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Journal articles on the topic 'Timurids History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 11 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Mahmudova, Muazzam. "CONSTRUCTION OF DAMS IN KHORASAN REGION DURING THE TIMURIDS." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 9 (2021): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-9-6.

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This article deals with the dams that were the irrigation facilities of the Khurasan region during the Timurid period. All sources on the history of Uzbekistan contain information about the Turuk Dam, built only under the auspices of Alisher Navoi. Through this research, students will learn the history of the construction of dams such as Gulistan, Fariman, Akhlamad (Boysungur), Kirat, Turuk, built at the initiative of the Timurids in Khorasan region, the location of the dams, their current significance. The study of the high attention paid by the Timurid dynasty to the construction of dams provides new information on the history of the irrigation system

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Melville, Charles. "Akbar's History of the Timurids." Iran 59, no. 2 (2021): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05786967.2021.1911735.

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3

Ghanimian, Levon. "Temür, Painter of Politics." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 1 (2020): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2020.9.

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Persia in the post-Mongol era is an ambiguous concept. The area is riddled with different ethnicities, religions, and seemingly endless claims to power. The Timurid Empire is no exception to this trend. Temür rises to power in 1370 using Central Asian nomadic styles of ruling and quickly dominates this geographic region inhabited by a plethora of ethnicities and religions. He understands the volatility of maintaining a large, diverse empire and takes key steps in securing his “united” rule. The key political move that this paper examines is Temür's commissioning of art. The art endorsed by the Timurid government surrounds the illumination of manuscripts and the illustration of literature. The Timurids conveyed two main messages to those living under their empire. The first message targets the main ethnic groups: Iranians, Mongols and Turks, justifying Temür as their rightful leader. The second message is delivered to the ethnic minorities, instilling fear to prevent rebellions and ensure subjugation. This paper will demonstrate that the Timurids decided to present political messages through cultural media because they understood the how literature and art were imperative in shaping identity.

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Akhmedov, Sanjar. "DESCRIPTION OF THE ATTITUDE OF AMIR TIMUR ANDTIMURIDTO THE CULTURE IN CHRONICLE «MATLA AL-SADAYN WA-MAJMA AL-BAHRAYN» BY ABDURAZZAK SAMARKANDI." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 11, no. 3 (2020): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2020-11-6.

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Abdurazzak Samarkandi's «Matla al-sadayn wa-majma al-bahrayn» is a valuable source for covering the events of the Timurid period. In the article, culture data from the book were extracted and analyzed. It examines the place and role of the Timurids in cultural processes. It is covered inthe article studying "Matlai Sadain wa Majmai Bahrain" what information on what areas of cultural processes we can get and how we can use this information to illuminate our true history.

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Rahmatullaeva, Sulhiniso. "Samarqand’s Rigestān and its Architectural Meanings." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 2 (2010): 156–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x537262.

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AbstractThe article focuses on the central plaza of the city of Samarqand, the seat of Transoxiana under the Sogdians and again under the Timurids. The earliest edifice on the Rigestān square is an early fifteenth-century madrasa named after the Timurid prince-scholar Ulugh Beg. Although the capital was transferred to Bukhara after the final conquest of Samarqand by the Uzbeks in 1500, the Shaibanids and their successors, the Ashtarkhanids, continued to embellish Samarqand with more imperial constructions. The Rigestān thus received its final form with two additional madrasas, the Shirdār and the Talākāri, by 1660. The article aims at describing and evaluating these structures and their architectural details, vis-à-vis the latest scholarship on art history.

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Khakimova, Shoira. "THE ERA OF AMIR TEMUR AND TIMURID IS DEVOTED TO THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF SUFISM." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 18, no. 2 (2019): 75–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2019-18-09.

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Arjomand, Saïd Amir. "Unity of the Persianate World under Turko-Mongolian Domination and Divergent Development of Imperial Autocracies in the Sixteenth Century." Journal of Persianate Studies 9, no. 1 (2016): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341292.

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The promotion of the Persianate normative model of imperial kingship was the major ecumenical contribution of the Persian bureaucrats who served the Saljuq and Mongol rulers of Iran and Anatolia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to state-building. The phenomenal growth of popular Sufism in Timurid Iran and early Ottoman Anatolia had a highly paradoxical impact on the legitimacy of kingship, making its conception increasingly autocratic. Both in the Ottoman and the Safavid successor empires, the disintegrative tendency of nomadic patrimonial empires was countered by variants of Persianate imperial monarchy. It is argued that the decisive event in sundering the ecumenical unity of the Persianate world was not the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, but the Mahdist revolution of the Safavidsheykhoghlu, Shah Esmāʿil, half a century later. The parting of ways stemmed from the variant of mystically enhanced autocracy adopted in the two cases—one with orthodox, Sunni, and the other with heterodox, Shiʿite inflection. The latter model became the Safavid model of autocracy under Shah Esmāʿil, and was quickly adopted by the Timurids after their conquest of India in 1526.

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8

Alibekov, Khizri G. "Ahmad al-Yamani and the Timurid policy in the Eastern Caucasus." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, no. 3 (2021): 400–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.307.

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At the end of the first third of the 15th century, a prominent representative of the Muslim elite, a sayyid and theologian from Yemen, Ahmad al-Yamani (died in 1450), arrived in Dagestan and stopped in Kumukh, one of the major political centers of Mountainous Dagestan. He devoted the last two decades of his life to the spread and strengthening of Islam among the highlanders. Since that time, Kumukh turned into a large Muslim center and the “internal” Islamization of the mountain tribes began. The result of all this activity in Kumukh was that almost all of Dagestan was islamized by the end of 16th century. Researchers have presented different versions of Ahmad al-Yamani’s arrival in Dagestan. The version that he arrived in Dagestan on behalf of the Abbasid Caliph in Cairo to Islamize the non-Muslim peoples of Dagestan was considered the most widespread in the academic environment. A unique manuscript of the 15th century, which was recently discovered, belonging to the pen of al-Yamani, called “At-Tuhfa al-Ulugbekiyya / Ulugbek’s gift”, contains new valuable material about the life of al-Yamani. He wrote it as a gift for Ulugbek (the ruler of Maverannahr and Shahrukh’s son), while he was in the Timurid emirate. The manuscript’s material was translated by the author and introduced into scientific use for the first time. The studied material, as well as other Arabic-language sources of the 15th — 19th centuries, allow us to assert that al-Yamani’s arrival was inspired by Shahrukh, and the mission was not only Islamization, but also strengthening and extending Timurids’ positions in the Western Caspian region, which was one of the political and military interests of the Timurids’ opponents — the Kara-Koyunlu Turkoman confederation.

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Subtelny, Maria Eva. "Socioeconomic Bases of Cultural Patronage under the Later Timurids." International Journal of Middle East Studies 20, no. 4 (1988): 479–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800053861.

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Periods of cultural florescence seem to coincide with times of political decline far too regularly in the history of medieval Iran and Central Asia for the link between them to be merely incidental. One of the most outstanding examples is the period of the rule of the Turko-Mongol Timurid dynasty in the 9th/15th century, which has been dubbed a “Timurid renaissance” by Western scholars. Another is the period of the political domination of the Buyid dynasty of Dailamite origin in the 4th–5th/10th–11th centuries, which Adam Mez popularized as the “renaissance of Islam.” Still another is the period of the Muzaffarid, Jalayirid, Sarbadarid, and Kartid kingdoms which arose in the 8th/14th century after the fall of the Mongol Ilkhanid empire. Although the appropriateness of the term “renaissance” as applied to the Timurid case in particular has raised reservations among scholars, it does underscore the point that his period was characterized by an extraordinary surge of activity in all areas of cultural and intellectual endeavor, something already noted by its contemporaries.

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Boyhurozovna, Rakhmankulova Matluba. "From the history of the art of book in central asia during the Timurids." ACADEMICIA: An International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 10, no. 6 (2020): 556. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7137.2020.00657.6.

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Morozova, Anna V., and Aysan Daroudi. "Written and Pictorial Sources on the Architecture of Persia and Central Asia during the Era of Timur’s and Timurids’ Rule." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Arts 12, no. 4 (2022): 724–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu15.2022.409.

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The article is devoted to the study of the most valuable source at the culture and architecture of Persia and Central Asia during the reign of Timur (late 14th — early 15th centuries) — the diary of the Spanish ambassador to the court of Timur. At this stage in the development of researching on the Persian and Central Asian architecture of the Timurid period, along with the problem of “analysis” of monuments and artistic style, the problem of “synthesis” of image of these architecture is urgent. The authors of this article propose a methodology for restoring the general impression of this architecture, which can serve as a basis for the process of “synthesis”, based on the study of the contemporary written source of the early 15th century — the diary of the Spanish grandee Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, who was part of the Spanish embassy, sent by the Castilian king Enrice III to the court of Timur at 1403–1406. Being an educated man and receptive to the new, Clavijo was able to isolate the characteristic features of the worldview of a man of the East, primarily an oriental despot, and the associated features of the art of the East. He and his colleagues in the embassy drew attention to the cunning, treachery, ingenuity, secrecy of the eastern rulers. The Spaniards were struck by the luxury, power and wealth of Timur’s state, which at that time was at the zenith of glory. The Spaniards, accustomed to the stability of architectural images in their native Spain, were amazed at the variability of the artistic images of the East. They drew attention to the love of the representatives of the peoples of the East for free draperies, giving themselves to the will of the wind, in the temporary architecture and in festive women’s clothes, that by their nature were well consistent with the decoration of architectural buildings. The Spanish envoys revealed that subservient to the first and most faithful fresh impression, tenaciously grasping the main difference between the architecture of Timur’s state and contemporary European architecture. This difference consisted in the desire to create an image that is changing, diverse, fluid, mobile, not instantly solved and full of mystery, but at the same time striking the imagination with its luxury and wealth and according to the understanding of their masters, customers and spectators. The conclusion about the specifics of Timurid architecture, made on the basis of a study of the diary of the Spanish ambassador, is supported by the authors of the article turning to the analysis of written and pictorial sources created by representatives of the studied culture itself.

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Kozlowski, Gregory. "Imperial Authority, Benefactions and Endowments (Awqāf) in Mughal India." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 38, no. 3 (1995): 355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520952600425.

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AbstractIslamic theology grants temporal rulers no divine right to command. Muslim kings have often tried to win a kind of legitimacy by offering various kinds of patronage to religious notables. In the Mamluk, Ottoman and Safavi states, endowments (Awqāf) were the most common form of benefaction. The Timurids of India, however, favored other forms of grants. They did so, in part, to adjust to religious centers and networks of learned/holy men established by the Muslim rulers who had preceded them.

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Manz, Beatrice Forbes. "Temür and the problem of a conqueror's legacy." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 8, no. 1 (1998): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300016412.

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Temür has been many things to many people. He was nomad and city-builder, Turk and promoter of Persian culture, restorer of the Mongol order and warrior for the spread of Islam. One thing he was to all: a conqueror of unequalled scope, able to subdue both the vast areas of nomad power to the north and the centres of agrarian Islamic culture to the south. The history of his successors was one of increasing political fragmentation and economic stress. Yet they too won fame, as patrons over a period of brilliant cultural achievement in Persian and Turkic. Temür's career raises a number of questions. Why did he find it necessary to pile conquest upon conquest, each more ambitious than the last? Having conceived dreams of dominion, where did he get the power and money to fulfill them? When he died, what legacy did Temür leave to his successors and to the world which they tried to control? Finally, what was this world of Turk and Persian, and where did Temür and the Timurids belong within it?

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Sela, Ron. "Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran. By Maria E. Subtelny. Leiden: Brill, 2007. xiv, 411 pp. $139.00 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 02 (2009): 626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809000977.

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Jackson, Peter. "Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran. (Brill's Inner Asian Library, 19). Maria E. Subtelny." Speculum 84, no. 3 (2009): 781–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400210105.

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Golden, Peter B. "RICHARD C. FOLTZ, Mughal India and Central Asia (Oxford and Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998). Pp. 190." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (2000): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380000235x.

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The author claims that this work is a “preliminary argument for a new approach” (p. xxi) to the history of the Muslim East, one that runs counter to older Indo-centric views of the Mughals and the contrived “national” histories produced by British and Russian imperial historians (p. 154). Two central themes run through this study. The first is that “tripartite Muslim Asia” (Iran–Turan–Hindustan) of the 16th and 17th centuries was, in terms of the dominant elite culture, one world and not several. The Muslims of Central Asia and northern India in the 16th and 17th centuries “appear not to have thought of each other mainly as foreigners or as subjects of another king. Rather, they considered each other foremost as Muslims and secondarily in terms of family connections or other loyalties” (p. 31). This in part contributed to and permitted the large-scale movement of talent from Iran and Central Asia to the Mughal domain, “where opportunities were perceived as being better” (p. xix). This notion and the elements of “shared economy” and “mental geography of Asian Muslims” are briefly explored in the first chapter and returned to repeatedly throughout the book. The second chapter, “Timurid Legacy and Turko-Mongol Identity,” focuses on one very particular aspect of this special relationship. The Mughal dynasty was founded by Babur, a descendant of Tamerlane and heir to the extraordinary Turko-Iranian culture that flourished under Timurid rule in Central Asia. Having been evicted from his patrimony in Central Asia by the Uzbeks and having failed to regain his ancestral lands, Babur (who viewed India as “inhospitable, uncivilized and heathen” [p. 127]) and his descendants had to make do with Muslim South Asia. This was their “consolation prize.” That is not bad as “consolation prizes” go, especially because the new territory, which Babur's descendants, after a shaky start, soon expanded to include much of the Indian Subcontinent, quickly outpaced their Central Asian patrimony in power and wealth. Uzbek Central Asia, decreasing in importance militarily, strategically, and economically, never constituted a threat to the Mughal regime and was no longer a core zone of world trade. “In strictly material terms the Mughals had little to gain by reconquering the land of their forebears,” Foltz writes, “yet it remained an obsession. Simple nostalgia appears to have been a major factor in determining the Mughal's foreign policy, and may well provide historians with an example of psychology overriding economics” (p. 6). This is the second major theme of this work. Babur, understandably, always dreamed of returning to his Central Asian homeland. Foltz, however, contends that his “obsession was to be the inheritance he bequeathed to his own descendants, which would haunt them mercilessly despite their successes and glories in India for two centuries to come” (p. 14). Another psychological factor, the author suggests, was the need of the Mughals to prove to the Uzbeks and the rest of the world that they had “made good in exile” (p. 68). By the late 16th century, the Mughals controlled a state with some 60 million to 90 million subjects, while Uzbek Turan could only muster some 5 million—and not always under stable rule. In addition to the psychological factors, which, with the exception of Babur's memoirs (a unique source) are difficult to document, there were also very good political reasons for the Mughals to maintain this Central Asian link. They were Timurids, after all, and Timurid descent was an important component of their ideology, especially when facing the Shibanid Uzbeks. Although they considered the Shibanid Uzbeks barbarians, the Shibanids' Chinggisid descent gave them even higher standing. Foltz correctly notes that “in a world where lineage was nearly everything, the Mughal descendants of Timur could not, ideologically speaking, abandon their paramount claim to Central Asia no matter how firmly established in India they became” (p. 22). Viewing themselves as the lawful rulers of Central Asia, the Mughals “were content to let the Uzbeks ‘house sit’ for them” (p. 33), sometimes referring to Uzbek rulers as “governors” or the Wali-yi Turan (p. 127). Although many Uzbeks eventually came to seek their fortunes in Mughal service, they were stereotyped as simpleminded and pious but obstinate ruffians and bigots, given to revolt. Foltz attributes their rebellious inclinations to the egalitarian traditions that they brought with them from the Turkic lands (p. 59).

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Balabanlilar, Lisa. "The Begims of the Mystic Feast: Turco-Mongol Tradition in the Mughal Harem." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 1 (2010): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809992543.

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The founders of India's Mughal Empire were the last surviving remnants of the Timurid-Mongol ruling elite, descendants of Timur and Chingis Khan, for whom the traditions and institutions of Central Asia were universally recognized and potent symbols of cultural prowess and legitimacy. These ideas and understandings were not abandoned in the dynasty's displacement and reestablishment in India. Among them remained a distinctly Timurid understanding of the rights and roles of elite women—not only with regard to their artistic production or patronage but also, in marked contrast to their contemporaries the Ottomans and Safavids, the power offered to young, even childless, royal women and their active participation in dynastic survival and political success. In generations of Mughal rule on the Subcontinent, the comfortable cultural accommodation of independent elite women was a vital component of the Timurid cultural and social legacy, inherited and carefully maintained at the royal courts of India.

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Binbaş, Evrim. "Condominial Sovereignty and Condominial Messianism in the Timurid Empire: Historiographical and Numismatic Evidence." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 1-2 (2018): 172–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341447.

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Abstract This article problematizes the use of messianic discourse in the articulation of political sovereignty in the early fifteenth century Timurid context. It argues that the concept of condominium was among the alternatives that the Timurid authorities considered in order to formulate a novel constitutional framework for the Timurid Empire after the death of Timur, and in specific political circumstances especially in Fars, messianic and condominial principles of sovereignty conflated. To further this argument, the article focuses on one particular case, the Timurid historian Muʿīn al-Dīn Naṭanzī, who formulated the concept of condominial sovereignty, in which both Shāhrukh and Iskandar appear as equal sovereign with messianic prerogatives. Naṭanzī’s concept of condominial messianism was connected to Iskandar’s unique formulation of condominial sovereignty through his coinage. This article further argues that too many religio-political concepts are used interchangeably in secondary literature, even though our sources clearly distinguish them in terms of their specific constitutional associations.

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Uluç, Lâle. "An Iskandarnāma of Nizami Produced for Ibrahim Sultan." Muqarnas Online 30, no. 1 (2014): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-0301p0011.

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This paper introduces a copy of the Iskandarnāma of Nizami dated 1435 and dedicated to the Timurid prince Ibrahim Sultan, grandson of the eponymous founder of the Timurid dynasty. It discusses the various features of the manuscript together with comparable examples from the same period, and also focuses on Abu al-Fath Ibrahim Sultan ibn Shah Rukh and his role as both a military leader and a patron of the arts during his tenure as the governor of the provinces of Fars, Kirman, and Luristan (1414–35). Utilizing the visual data together with the historical context of the period, this essay interprets one of the illustrations of the Iskandarnāma, hoping to fulfill what David Summers called “the most basic task of art history,” which he says “is to explain why works of art look the way they look.” The addition of this Iskandarnāma manuscript to the surviving corpus of works that can be connected to Ibrahim Sultan will provide a further insight into the important patronage of this Timurid prince.

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Kuryazov, Ulug'bek. "THE TIMURID PERIOD FROM THE HISTORY OF THE FINE ARTS." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 19, no. 2 (2019): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2019-19-04.

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The article examines the works of scholars in the study of the history of fine arts, in particular miniatures of the Amir Temur era and temurids. Special attention is paid to the history of the creativity of Mirak Nakkosh and the outstanding miniaturist Kamoliddin Behzod. A comparative analysis of several miniature works is given. As well as analyzed some miniatures stored in the collections of museums and libraries of the world

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Yihao, Qiu. "Mirroring Timurid Central Asia in Maps: Some Remarks on Knowledge of Central Asia in Ming Geographical Documents." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 74, no. 1 (2021): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2021.00004.

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Through the analysis of three Ming Chinese geographical documents which were depicted during the early sixteenth-century, this article contributes a case study on the geographical knowledge of the Timurid Central Asia in Ming Chinese documents. The article argues, according to abundant geographical information oﬀered by these documents, we can reconstruct the active network of transnational routes that connected the Ming Empire and Timurid Central Asia. Furthermore, these documents provide the highly convincing proof that the knowledge of the Ming court to its contemporary Eurasian competitors was continuously renewed.

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Rasulmuxamedova, Durdona. "HISTORICAL TRUTH AND ARTISTIC INTERPRETATION." Review of Law Sciences 6, no. 1 (2022): 163–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51788/tsul.rols.2022.6.1./jcdw2231.

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There are various assessments, interpretations, and in many cases contradictory views and ideas about the image of Amir Temur, a multifaceted figure who played a significant role in the history of the peoples of the world. Such information is contained not only in historical works but also in the art of artistic expression. We decided to study only a part of the treasury of the universal temurnoma, covering a period of six centuries, that is, the level of artistic coverage of the Uzbek temurnoma in Uzbek literature of the independence period. The article reveals the issues of historical truth and artistic interpretation of Amir Temur’s Sakhibkiran of the Timurid period. The degree of reflection of the image of Amir Temur, the founder of the Timurid period, in the literature of the period of independence is described in the article. Accurately reflecting the life and history of Amir Temur, the role of this great man in the destinies of the peoples of Turanzamin, the Middle East and Europe is illustrated by the example of Buribai Akhmedov’s novel Amir Temur, in which an objective assessment is given.

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Gulyamova, Gulnora. "SOME ISSUES OF THE HISTORY OF SPIRITUAL AND CULTURAL LIFE OF THE PEOPLES OF CENTRAL ASIA IN THE XV-XVI CENTURIES." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 3 (2020): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2020-4-4.

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The article reflects the Timurid era, marked by the extraordinary flowering of science,art and literature. The main purpose of the article is to identify the moral features of the religious environment of Babur's era and its influence on the formation and further development of the spiritual world of the young people

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Blessing, Patricia. "The Blue-and-White Tiles of the Muradiye in Edirne: Architectural Decoration between Tabriz, Damascus, and Cairo." Muqarnas Online 36, no. 1 (2019): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00361p06.

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Abstract In the second quarter of the fifteenth century, a new phenomenon appears in Ottoman architecture: tiles with blue-and-white decoration, associated with tile-makers from Tabriz. These tiles appear most prominently in the Muradiye in Edirne, completed in 839/1435-36. They mark the beginning of an aesthetic shift, away from black-line (or cuerda seca) tiles inspired by Timurid and Aqquyunlu models, toward the blue-and-white tiles and vessels of the so-called Baba Naqqaş style of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. The mihrāb of the Muradiye features both kinds of tiles, thus illustrating this shift at its early stages. Within the parameters of an international Timurid style, the artistic production of this period (tile-work in particular) has been considered an offshoot of Timurid court patronage in eastern Iran and Central Asia. In the larger context of the fifteenth-century Islamic world, however, related tiles and vessels were also produced in Damascus and Cairo. This article examines the tiles of the Muradiye Mosque within the framework of artistic centers, the movements of motifs, objects, and makers, and their impact on architecture in the fifteenth-century Ottoman empire.

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Parodi, Laura E. "Kabul, a Forgotten Mughal Capital: Gardens, City, and Court at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century." Muqarnas Online 38, no. 1 (2021): 113–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00381p05.

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Abstract Kabul was the seat of Mughal power during the first half of the sixteenth century, and—it is argued here—provided inspiration for the better-known Mughal metropoles of Hindustan. Sources suggest that the topography of Kabul was already well established, along with its major landmarks, decades before Babur made it the seat of his court in 1504. Among these landmarks were three remarkable royal gardens (all Timurid foundations), which performed complementary functions. The one known today as Bagh-i Babur acquired funerary connotations with the burial of Babur’s mother there in 1505, if not earlier. The Bagh-i Shahrara hosted the governor as well as distinguished guests, including widowed or divorced princesses and imperial visitors. The Chaharbagh was the seat of the court. Its functional units included residential quarters for the ruler and the harem, a courtyard of audience, administrative quarters, and service provisions. In this study, Kabul and its gardens are compared with Mughal counterparts in Hindustan, and (more briefly) with Timurid Herat and Safavid Isfahan. This comparison contributes to an understanding of the unique position occupied by gardens in the Timurid realm and in the courts of their Mughal and Safavid successors.

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Melvin-Koushki, Matthew. "Imperial Talismanic Love: Ibn Turka’s Debate of Feast and Fight (1426) as Philosophical Romance and Lettrist Mirror for Timurid Princes." Der Islam 96, no. 1 (2019): 42–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2019-0002.

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Abstract This study presents and intellectual- and literary-historically contextualizes a remarkable but as yet unpublished treatise by Ibn Turka (d.&#x00A0;1432), foremost occult philosopher of Timurid Iran: the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm. As its title indicates, this ornate Persian work, written in 1426 in Herat for the Timurid prince-calligrapher Bāysunghur (d.&#x00A0;1433), takes the form of a literary debate, a venerable Arabo-Persian genre that exploded in popularity in the post-Mongol period. Yet it triply transgresses the bounds of its genre, and doubly marries Arabic-Mamluk literary and imperial culture to Persian-Timurid. For here Ibn Turka recasts the munāẓara as philosophical romance and the philosophical romance as mirror for princes, imperializing the razm u bazm and sword vs. pen tropes within an expressly lettrist framework, making explicit the logic of the coincidentia oppositorum (majmaʿ al-aḍdād) long implicit in the genre in order to ideologically weaponize it. For the first time in the centuries-old Arabo-Persian munāẓara tradition, that is, wherein such debates were often rhetorically but never theoretically resolved, Ibn Turka marries multiple opposites in a manner clearly meant to be instructive to his Timurid royal patron: he is to perform the role of Emperor Love (sulṭān ʿishq), transcendent of all political-legal dualities, avatar of the divine names the Manifest (al-ẓāhir) and the Occult (al-bāṭin). This lettrist mirror for Timurid princes is thus not simply unprecedented in Persian or indeed Arabic literature, a typical expression of the ornate literary panache and genre-hybridizing proclivities of Mamluk-Timurid-Ottoman scientists of letters, and index of the burgeoning of Ibn ʿArabian-Būnian lettrism in late Mamluk Cairo; it also serves as key to Timurid universalist imperial ideology itself in its formative phase&#x00A0;– and consciously epitomizes the principle of contradiction driving Islamicate civilization as a whole. To show the striking extent to which this munāẓara departs from precedent, I provide a brief overview of the sword vs. pen subset of that genre; I then examine our text’s specific political-philosophical and sociocultural contexts, with attention to Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī’s (d.&#x00A0;1274) Akhlāq-i Nāṣirī and Jalāl al-Dīn Davānī’s (d.&#x00A0;1502) Akhlāq-i Jalālī on the one hand&#x00A0;– which seminal Persian mirrors for princes assert, crucially, the ontological-political primacy of love over justice&#x00A0;– and the Ẓafarnāma of Sharaf al-Dīn Yazdī (d.&#x00A0;1454), Ibn Turka’s student and friend, on the other. In the latter, much-imitated history Amir Temür (r.&#x00A0;1370‒1405) was definitively transformed, on the basis of astrological and lettrist proofs, into the supreme Lord of Conjunction (ṣāḥib-qirān); most notably, there Yazdī theorizes the Muslim world conqueror as historical manifestation of the coincidentia oppositorum&#x00A0;– precisely the project of Ibn Turka in his Debate of Feast and Fight. But these two ideologues of Timurid universal imperialism and leading members of the New Brethren of Purity network only became such in Mamluk Cairo, where lettrism (ʿilm al-ḥurūf) was first sanctified, de-esotericized and adabized; I accordingly invoke the overtly occultist-neopythagoreanizing ethos specific to the Mamluk capital by the late 14th century, especially that propagated at the court of Barqūq (r.&#x00A0;1382‒1399). For it is this Cairene ethos, I argue, that is epitomized by our persophone lettrist’s munāẓara, which it effectively timuridizes. To demonstrate the robustness of this Mamluk-Timurid ideological-literary continuity, I situate the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm within Ibn Turka’s own oeuvre and imperial ideological program, successively developed for the Timurid rulers Iskandar Sulṭān (r.&#x00A0;1409‒1414), Shāhrukh (r.&#x00A0;1409‒1447) and Ulugh Beg (r.&#x00A0;1409‒1449); marshal three contemporary instances of the sword vs. pen munāẓara, one Timurid and two Mamluk, by the theologian Sayyid Sharīf Jurjānī (d.&#x00A0;1413), the secretary-encyclopedist Aḥmad al-Qalqashandī (d.&#x00A0;1418) and the historian Ibn Khaldūn (d.&#x00A0;1406), respectively; and provide an abridged translation of Ibn Turka’s offering as basis for comparative analysis.

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Bulliet, Richard W., Peter Jackson, and Laurence Lockhart. "The Cambridge History of Iran. Volume 6, The Timurid and Safavid Periods." American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (1988): 470. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860028.

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Grevemeyer, Jan-Heeren, Peter Jackson, and Laurence Lockhart. "The Cambridge History of Iran. Bd. VI.: The Timurid and Safavid Periods." Die Welt des Islams 27, no. 1/3 (1987): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1570527.

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Lentz, Thomas W. "DYNASTIC IMAGERY IN EARLY TIMURID WALL PAINTING." Muqarnas Online 10, no. 1 (1992): 253–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000313.

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30

Ziyaeva, Dono. "IN UZBEKISTAN INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF HERITAGE OID SOURCES." Infolib 23, no. 3 (2020): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47267/2181-8207/2020/3-021.

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In the state daёtsya kratkaya characteristics of bibliographic ukazatelya on otraslyam nauki, podgotovlennogo in the framework of the project. Ukazatel oxvatыvaet bolee 2 200 nauchnyx izdaniy i rukopisey, podgotovlennyx i izdannyx v rassmatrivaemыy period na uzbekskom, persidskom, arabskom, a takje, russkom, angliyskom, nemetskom i frantsuzskom yazykax. Sbor, sistematizatsiya i analiz etix istochnikov po Tsentralnoy Azii s uchetom ix geograficheskoy i yazykovoy prinadlejnosti, a takje, po klassifikatsii nauki (estestvoznanie, sotsialnыe nauki, meditsina), pokazыvaet ne tolko razvitie nauchnyh zauchnyh iauchnyx izyskaniy na no i pozvolyaet opredelit sostoyanie intellektualnogo potentsiala, unasledovannogo ot predkov s epoxi Renessansov IX – XII vv. and the epoch of Amira Timura and Timuridov.

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SUBTELNY, M. E. "Mīrak-i Sayyid Ghiyāsand the Timurid Tradition of Landscape Architecture." Studia Iranica 24, no. 1 (1995): 19–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.24.1.2003982.

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32

Eshera, Osama. "On the Early Collections of the Works of Ġiyāṯ al-Dīn Jamšīd al-Kāšī". Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 13, № 2 (2022): 225–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1878464x-01302001.

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Abstract Ġiyāṯ al-Dīn Jamšīd al-Kāšī (d. 832/1429), also known as Kāšānī, was a prominent astronomer and mathematician in the 9th/15th century and was a central figure at the observatory in Samarqand under the patronage of Ulugh Beg (r. 811–853/1409–1449), the Timurid ruler of Transoxiana. Kāšī’s works have frequently been copied and circulated in bound collective volumes, the earliest of which was produced during Kāšī’s lifetime by his colleague, Muʿīn al-Munajjim al-Kāšī, and is now held as MS Tehran, Malik 3180. This article introduces the second earliest such volume, which is currently held in a private collection in Toronto, Canada. The only dated colophon in MS Toronto is a forgery. Fortunately, I located another copy of Kāšī’s Miftāḥ al-ḥisāb that was transcribed in the same hand and bears a genuine copy date of 881/1476. Thus, MS Toronto was in fact produced approximately fifty years after Kāšī’s death and about eighty years earlier than the spurious colophon would indicate. In addition to resolving further codicological questions, this article highlights the decorative and paleographic features that make this codex an exemplar of the intellectual and material history of Timurid bookmaking. Ultimately, this codex offers valuable new evidence on the early transmission of Kāšī’s works as bound collections.

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Samkoff, Aneta. "From Central Asia to Anatolia: the transmission of the black-line technique and the development of pre-Ottoman tilework." Anatolian Studies 64 (2014): 199–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006615461400009x.

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AbstractBlack line is a polychrome overglaze painting technique that was developed in Central Asia in the late 14th century. Black-line tilework is also found in 15th- and 16th-century Anatolia, yet it is unclear how the tradition emerged in this region. This paper investigates the appearance of the technique in Anatolia and situates it in the context of Timurid (1370–1501) tilework as well as the development of Anatolian traditions of the Rum Seljuk (1077–1307) and Beylik (1071–1453) periods. The analysis is conducted by tracing the history of two tiles from the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and by stylistic, technological and contextual comparisons with Seljuk, Timurid and Ottoman examples. I suggest that the introduction of the black-line technique to Anatolia was concurrent with the introduction of yellow pigment in the 15th century. I also propose that the Metropolitan Museum tiles should be redated to the second half of the 15th century on the basis that they were produced in Anatolia by craftsmen trained in Transoxiana who were also familiar with local Rum Seljuk and Karamanid traditions. These artists introduced new eastern styles which, together with local traditions, created an exciting experimental period in Anatolian tilework production and contributed to the emergence of Ottoman tile art.

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Lory, Pierre. "Kashifı¯'sAsra¯r-i Qa¯simı¯and Timurid magic." Iranian Studies 36, no. 4 (2003): 531–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/021086032000139212.

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Golombek, Lisa. "The Paysage as Funerary Imagery in the Timurid Period." Muqarnas 10 (1993): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1523189.

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Colombek, Lisa. "THE PAYSAGE AS FUNERARY IMAGERY IN THE TIMURID PERIOD." Muqarnas Online 10, no. 1 (1992): 241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000312.

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BUEHLER, A. F. "THE NAQSHBANDIYYA IN TIMURID INDIA: THE CENTRAL ASIAN LEGACY." Journal of Islamic Studies 7, no. 2 (1996): 208–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/7.2.208.

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Rajkai, Zsombor. "Japanese and Chinese research on the Timurid-Ming Chinese contacts." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 63, no. 1 (2010): 63–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aorient.63.2010.1.5.

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Subtelny, Maria Eva. "Centralizing reform and its opponents in the late Timurid period." Iranian Studies 21, no. 1-2 (1988): 123–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210868808701712.

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Saremi Naeeni, Davoud, and Kobra Hasangholinejad Yasoori. "Studying the Effect of Continent on Three Important Mosque of Timurid Period (Blue Mosque of Tabriz, Goharshadjame Mosque, Jame Mosque of Yazd)." Modern Applied Science 10, no. 2 (2016): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/mas.v10n2p205.

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<p class="zhengwen"><span lang="EN-GB">Mosques’ architecture is one of the monuments in the history of Iranian architecture that has alwaysbeen of interest andimportance and in the Timurid period was also welcomed by many architects and artists and e</span><span lang="EN-GB">xamples were built that were used as a perfect model for the architects of the next periods. The architecture of this period is known as a good example of harmony with the environment, which is a result of various climatic, historical, economic, cultural and political factors and have had the greatest impact and benefit fromthe continental and social and politicalconditions of Ilkhani and Seljuk periods. Timurid mosques of Iran are from the important elements of Islamic architecture in terms of architectural form and decorations that need to be reviewed in these two factors. Building mosques in Iran, as a public place and a political state for the spiritual guidance was started at the beginning of Islam and was completed in the Timurid era in the various buildings. Mosques were firstly build as Shabestani and then as one Iwan and two Iwans and four Iwans, as one of the important elements in the cities.</span></p><p class="zhengwen"><span lang="EN-GB">Given that the architectural design, construction and decorations of some of theTimurid mosques are from the architectural masterpieces of Iran, this article has considered three important mosques of the Timurid period in Iran, GoharshadJameMosque,Jame Mosque of Yazd, Blue Mosque of Tabriz, and has analyzed and compared the structural elements of the architecture of these mosques (dome, Iwan, courtyard,and use of geometry in buildings, etc.) as well as considering the climatic factors that impact on those building. The method of research is comparative study and case study and then with an analytical approach, we will compare three important mosquesin terms of political, social situations and also physics and structure and geometry and decorations of them. In addition to reviewing the related papers and books, we will have a comparative table for the physical elements and their decorations. Finally, in addition to achieving the objectives of constructing the mosques and their formal changes in this period and comparingthem, the status of each of them is reviewed in the main section of the paper and the analytical model for future studies for mosque’s architecture according to the continent, is recommended.</span></p><span lang="EN-US">In this research with the aim of considering the methodologies of building mosques’ architecture according to the continent, first we consider the physical features of architecture in Timurid period. Then we consider the architectural physical features of The Blue Mosque of Tabriz, GoharshadJame Mosque, and Jame Mosque of Yazd as some examples. After that, the general characteristics and structural form of mosques according to the continent and the domestic architecture of the regions was analyzed. At the end, comparing the features and similarities of mosques and the differences in mosques’ architecture in this period, we have found some strategies about building mosques according to the domestic and continental architectural features.</span>

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Grant, Jonathan. "Power, Politics and Religion in Timurid Iran, by Beatrice ManzPower, Politics and Religion in Timurid Iran, by Beatrice Manz. Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civiliazation. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007. xviii, 313 pp. $99.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 43, no. 2 (2008): 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.43.2.347.

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Bloom, Jonathan M. "The Timurid Architecture of Iran and Turan Lisa Golombek Donald Wilber." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48, no. 3 (1989): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990445.

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43

Quinn, S. A. "Power, Politics and Religion in Timurid Iran * By BEATRICE FORBES MANZ." Journal of Islamic Studies 21, no. 2 (2010): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etq007.

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Nemati Lima’i, Amir. "A COMPARISON: AMIR ALISHIR NAVA’I THE COUNTERPART OF KHAWAJA NIZAM AL-MULK TUSI OR KHAWAJA RASHID AL-DIN FADLULLAH HAMADANI." ALISHER NAVOIY INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (2021): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-1490-2021-1-17.

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Throughout Iran’s1 ancient and long history, the number of people who has become prom-inent in political and cultural activities is not few. Khawaja Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, a prominent politician and minister (Vizier/Divansalar) of the Seljuq era, Khawaja Rashid al-Din Fadlullah Hamadani, the great man in the realm of politics and culture in the Ilkhanid era and Amir Alishir Nava’i, a politician and a cultured man in the Timurid era, are three renowned personalities who have a high profile from the perspective of scholars in history.In addition, a number of schol-ars by comparing the performance of Khawaja Nizam al-Mulk Tusi and Amir Alishir Nava’i in their researches and studies claimed that Amir Ali Sher can be called Khawaja Nizam al-Mulk al-Thani (The second or another Khawaja Nizam al-Mulk

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45

Shea, Eiren L. "The Mongol Cultural Legacy in East and Central Asia: The Early Ming and Timurid Courts." Ming Studies 2018, no. 78 (2018): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0147037x.2018.1510151.

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Flatt, Emma. "Practicing Friendship: Epistolary Constructions of Social Intimacy in the Bahmani Sultanate." Studies in History 33, no. 1 (2017): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643016677445.

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This article considers epistolary friendships in the fifteenth-century Bahmani Sultanate. Focusing on letters written by the Bahmani Vizier, Mahmud Gavan, to distant friends in other parts of the Persianate world, including the Timurid Sufi-poet Jami, I examine how friendship could be constituted through the practice of letter-writing. I argue that despite common assumptions about the rule-bound and formulaic nature of the genre of inshāʿ (letter-writing), correspondents could subtly mobilize the generic rules to conjure up unique and potent metaphorical declarations of friendship. Second, I argue that the dense semiotic field created by the recurrent use of similar images and chains of metaphors to symbolize friendship in letters reified certain practices as constitutive of friendship, and thus actually contributed to friendship practices in the ‘real’ world. Finally, I suggest that the metaphorical language used in inshāʿ is not merely an ornamental flourish, but actually an attempt to constitute an alternative reality: By writing to each other in terms which evoked the friendship practices of physically proximate friends, two friends separated by distance could metaphorically undertake those practices together.

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47

Jackson, Peter. "Babur: Timurid Prince and Mughal Emperor, 1483–1530 By Stephen Frederic Dale." Journal of Islamic Studies 31, no. 3 (2020): 408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etaa021.

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48

Kiyanrad, Sarah. "Geschichte in Versen vermessen: Annäherung an persische historische Epen (šāhnāmas) aus dem 15.–16. Jahrhundert." DIYÂR 1, no. 1 (2020): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2020-1-7.

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Shortly after the completion of Firdausī’s Šāhnāma, historical epics in modern Persian were being written. While sharing in the tradition of šāhnāma-nivīsī, these epics deal with a more recent past. This paper maps out the characteristics of Persian historical epics by means of three examples (ʿAbdallāh Hātifī: Timurnāma and Šāhnāma-yi Hātifī; Qāsimī Gunābādī: Šāhnāma-yi Ismāʿīl). Not only during the Ilkhanid era, but also during later eras these kinds of works were actively being produced in Iran, even though they are as yet largely unexplored. The three aforementioned epics dating from the late Timurid and early Safavid periods (15th and 16th c.) shall illustrate continuities in form and content that transgress the limits of dynastic history, while at the same time acknowledging the three epics’ characteristics to be understood within their particular historical context. It will become clear then that historical epics tied together poetry and historiography consciously. For centuries, the respective authors sought to follow up on Firdausī’s opus and thus to embed the depicted ruler or dynasty/dynasties in a narrative of Iranian history, which apparently greatly appealed to their envisaged audience.

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Mahendrarajah, Shivan. "A Revised History of Mongol, Kart, and Timurid Patronage of the Shrine of Shaykh Al-Islam Ahmad-I Jam." Iran 54, no. 2 (2016): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05786967.2016.11879216.

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Hassas, Ghulam Hazrat. "A Study of the Decorations in the Four Minarets of Sultan Hussein Mirza School in Herat." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 8, no. 1 (2020): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v8i1.3259.

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Sultan Hussein Mirza School is one of the great and magnificent buildings of the Timurid period of Herat, which is located in the north of the old city of Herat. The school was once a place for scientists and scholars in the region, and historians have written extensively about it. The buildings and paintings of this famous school are collapsing and demolishing day by day. The purpose of writing this article is to examine the decorations in the four minarets of Sultan Hussein Mirza School. This article is conducted by Library and Field Research method. The Library Research is related to the history and process of the school building and its post excavations. In the Field Research section, the author himself has visited the school area and the four remaining minarets of Sultan Hussein’s school and wrote the observations of each minaret separately. The results show that all four minarets in school are decorated. Its decorations include geometric patterns, Arabesque motifs, Kufic inscriptions and Muqarnas.

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