was developed specifically for males. LESSONS: A holistic PMHI programme delivered with considerable flexibility and a skilled, culturally fluent team working closely with primary care providers can successfully engage and benefit underserved Maori communities with complex social and mental health needs. Successful targeted programmes are integral to reducing mental health disparities. KEYWORDS: Primary health care; mental health; Maori; medically underserved areas; evaluation

Kia ora, tenei te mihi kia koutou. Warm greetings to you all. My culture shares ‘tikanga’, a way of doing, a conceptual framework based on notions of ancestral continuum and the passing down of codes, which embed land, sea, and sky within our consciousness. As the descendants of oceanic navigators, we as contemporary Maori still follow ancient practices of mapping to situate and connect place to person. In our traditional greeting, I would recite my ‘pepeha’—an oratory statement that places my ‘mana’ (power, authority) beneath the status of a tribal mountain, of our river, of our canoe (from our first navigators) of our meeting house (acknowledging the name of our first ancestor). Finally after all of these many genealogical citations, only then would we say our own name. Our name is always last, because we humbly do not put ourselves first. The land and all that has come before us is first and so it shall be for the next generation and the one after that. When Maori greet each other we constantly listen to find connective histories. Most likely we are distantly related and in doing so, it balances the space between where we may find mutual cooperation. In times long gone, these recitations would sometimes mean the difference between life and death, love and war. Reciprocity went both ways, and intertribal trauma inflicted upon one generation could be rebalanced in the next, perhaps killing, perhaps intermarriage. Contemporary Maori now deal with balances of other torn and shredded histories. But we are blessed with the knowledge that what was broken before, can and should be restored for the next. Tihei Mauriora. Let there be life.

AbstractThis paper describes commissioned research on how a Wānanga, a Maori focused post school institution in New Zealand, perceived its strategic options following the publication of the Labour-led government's Tertiary Education Strategy 2007–2012 and the Statement of Education Priorities 2008–10 (Ministry of Education 2006). The research used a Delphi panel process that looks for consensus answers to specific research questions: How should the Wānanga respond to the policies sketched in the Tertiary Education Strategy and the Statement of Education Priorities? What is the range of issues that may need to be addressed as a result of this new policy framework? What options does the Wānanga have in addressing these issues? The Delphi process enabled a clear set of priorities to be established: provide quality teaching and learning reflecting Māori values and practices; develop a consistent internal philosophy based on tikanga and āhuatanga Māori; and provide second chance education for Māori and other learners.

AbstractThis paper describes commissioned research on how a Wānanga, a Maori focused post school institution in New Zealand, perceived its strategic options following the publication of the Labour-led government's Tertiary Education Strategy 2007–2012 and the Statement of Education Priorities 2008–10 (Ministry of Education 2006). The research used a Delphi panel process that looks for consensus answers to specific research questions: How should the Wānanga respond to the policies sketched in the Tertiary Education Strategy and the Statement of Education Priorities? What is the range of issues that may need to be addressed as a result of this new policy framework? What options does the Wānanga have in addressing these issues? The Delphi process enabled a clear set of priorities to be established: provide quality teaching and learning reflecting Māori values and practices; develop a consistent internal philosophy based on tikanga and āhuatanga Māori; and provide second chance education for Māori and other learners.

The 2017 redevelopment of Otago Museum’s Discovery World into Tūhura, a bi-cultural science centre that reflected an indigenous Kāi Tahu understanding of the universe alongside a western scientific paradigm, was a bold move into new territory for museum staff, who had to become familiar with not only new forms of knowledge, but also to work comfortably with Kāi Tahu tikanga (values-based practice) and cultural beliefs. An integral component of the creation of a space reflective of a Māori worldview is the placement of a Kōhatu Mauri - a small boulder or rock loaded with symbolism that encapsulates the mauri, or 'lifeforce' of a space. In order to enhance its value as a receptacle for the mauri of such a space, a Kōhatu Mauri must be touched, thus increasing the actual mauri it contains. If a Kōhatu Mauri is treated as a typical museum object, isolated and untouched, the result is culturally akin to death and is symbolic of a lack of life and perceived value of its wider space. To fit with Kāi Tahu notions of value, a Kōhatu Mauri is usually selected according to aesthetic, historic, and whakapapa (genealogy) values. It must be firmly rooted in its cultural context, regardless of the space it inhabits. When the need for a Kōhatu Mauri for Tūhura was identified, short timeframes and recognition of the need to select a boulder that captured the above cultural values resulted in the selection of a sarsen stone that had recently been acquired for the geological collections of the Otago Museum. The transition of the sarsen stone into a Kōhatu Mauri highlighted an anomaly in how collection items are valued. When objects that hold a special cultural value for a community come into a museum environment, they tend to lose that value by being removed from their cultural context. This paper will explore how the opposite happened in the case of the sarsen stone transitioning into a Kōhatu Mauri. The contradictions and confusion around understanding multiple layers of meaning and value in a collection item resulted in the Kōhatu Mauri ultimately losing its museum value while in the process of regaining its cultural value.

This paper reveals the significance of the female role in the healing of mother nature (Papatūānuku) and all her progeny for Māori living in Aotearoa New Zealand. I discuss how understanding the synchronisation of the male and female energies can balance the spiritual health, wellbeing, and healing of Māori and their whānau (families). My own whakapapa that traverses back to the beginnings of time informs my methodology which acknowledges the wider whānau concept and links with both the living and the non-living ancestors of nature. These divine feminine descendants and spiritual guardians are identified as the essential foundation of traditional Māori healing. I examine the interconnectedness of Māori (ordinary, natural) people being a living consciousness with an innate ability to link in with the ancient mother energies of nature and all her progeny. The unconditional love of the ancient mother energies of nature are the spiritual source of healing for Māori and can be instrumental in balancing the natural order of the male and the female roles within the self, the whānau, and the wider whānau unit of mother nature.
 Waitara
 He whakaaturanga tā tēnei tuhinga i te tohu o te tūnga o te wahine i roto i ngā tumahu o Papatūānuku me ana uri katoa ki te Māori e noho nei i Aotearoa. Ka matapakihia e au mā te mātauranga mahitahitanga o te pūngao tāne me te pūngao wahine e whakarite te hauora wairua, te hauora me te tumahu o te Māori me ō rātau whānau. Ko tōku whakapapa e hoki nei ki te kore ki te tīmatanga o te wā te hua o taku tikanga mahi e whakaae ana ki te ariā whānau whānui ka whaiheretahi ki te hunga ora me te hunga mate o te ao tūroa. Ko ēnei hekenga māreikura kaitiaki wairua e tohua ana ko te tūāpapa o te tikanga tumahu Māori. Ka arotakehia e au te whakahononga o te iwi Māori koia nei te koiora mauri ora mau momo ki te hono atu ki a pūngao tūroa me ōna hekenga katoa. Ko te tuku aroha herekore o ngā pūngao tūroa te pūtaketanga o te tumahu mō te Māori; te mea hai whakarite i te paparangi o te tikanga tāne tikanga wahine rō whaiaro, rō whānau me te whānau whānui o te ao tūroa.

This article is a reflection on the Social Dreaming Matrix (SDM) sessions which were held at the 2013 NZAP Annual Conference at Orakei Marae in Auckland. It describes the context of this conference and reflects on the preparation and role of the three conveners, representing the bi- and multicultural dimensions which were explored at the Conference. As a psychoanalytic discovery and development, social dreaming values the concept of “we-ness” as a means of reaching collectively-held unconscious meaning in the social domain. The article reflects on some of the most central dreams presented in the SDM sessions and on subsequent associations from each of the three sessions. The attention in the work is on broadening the ground of the material presented in the dreams and in the associations to the dreams. The SDM leaves it to the participants to energise around their own chosen figures.
 Waitara
 He whakaatanga tēnei tuhinga i ngā wāhanga riro i te Hāpori Tauira Moemoeā (Social Dreaming Matrix) i te Hui-ā-tau a te NZAP 2013 i Orākei i Tāmaki-makau-rau. E whakaatu ana i te horopaki o te hui, ngā whakahaere whakarite me ngā mahi a ngā kaiwhakahaere tokotoru, ngā māngai mō ngā āhuatanga tikanga rua tikanga maha i arotakehia ake i te hui. Hei tā te kaitātari hinengaro kitenga, whanaketanga hoki, he uara nui te ia o te “tātou-tātou” hei ara neinei atu ki te puringa-whānui o te tikanga mauri moe i roto i te huinga hāpori. Ka whakaaro te tuhinga ki ētahi o ngā moemoeā matua i whakaarahia ake i roto i ngā wāhanga moemoeā me ētahi wāhanga puta mai i te hui. Ko te aronga o te mahi ko te whakawhānui i te tūāpapa o ngā rauemi kōrerohia mai i ngā moemoeā me ngā whakapānga atu ki aua moemoeā. E waiho ana mā tēnā, mā tēnā e whakahihiko ake huri haere ake ngā āhua whakaritea e rātou.

This study looked at the health beliefs of Maori who live in Utah, U.S. and examined what ways those beliefs have evolved from traditional Maori health beliefs. It also looked at the conditions and indicators of those conditions that maintain those health beliefs. A New Zealand study found that Maori older than age 45 years were more likely to have traditional health beliefs, whereas Maori younger than age 45 were more likely to have western-based health beliefs. Using grounded theory, the narratives--from two groups, younger or older than 45 years, where each group was composed of eight randomly selected participants--were collected and analyzed. It was found that all participants held traditional Maori health beliefs. Those beliefs were compatible with the construct of the Maori health model as presented in Te Whare Tapa Wha. This Maori model, along with participants, presented health as holistic, comprising components of physical, mental, spiritual, and family. Participants perceived health as having all four elements interconnected, with spirituality being the key element that binds all the others. Conditions that maintained this belief were time in country; acculturation, with racism possibly providing resistance to that condition; enculturation; and spirituality. Participants' spirituality was the key condition of maintaining their Maori health belief that is presented in this study. Enculturation, as a necessary but insufficient condition of Maori health beliefs, was based on indicators of opportunity, location, family, and social support and how these indicators play out over the life course of individuals. The most important indicator for enculturation was family or other social support for individuals to engage in Maori cultural activities.

An innovative regime combining native culture and democracy in community fisheries management has crystallized in New Zealand. While researchers have looked into co-management of natural resources between communities and governments, and various studies have isolated indigenous ecologies on one hand and highlighted environmentalism in modern society on another society on another, no substantial research has gauged the opportunities for indigenous peoples and the wider citizenry of democratic-capitalistic societies to collaborate as cultures in concert with the environmental law. The primary research, involving local experimentation, concerns the viability of the novel cooperative endeavor called Taiapure-local fishery. I discovered in the principal trial communities in the North and South Islands that its design is compelling if properly understood. Yet the salience of the regime is hampered by external pressures from the commercial fishing industry, control by central government, and by internal lack of solidarity and trust. I conclude that human relationships and the leadership of local people are the keys to sucess of the New Zealand model and its wider dynamics.

The concept of cultural safety arose in Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu/New Zealand in the late 1980�s in response to the differential health experience and negative health outcomes of the first nation people of Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu/New Zealand, the New Zealand Maori. It was introduced and developed by Maori nurses initially, as they recognised the effect culture had on health and understood safety as a common nursing concept. The concept of cultural safety has developed into a disipline which is taught as part of all nursing and midwifery curricula in Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu/New Zealand. As cultural safety has developed the concept of culture has been extended to include people who differ from the nurse by reason of: age, migrant status, sexual preference, socioeconomic status, religious persuasion, gender, ethnicity, and in Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu/New Zealand, the Treaty of Waitangi status of the nurse and recipient/s of her/his care. Nationally and internationally, health experience and health outcomes are poorer for people of minority group status than for people who are part of the dominant group. Public-health research is therefore generally conducted on, or with, people with minority group status. Public-health researchers, by education, are members of the dominant culture and may be unaware that their own and their clients; responses may relate to one/other or both cultures being diminished do not always ensure the safety of their own culture or the culture being researched. This study�s objective was to develop a flexible, culturally safe public health research framework for researches to use when researching people who are culturally different from themselves. The study will argue that the use of such a framework will contribute significantly to improved health outcomes for people with minority status and will assist the movement towards emancipatory social change. The methods undertaken included: gaining permission from Irihapeti Ramsden, the architect of cultural safety to undertake the research, conducting a literature review, consideration of primary sources and their key concepts, consulting widely with people in the field of public health and cultural safety, self reflecting on the writers own personal and professional experience and finally designing the culturally safe public health research framework.

This study explores whakapapa as a tool, which can be used as a kaupapa Māori assessment framework in early childhood education, positioning kaupapa Māori theory as a paradigm base underpinning a philosophical and theoretical discourse towards assessment for children's learning. This thesis represents the culmination of a personal and professional journey, derived from the writer's longstanding interest in and commitment to kaupapa Māori early childhood education, and more specifically, philosophies and practices for assessment in this context. The study has canvassed a vast terrain of kaupapa Māori philosophy in its search for a theoretical grounding for a kaupapa Māori assessment framework for early childhood education. Foundation to the study has been the premise that the notion of whakapapa serves as an overarching philosophical matrix, encompassing the interconnected realms of genealogy, spirituality, and knowledge that precede, surround, and embrace the Māori child. Throughout the thesis, diagrams are employed to demonstrate and model the whakapapa underpinning the conceptualisations being explored. After contextualising the study within a historical overview of the impact of colonisation of kaupapa Māori education and research, it is suggested that a re-examination of key concepts from tikanga Māori will illuminate transformative possibilities applicable to the study's focus on the development of a theoretical base for an assessment tool within kaupapa Māori early childhood settings. Drawing from the literature, the thesis re-positions the view of the Māori child to one of being nurtured within a philosophical construct underpinned and immersed in tikanga such as whakapapa, ira tangata, whanaungatanga, mana and tapu, and ako, providing a strongly Māori theoretical base for the envisioning of the assessment process. The outcome of this study is to propose an assessment framework, which embodies and reflects these core kaupapa Māori philosophies as praxis.

Video monitoring of beaches is becoming the preferred method for observing changes to nearshore morphology. Consequently this work investigates a new technique for predicting the probability of inundation that is based on measuring runup variation using video. Runup is defined as the water-level elevation maxima on the foreshore relative to the still water level and the waterline is defined as the position where the MWL intersects the beach face. Tairua, and Pauanui Beaches, on the north east coast of the North Island of New Zealand, were used as the field site in this study and represent two very different beaches with the same incoming wave and meteorological conditions. Tairua is most frequently in an intermediate beach state, whereas Pauanui is usually flatter in nature. In order to rectify runup observations, an estimate of the runup elevation was needed (Z). This was estimated by measuring the variation of the waterline over a tidal cycle from time-averaged video images during a storm event and provided beach morphology statistics (i.e. beach slope (α) and beach intercept (b)) used in the rectification process where Z=aX+b. The maximum swash excursions were digitized from time-stacks, and rectified to provide run-up timeseries with duration 20 minutes. Field calibrations revealed a videoed waterline that was seaward of the surveyed waterline. Quantification of this error gave a vertical offset of 0.33m at Tairua and 0.25m at Pauanui. At Tairua, incident wave energy was dominant in the swash zone, and the runup distributions followed a Rayleigh distribution. At Pauanui, the flatter beach, the runup distributions were approximately bimodal due to the dominance of infragravity energy in the swash signal. The slope of the beach was a major control on the runup elevation; runup at Pauanui was directly affected by the deepwater wave height and the tide, while at Tairua there was no correlation. Overall, the results of the study indicate realistic runup measurements, over a wide range of time scales and, importantly, during storm events. However, comparisons of videoed runup and empirical runup formulae revealed larger deviations as the beach steepness increased. Furthur tests need to be carried out to see if this is a limitation of this technique, used to measure runup. The runup statistics are consistently higher at Tairua and suggests that swash runs up higher on steeper beaches. However, because of the characteristics of flatter beaches (such as high water tables and low drainage efficiencies) the impact of extreme runup elevations on such beaches are more critical in regards to erosion and/ or inundation. The coastal environment is of great importance to Māori. Damage to the coast and coastal waahi tapu (places of spiritual importance) caused by erosion and inundation, adversely affects the spiritual and cultural well-being of Māori. For this reason, a chapter was dedicated to investigating the practices used by Māori to protect and preserve the coasts in accordance with tikanga Māori (Māori protocols). Mimicking nature was and still is a practice used by Māori to restore the beaches after erosive events, and includes replanting native dune plants and using natural materials on the beaches to stabilize the dunes. Tapu and rahui (the power and influence of the gods) were imposed on communities to prohibit and prevent people from free access to either food resources or to a particular place, in order to protect people and/ or resources. Interpretations of Māori oral histories provide insights into past local hazards and inform about the safety and viability of certain activities within an area. Environmental indicators were used to identify and forecast extreme weather conditions locally. Māori knowledge of past hazards, and the coastal environment as a whole, is a valuable resource and provides a unique source of expertise that can contribute to current coastal hazards management plans in New Zealand and provide insights about the areas that may again be impacted by natural hazards.

The Youth Development Strategy Aotearoa has been seen as an innovative approach to youth development. The E tipu e rea – Rangatahi Development Package was particularly useful for organisations implementing the strategy with Maori youth. There have been successful Maori youth development initiatives, though these have been ad hoc. Nonetheless, the realities and experiences of Maori youth are still not being fully addressed in national policy. This has implications for the support and resourcing of Maori youth development initiatives. Maori youth are members of a range of groups including whanau, hapu, iwi and Maori communities in te ao Maori as well as the wider youth population and New Zealand society. The histories, experiences and viewpoints of each distinct group contribute to diversity in the Maori youth population which presents challenges for Maori youth development. Maori development goals do not adequately focus on Maori youth and youth development theory does not fully consider culture. The challenge is to successfully integrate Maori culture and youth culture in a relevant and meaningful manner so that Maori youth can positively contribute to Maori development and wider New Zealand society. This study examines purakau (narratives) about Maui (Polynesian ancestor) as a template for the analysis of Maori youth development. Interviews were undertaken with a group of Maori youth from the Manawatu region. The research showed tikanga and ahuatanga were relevant to the contemporary daily lives of the participants. The study found that positive development and the realisation of potential for Maori youth was affected by individual and environmental influences. This thesis concludes by making recommendations for policy, practice and further research. Finally, it offers a culturally appropriate theoretical approach for positive Maori youth development.

Te Ora Ē noho anā nō i te koko ko Ōhiwa, kia whakarongo rua, Aku taringa ki te Tai o tuarā e o Kanawa, E āki ana mai ki uta r o Ōhakana. Ki te whānau a Tairongo, Kai Tāuwhare rā ko te kopua-o-te ururoa, Ko te kai rāria noa mai te raweketia e te ringaringa, Me whakarangi-pūkohu e au ki Tītītangi ao ki te Te Aitanga-ā-Wheturoa, Kia whītikiria taku hope ki te maurea whiritoi, Kia noho au ki Puhi-nui tonu ki Te Maungarongo a Te Rangiāniwaniwa, Ka mawhiti tonu rā taku haere ki ngā tihi tapu ki Maungapōhatu kia Taiturakina; Kia titiro iho au ki Ruatāhuna ki Manawarū ē ko Te Aitanga-ā-Tūhoe.... Ko te hua o te wānanga o a Tūhoe kōrero tuku iho hāngai ki ana waiata tawhito te pūtake o tēnei tuhinga roa kia auhi noa mai te wairua o ngā tūtakinga kōrero kia riro ko ēnei kōrero tuku iho hei matua hikihiki, whakataratara i te hinengaro, i te wairua, e mau ai tēnei o ngā whare whakairo kōrero o te hua o te wānanga a Tūhoe. Kia kaiaohia aua kōrero ki te ura mai o te motu ki runga i ngā pae maunga o Huiarau tau iho ki a tātau e pōkai kaha nei, e tau awhi nei ki runga i te mata o tēnei whenua ātaahua. Ka paenga rā ngā tau ka kitea, ka rangona tēnā pu kōrero, tēnā whare whakairo kōrero, whakairo waiata. Mea rawa ake kua whakangaro atu ki te tira e tauwhare mai rā. Hika rawa ake, kua mawhiti kē te haere ki te mākau nui o te iwi e tīraha mai rā, tē whakaaratia! Kia rangona, kia kitea noa e tātau te mata kōrero kia eke rā ki runga, taihoa rawa ēnei taonga e ngaro, taihoa rawa nei taonga e haukotia. Ka huri whakauta ki te hua o te wānanga, ko te waiata tawhito tēnā, ko te momo rerenga kōrero i hua mai ai i roto i ngā noho tahitanga a te tangata. He kupu ēnei hei whakaata i te hinengaro, wairua, te taiao, ngā rākau, te wai, te moana, ngā whetu, te whenua, ngā pakanga, te kawa o te marae, te noho tahitanga a ngā tūākana\tāina\tuāhine. Te reo o mātua, o kuia, koroua, ngā kaipupuri i te ahi kā roa o te wā kāinga. Inā hoki ko nga āhuatanga o te tangata tēnā tōna hanga, tōna whakatipu, ōna whakaaro, tōna ngākau, tōna wairua, me ngā momo hāhi i tipu ake ai te pono, ka titiro iho te tika i te rangi ka oti nei he waiata e tipuria ai te hua o te wānanga ki roto i a tātau katoa. Waihoki ko aua waiata nei te ahi whakakā roa o te ngākau,kei kona ōna timatatanga, engari kāore nei ōna whakamutunga. Ka pikitia ake te toi huarewa kia kite noa atu i te kaha o te whakaaro. Ko te wāhanga nui ia kia hapaina tēnei tuhinga roa, hei whakaoho, hei tuku, hei tātari i ngā whiriwhiringa kōrero ā-tuhi, ā-wāha kei roto i te whare kōrero o te whānau, hapū, iwi e timata ai, e mau ai te hua o te wānanga o te whaitua whenua. Tae atu ki ngā takahanga whakaewa ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei kaiarataki ki ngā tihi maunga o te whakaaro. Ko te kapunga whakaaro ko te whātoro, i te tātari i te kupu, ki te whakamārama i te hua o te wānanga hei tumu whakarae kōhikohi mōhiotanga ki runga, ki raro ki ngā tai timu o te hua o te wānanga. I roto i tēnei tuhinga roa ka takea mai te wānanga i te kore, i te pō, i te ao mārama e tohea ai ngā kete e toru o te wānanga hei anga tohutohu, piki tūranga whakaakoranga ki hea mai nei! Mai i roto i aua kete ka nanahu te hinengaro kōkoi o tātau tīpuna mai anō i te ao Māori. Ko te ao mārama tēnā, ko te ao whenua tēnā, ko ngā pakanga tēnā, ko ngā tinihanga ēnā, ko te apakura, ko te hakamomori ka hua nei te wānanga. Nō reira he mahi, he kaupapa nui tā tēnei tuhinga roa ki te whakakao mai i ngā waiata e mohio ana tātau hei papa kōrero, hei wānanga mā te hunga kei te piki ake i ngā takutai moana o te whakaaro, o tēnei ao e wehi mai nei ki a tātau. Kāre e mihi kei te hopo te iwi, te hunga mau i ēnei waiata ki runga i o tātau marae kei ngaro memeha noa ēnei taonga a tātau. Ae! Kei te tika tā rātau hopo. Inā hoki kua riro kē te reo whakaarorangi i te oro o te waiata i ngā tai nenehawa, whakapōrearea e hukahuka mai nei. Ahakoa tēnei kei te whakaara ake ēnei waiata i runga tonu i te kaha o tēna, o tēna ki te whakaara. Kei te tahuri nui mai te hunga rangatahi, taiohi ki ēnei waiata koia tēnei te tūmatanui o tēnei tuhinga roa, hei tāhu whakaea mo te hinengaro, mo te ngākau o aua whakatipuranga e hiahia nei rātau ki ēnei taonga. Mā te karakia hei waere te whenua, mā te taki i ngā kōrero mo ngā atuā te whakataukī, te whakapepeha ka pupuke mai te hihiri o te mahara i ō tātau tipuna kōkoi e whakakitea nei tātau i ēnei rā ki aua tohu. Ka huia rnai aua pitopito kōrero katoa hei kākahu maeneene ki roto i te kupu o te waiata tawhito, kā mau. He whakaatu tēnei tuhinga roa kei te ora tēnei o ngā momo whare pupuri kōrero i te pū; i te more, te weu me ngā pātaka iringa kōrero o te ao ō Tūhoe ō neherā, tae noa mai ki ēnei rā. Kāti he wā anō i roto i taua ora ka tōia te whakaaro ō Tūhoe, ō te Māori e tauiwi hei tinihanga māna. Engari e kitea ai i roto i tēnei tuhinga roa, ko te toki hei kaupare atu i taua tinihanga ko te kōrero i tuarātia rā: 'Hokia ki o maunga kia purea koe e ngā hau o Tāwhirimātea' Koia tēnā te kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he tātari i te hānuitanga, te taiwhakatū o taua kōrero: Hokia ki o maunga... Ma taua kōrero Hokia ki o maunga ... ka rangona te mātaotao o te hua o te wānanga o te pakanga o te whenua, o ngā pikikōtuku i tukitukia, kātahi ka kōrero ai ki roto i tā Tūhoe whakatau i ana whakaaro, e taea ai te ruruku ka puea ake. Koia tēnei ko te mana i roto i ngā whakatakotoranga kōrero e mau ai te kurataininihi, te kurataiwawana o te whakaaro. He hua wānanga tēnei e whakaatungia ai e te hinengaro ngā takahanga motuhake, me te hāngai o ā rātau kupu mo ngā whakaaro e tau nei ki tēnei Ao Hurihuri. Nā ngā mahi a ō tātau tīpuna, te para i te huarahi kia takahuritia ai ngā mahi kikino o te riri Pākehā i tū ake ai ngā poropiti o aua tau kikino i rnurua ai ngā whenua, i tukua ai te iwi ki raro. I tū ake ai rātau te hunga poropiti ki te rapu i te ora i te kaupapa tōrangapū mo ngā whenua i hahanitia. Mai i ēnei kaupapa ka hau te rongo o te waiata tawhito hei tūāpapa whakaohooho, whakanekeneke i a tātau katoa, ahakoa ko wai. Whā tekau katoa ngā waiata o tēnei tuhinga roa rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe, rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe e kawe ana i te hua wānanga hei whakaata, hei kōwhiri i te hunga i kaha i rnau tonu te ngangahau i ngā totohe kōrero, totohe tangata, totohe whenua. I kona ka hua te wānanga ka tohea te riri ka mau, i ea ai tētahi wāhi o te mamae. Koia tēnei ko te whakaatu i te kaha o te tohe i te pō, i te awatea. Ko te kawa o te marae te ātamira whakatāhu, tuku i aua hua wānanga i nei rā e rangona ai te kōrero ā-iwi, te hī o te mita o te reo waiata hei hokinga atu ki te nohoanga o te kupu. Ko tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he whakahoki mai anō i te rnatapihi o Matariki, kia meinga ai ki te kairangi o te kawa o te marae, ka tau ki te whenua i maringi ai te toto. Ko ēnei hua wānanga te oro o te ngākau o Te Ūrewera, te whītiki o te kī mo te tuakiri mo tēnā whakatipuranga, rno tēnā whakatipuranga. Ae! Mā te hua wānanga a Tūhoe e whakaea te mamae e puta ai te pātai. Ko wai rā au? I ahu mai taku wānanga i whea? E ahu ana au ki whea? No te rā nei kua riro mā tēnei tuhinga roa e whakaatu ētahi o ngā hau kikino i whakawhiua kirunga i te iwi e te kāwanatanga i a ia e āki mai ana mo ngā rawa a te iwi, hei tuku he tangatakē. Nō reira i tikina ai te tauparapara a Te Kapo o te Rangi hei whakatauira i te takenga mai ongā kōrero mai i te koko ki Ōhiwa ki te pō, ki te pouri, ki te ao mārama. 'Hokia ki maunga' ko te tangata, ko te iwi, ko te hapū, ko te whānau te tīmatanga o te hua o te wānanga. Koia tēnei tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa, he āhuru i aua pukenga tautōhito kōrero kia mau te rangi, kia mau te hā, kia rangona te hua wānanga, oho ake ki te ao ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei hoa haere whakamua. Ko te kōpae o te whare tēnā e tautokona ana hoki te ahu whakamuatanga o ngā mōrehu kōrero e arohatia nei e tātau. He huarahi atu tēnei hei āwhina, hei tohu i te kei o te waka ki ngā ngaru kokoti e pukepuke rnai nei. Ko te whakapae o tēnei tuhinga roa e titikaha ai ki te hinengaro o Tūhoe me mau ana momo kōrero ki ngā momo hangarau o tēnei ao hurihuri kā tika. Kua roa ēnei taonga e ārikarika ana hei whakarei i te kupu kōrero ki te hunga mate, ki te tira e tatari rnai rā i te waharoa o te marae ki te whakaeke. Kei roto i te wairua o tēnei mahi ka tukua āianei ēnei taonga kia kore ai tātau e taka ki roto i te korekore o te hinengaro, hei whakamahi mā te tamaiti o Tūhoe e hiki ake nei i ngā pae tata, i ngā pae tawhiti. Ko tēnei tuhinga roa te kura kimihia o te ura rnai o te motu i tua atu o Huiarau. Kia hau ai te rongo o a tāitau kōrero ki mua i a tātau hei homai i te aroha kia au ai te matatū tonu, ka maranga kei runga. Kia taria te roanga o te kōrero. Ae! Me hoki rā kā tika: Kā hoki nei au ki te mauri o taku waka a Mātaatua Ko Pūtauaki ki a Ngāti Awa Ko Tāwhiuau, ko Tangiharuru Ko te rae rā o Kohi ki a Awatope Ko Mānuka tūtahi ki Whakatāne, kia Apanui Ko te mauri haria mai nei hei whakaoho i taku moe Ē kō kō ia e ara ē!

Kia mau ki te rangatiratanga o te Iwi o Hauraki Just as the whakataukī explains Hold fast to the power and authority of the Hauraki tribes the focus of this study is to examine and evaluate the impact of Te Ao Pākehā on Pare Hauraki lands and Tīkapa Moana under the mana of Pare Hauraki Māori and Pare Hauraki tikanga. The iwi of Pare Hauraki have land claims through the, (Wai 100) and the Hauraki Māori Trust Board, before the Waitangi Tribunal highlighting whenua issues and their impact on Pare Hauraki iwi. Also relevant is the foreshore and seabed issue which is documented leading on to the infamous Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004, (for Māori anyway), sparking widespread opposition by Māori throughout the country, and other supportive non-Māori groups because of the issue concerning Māori kaitiiakitanga and guardianship roles. This investigation will commence by outlining the histories of discovery and settlement of Pare Hauraki, the concept of mana-whenua/mana-moana as it applies to Pare Hauraki Māori and our tikanga, and then to subsequent issues leading to land alienation of the early 19th to late 20th cenutries and then to the foreshore issue of the early 21st Century. This research will include information showing that before 1840 to Te Tiriti o Waitangi and thereafter that Pākehā and various Crown agents, through legislation claimed the rights to the lands, waterways and oceanic areas under the kaitiakitanga of my tupuna of Pare Hauraki. Tupuna and other iwi members have expressed their disgust seeing the mana of their traditional lands, waterways, oceanic areas and kaitiaki roles slipping away from them through these activities. Therefore, this thesis is a response to those issues and the impact on (a), Māori as a people, and our tikanga Māori and (b), Pare Hauraki Māori as the kaitiaki/guardians of the Pare Hauraki rohe/territory in accordance with tikanga Māori, and the significance of the responsibilities which arise out of the Māori concepts of kaitiakitanga, manaakitanga and rangatiratanga.

The chapter draws from notions and experiences of kaitiakitanga (guardianship) in the context of a pūrākau (indigenous narrative) approach to understanding and developing a Kaupapa Māori conceptual framework. This approach acknowledges Mātauranga Māori (Maori bodies of knowledge) as the theoretical basis for Kaupapa Māori praxis, particularly in the field of health and social services. A pūrākau approach includes utilizing whakapapa kōrero (genealogical narratives) as it informs the use of traditional principles, beliefs, and practices (tikanga) in working alongside Māori whānau, hapū, and iwi. These purakau identify natural elements represented in the form of Ātua, or Gods. Through whakapapa (genealogical descent), Maori episteme positions tangata whenua within nature. The indigenous worldview recognizes the inter-connected relationships, obligations, and responsibilities that underpin the philosophical positioning of kaitiaki practices.

The intention of this chapter is to critically examine what happiness is, what happiness might look like, and what happiness might even feel like from the Māori perspective. It incorporates a personal record of the author's journey of resistance and transformation. It aims to discuss some realities that Māori wahine, including the author, have faced in a colonized Aotearoa. The chapter reclaims a space for Māori women defined by tikanga and kawa while investigating the physiological functions of the whare tangata, whare, hinengaro, and whare tinana and how these inform philosophical constructs. While the methodology used to bring these stories to light was auto-ethnography, qualitative, and kaupapa Māori, combining these methods allowed the validity of the voices to be heard from their own lived experiences and narratives. The chapter articulates to identify and describe “happiness” and what that could possibly look like from a Māori wahine worldview.