Academic literature on the topic 'Tiwanaku'
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Journal articles on the topic "Tiwanaku"
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Goldstein, Paul. "Tiwanaku Temples and State Expansion: A Tiwanaku Sunken-Court Temple in Moquegua, Peru." Latin American Antiquity 4, no. 1 (March 1993): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972135.
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Until recently, an entrenched view of Tiwanaku expansion in the south-central Andes as a primarily cultic phenomenon precluded discussion of state-built ceremonial facilities outside of Tiwanaku’s immediate hinterland of the Bolivian altiplano. However, recent research in the Tiwanaku periphery has found specialized ceremonial architecture that reflects the solidification of central control and the development of a provincial system. Excavation at the Omo M10 site, in Moquegua, Peru, has exposed the only Tiwanaku sunken-court temple structure and cut-stone architecture known outside of the Titicaca Basin. A reconstruction of the Omo temple complex demonstrates direct parallels with Tiwanaku ceremonial centers of the altiplano in architectural form and ceremonial activities. This suggests that patterns of state-centered ceremony and peripheral administration underwent a dramatic transformation with the explosive expansion of the Tiwanaku state during the period known as Tiwanaku V (A. D. 725–1000).
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Majia, Jidi. "Tiwanaku." Manoa 30, no. 1 (2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2018.0105.
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Goldstein, Paul S. "Multiethnicity, pluralism, and migration in the south central Andes: An alternate path to state expansion." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 30 (July 20, 2015): 9202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1500487112.
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The south central Andes is known as a region of enduring multiethnic diversity, yet it is also the cradle of one the South America’s first successful expansive-state societies. Social structures that encouraged the maintenance of separate identities among coexistent ethnic groups may explain this apparent contradiction. Although the early expansion of the Tiwanaku state (A.D. 600–1000) is often interpreted according to a centralized model derived from Old World precedents, recent archaeological research suggests a reappraisal of the socio-political organization of Tiwanaku civilization, both for the diversity of social entities within its core region and for the multiple agencies behind its wider program of agropastoral colonization. Tiwanaku’s sociopolitical pluralism in both its homeland and colonies tempers some of archaeology’s global assumptions about the predominant role of centralized institutions in archaic states.
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Bermann, Marc. "Domestic Life and Vertical Integration in the Tiwanaku Heartland." Latin American Antiquity 8, no. 2 (June 1997): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971688.
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Recent research on the Tiwanaku state has documented the evolution of regional settlement patterns and agricultural systems, but little is known of changes at the subregional level outside the capital. Analysis of a sequence of domestic occupations excavated at Lukurmata, Bolivia, provides information on how individual households within the Tiwanaku core area were consolidated into the Tiwanaku polity. Changes in residential patterns and artifact assemblages suggest that Lukurmata households were initially connected to the Tiwanaku polity through exchange and religious ties. A new level of assimilation developed in the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. These changes, including agricultural intensification, illustrate the increasing integration of individual households into the Tiwanaku political economy and social order as the landscape developed. The nature and timing of these changes are consistent with current hypotheses of a transformation in Tiwanaku political and economic organization near the end of the Tiwanaku IV period (A.D. 400-800).
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Knudson, Kelly J. "Tiwanaku Influence in the South Central Andes: Strontium Isotope Analysis and Middle Horizon Migration." Latin American Antiquity 19, no. 1 (March 2008): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104566350000763x.
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Although the presence of Tiwanaku-style material culture throughout southern Peru, northern Chile, and western Bolivia is well documented, the nature of Tiwanaku influence during the Middle horizon (A.D. 500–1100) is variously attributed to imperial expansion or economic and/or religious relationships. Strontium isotope data from archaeological human remains from Tiwanaku-affiliated sites identified first-generation immigrants from the Lake Titicaca basin outside of the Tiwanaku heartland at the Peruvian site of Chen Chen. These data provide an important component to studies that demonstrated close biological relationships during the Middle horizon but could not demonstrate the direction of population movement. However, no immigrants from the Lake Titicaca basin were identified at the San Pedro de Atacama cemeteries of Coyo Oriental, Coyo-3, and Solcor-3. At the sites of Tiwanaku, Tilata, Iwawe, and Kirawi, strontium isotope ratios were also variable, and demonstrate movement within the Lake Titicaca basin. This demonstrates that Tiwanaku influence involved direct colonization in the Moquegua Valley but that in other regions, like San Pedro de Atacama, local inhabitants adopted Tiwanaku-style material culture. This elucidates the complex and highly variable relationships between the Tiwanaku heartland and peripheral sites during the Middle horizon.
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Scher, S. "Ancient Tiwanaku." Ethnohistory 58, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2010-091.
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Vela Velarde, Carlos. "BASES PARA EL CONOCIMIENTO DE LA PRESENCIA TIWANAKU EN EL VALLE DEL CAPLINA, TACNA." Ciencia & Desarrollo, no. 4 (April 15, 2019): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33326/26176033.1996.4.89.
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La presencia tiwanaku en el valle del Caplina es consecuencia del proceso de expansión de Tiwanaku (aprox. 800 – 900 d.C.). Este proceso logró cohesionar los pueblos del sur del Perú y norte de Chile actuales con la zona de Bolivia. El valle del Caplina recibió el influjo del Imperio Tiwanaku, arqueológicamente se describen materiales de fabricación loca. La presencia tiwanaku en el valle del Caplina (Tacna) es considerada una más pues Tacna en su historia ha recibido varias presencias culturales que han dejado su “impronta” en las identidades y en las mentalidades de su población.
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Sharratt, Nicola. "Tiwanaku's Legacy: A Chronological Reassessment of the Terminal Middle Horizon in the Moquegua Valley, Peru." Latin American Antiquity 30, no. 03 (June 26, 2019): 529–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2019.39.
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As in other examples of state collapse, political disintegration of the Tiwanaku state circa AD 1000 was accompanied by considerable cultural continuity. In the Moquegua Valley, Peru, the location of the largest Tiwanaku communities outside the altiplano, settlements and practices associated with this postcollapse cultural continuity are termed Tumilaca. Previous research indicated that Tumilaca was short-lived, with all vestiges of Tiwanaku gone from Moquegua's archaeological record by the thirteenth century when the valley was subsequently characterized by Estuquiña-style materials. This article discusses radiocarbon dates from Tumilaca la Chimba, a village established as the political authority of the Tiwanaku state waned. The 21 absolute dates from Tumilaca domestic, public, and funerary contexts span at least 350 years, from the late tenth to the mid-fourteenth centuries AD. They suggest that (1) Tiwanaku-affiliated communities endured well into the later Late Intermediate Period (AD 1200–1470); (2) ongoing debates about the emergence of Estuquiña communities must consider the role of terminal Tiwanaku populations; and (3) analyses of postcollapse continuity can be enhanced by considering peripheral locales and the particularities of continuity.
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Szykulski, Józef, and Jakub Wanot. "The Tiwanaku Tradition within the Tambo Valley, Southern Coast of Peru: Interpretation of Burial Contexts from La Pampilla 1." Latin American Antiquity 32, no. 3 (May 26, 2021): 577–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2021.18.
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The collapse of the Tiwanaku state around AD 1000 resulted in dramatic changes in the areas of its former colonies such as the Moquegua Valley, which featured the largest Tiwanaku communities outside the Altiplano. The inhabitants of these former colonies were forced to relocate to the areas north of Moquegua, including the Tambo River estuary (Arequipa Department, Province of Islay). This relocation has been confirmed at La Pampilla 1, where a large graveyard featuring funerary contexts of the postcollapse communities of Tiwanaku-Timulaca was found, with a calibrated 14C date between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries AD. In this article we discuss the results of excavations and analyses conducted at the La Pampilla 1 graveyard, the first systematically researched Tiwanaku site in the Tambo Valley: these findings confirm the existence of a relatively large, terminal-phase Tiwanaku population, represented by Tumilaca funerary contexts.
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Marsh, Erik J. "A Bayesian Re-Assessment of the Earliest Radiocarbon Dates from Tiwanaku, Bolivia." Radiocarbon 54, no. 2 (2012): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_js_rc.v54i2.15826.
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The development of sociopolitical complexity at Tiwanaku around AD 500 was one of the major episodes of social change in the history of the Lake Titicaca Basin. It was the result of poorly understood processes that took place at a series of ceremonial centers in the preceding centuries. The history of Tiwanaku during this time is especially unclear, because the only radiocarbon dates are from excavations whose details were never completely published. Despite this, there is consensus that Tiwanaku was founded around 300 BC. A re-evaluation of the archaeological context of each of these dates shows many of them to be unreliable. Two Bayesian models from independent excavations agree that Tiwanaku was in fact founded centuries later, most likely around AD 110 (50-170, 1σ). This has important implications for widely used monolith and ceramic sequences, as well as understanding the rise of Tiwanaku and other archaic states.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Tiwanaku"
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Goldstein, Paul S., and Bruce D. Owen. "Tiwanaku en Moquegua: las colonias altiplánicas." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113339.
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Tiwanaku in Moquegua: The Altiplano ColoniesInvestigations in Moquegua demonstrate two distinct waves of Middle Horizon colonization by altiplano settlers. Both Tiwanaku colonies allowed and ultimately replaced the Huaracane tradition, a substantial indigenous Formative occupation in the middle Moquegua valley. Tiwanaku site locations, settlement patterns, mortuary and domestic traditions, and skeletal biology differ significantly from those of Huaracane, indicating distinct origins and ethnicity. Within the Moquegua Tiwanaku colonies, settlements of two distinct groups are distinguished by assemblages of Omo style and the Chen Chen style ceramics. The Omo style Tiwanaku settlers arrived first, but distinct villages using each style coexisted throughout the valley for centuries. These appear to represent colonists from distinct ethnicities or moieties within the Tiwanaku culture. Tiwanaku colonists maintained their highland identities in all aspects of domestic, mortuary and ritual practices through ayllu level social organization. The more substantial Chen Chen style colony also introduced provincial political organization, demonstrated by new infrastructure for surplus maize cultivation and the construction of a Tiwanaku style temple structure at the Omo site.Las investigaciones en Moquegua han demostrado la presencia de dos diferentes oleadas de colonización tiwanaku provenientes del altiplano durante el Horizonte Media. Ambas colonias tiwanaku siguieron y, por último, reemplazaron a la tradición Huaracane, una sustancial ocupación indígena del Periodo Formativo en el valle medio de Moquegua. Las ubicaciones de los sitios, patrones de asentamiento, tradiciones funerarias y domésticas, y biología ósea tiwanaku difieren significativamente de aquellos huaracane, indicando orígenes y etnicidad distintos. Dentro de las colonias tiwanaku en Moquegua se distinguían los asentamientos de dos grupos distintos sobre la base de la cerámica de los estilos Omo y Chen Chen. Los colonos tiwanaku del estilo Omo llegaron primero, pero diversas aldeas, usando cada estilo, coexistieron a través del valle por siglos. Esto parece representar a colonias provenientes de diversas etnias o parcialidades dentro de la cultura Tiwanaku. Los colonos tiwanaku mantuvieron sus identidades altiplánicas en todos los aspectos de sus prácticas domésticas, funerarias y rituales a través de un nivel de organización tipo ayllu. La colonia más sustancial, del estilo Chen Chen, también introdujo una organización política provincial, la cual se demuestra a través de una nueva infraestructura para el cultivo de excedentes de maíz y la construcción de un templo del estilo Tiwanaku en el sitio Omo.
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Bencic, Catherine M. "Industrias líticas de Huari y Tiwanaku." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113628.
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Lithic Industries of Huari and TiwanakuLithics in New World complex societies are often studied in terms of formal tools and specialized production, with flake tools and debitage given very little attention. However, the majority of lithic assemblages are produced by expedient or flake tool rather than more formal technologies. It is believed that as societies become more complex, energy input into lithic production is reduced. Yet in contemporary Andean cultures that share religious iconography, there is a great deal of variation in the organization of lithic technologies. In this paper, two lithic collections from Iwawi (a Tiwanaku site) and Conchopata (a Huari city) are discussed. The implications of these case studies for understanding the organization of lithic technology in Andean complex societies, and their potential for understanding Huari and Tiwanaku cultural traditions, are considered. It is concluded that Iwawi and Conchopata lithic production are distinct, and that one cannot be derived from the other.Las industrias líticas en sociedades complejas del Nuevo Mundo han sido estudiadas principalmente en términos de herramientas formales y la producción especializada, mientras que las herramientas sobre lasca y los desechos de talla merecían menos atención. Sin embargo, la mayoría de las colecciones líticas se producen a través de tecnologías expeditivas o de lasca en vez de formas más acabadas. Se ha propuesto que la inversión energética en la producción lítica disminuye cuando se desarrolla la complejidad social. No obstante, las culturas andinas contemporáneas, las que comparten un cuerpo de iconografía religiosa, exhiben una gran variación en la organización de la industria lítica. En el presente trabajo se presentan dos colecciones líticas: de Iwawi, un yacimiento tiwanaku, y de Conchopata, una ciudad huari. Se considera la utilidad de estos ejemplos para entender la organización de la industria lítica en las sociedades complejas andinas y su potencial para entender las tradiciones culturales de Huari y Tiwanaku. Se concluye que las producciones líticas de Iwawi y Conchopata son poco similares y que una no se puede derivar de la otra.
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Owen, Bruce D., and Paul S. Goldstein. "Tiwanaku en Moquegua: interacciones regionales y colapso." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113409.
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Tiwanaku in Moquegua: Regional Interactions and CollapseThe synthesis of data from excavations and systematic survey of the Osmore drainage promotes a new vision of the relationships between Wari, Tiwanaku, and indigenous people of the region during the Middle Horizon and the beginning of the Late Intermediate Period. A series of facts are effectively established that must be considered in future interpretations. Among others, we note the apparent contemporaneity of Tiwanaku and Wari settlements in the middle and upper sections of the Osmore drainage, generally isolated in their own geographic zones. There are no signs of military conflict or fear of it during perhaps centuries of contact, even though both groups considered the site of Cerro Baúl to be a huaca that only the Wari controlled. Nor was there exchange of goods, suggesting social as well as spatial isolation. We describe the contemporaneity of two Tiwanaku traditions, marked by the Omo and Chen Chen ceramic styles, which were previously considered sequential phases. Finally, we confirm that at the end of the Middle Horizon. Wari abandoned the region, leaving people of the Tiwanaku tradition to divide into local groups and flee to distant, defensible sites at the beginning of the troubled times of the Late Intermediate Period.La síntesis de datos de excavaciones y reconocimientos sistemáticos de la cuenca del río Osmore permite una visión nueva de las relaciones entre los wari, tiwanaku y poblaciones indígenas de la región durante el Horizonte Medio y el comienzo del Periodo Intermedio Tardío. Una serie de hechos están efectivamente establecidos, los cuales tendrán que ser considerados en futuras interpretaciones. Entre otros, se nota la aparente contemporaneidad de asentamientos tiwanaku y wari en las partes medias y altas de la cuenca del Osmore, pero mayormente aisladas en zonas geográficas separadas. No hay indicios de conflicto bélico ni temor de tal durante, posiblemente, siglos de contacto, a pesar de que ambos grupos vieron al mismo sitio Cerro Baúl como una huaca, la que únicamente los wari controlaron. Tampoco había intercambio de bienes, sugiriendo un aislamiento social al igual que espacial. Se describe la contemporaneidad de dos tradiciones tiwanaku marcadas por los estilos ceramográficos Omo y Chen Chen, que antes se consideraban fases secuenciales. Finalmente, se confirma que, al fin del Horizonte Medio, la gente wari abandonó la región, mientras que los de la tradición Tiwanaku se dispersaron en grupos menores desplazándose a sitios alejados y defendibles al comienzo de los tiempos conflictivos del Periodo Intermedio Tardío.
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Burkholder, Jo Ellen. "La cerámica de Tiwanaku: ¿qué indica su variabilidad?" Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113546.
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The Ceramics of Tiwanaku: What does the Variability Mean?Increasingly researchers observe a wide range of variability in Tiwanaku ceramics, not only in distant regions but also within the Tiwanaku heartland of the south Titicaca Basin. This variation makes it difficult to apply the three phase or five phase chronologies developed earlier this century, as is evidenced by the wide variety of adaptations made to accommodate new data into the old periodizations. What emerges from this newly described variability is a timeline for Tiwanaku that is both shorter and more complex than previously thought. This contradicts models of Tiwanaku as a monolithic, highly centralized state with few definable periods of distinct ceramic production or decorative style.Cada vez más investigadores notan una amplia gama de variabilidad en la cerámica de Tiwanaku, no solo en las regiones a mucha distancia, sino también en la región central de Tiwanaku, al sur de la cuenca del lago Titicaca. Esta situación hace difícil aplicar las cronologías de tres y cinco fases desarrolladas a comienzos de este siglo, como lo evidencia la gran variedad de modificaciones hechas en ellas para poder acomodar los nuevos datos. Lo que emerge de esta nueva información es que el desarrollo temporal de la entidad política Tiwanaku es, simultáneamente, más corto y complejo de lo que se pensaba anteriormente. Esto contradice los modelos de Tiwanaku como un estado monolítico altamente centralizado, con algunos pocos periodos definibles de producción cerámica o estilo decorativo.
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Oakland, Rodman Amy, and Arabel Fernández. "Los tejidos huari y tiwanaku: comparaciones y contextos." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113335.
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Huari and Tiwanaku Textiles: Comparisons and ContextsLike all aspects of material culture, textiles related to Huari and Tiwanaku exhibit many similar iconographic characteristics, but remain essentially distinct in terms of construction and techniques of manufacture. Huari textiles uncovered in many sites along the Peruvian coast have both close design ties to the Tiwanaku center and design innovations clearly separate from any central source. Most Tiwanaku textiles remain much more restricted in designs more clearly oriented to the standard icons known from Tiwanaku stone sculpture. Even though both cultures created garments that seem remarkably similar at first glance such as the man's tapestry tunic and four-pointed hat, as well as unusual textiles such as discontinuous warp and weft tie and dye patchwork mantles and shirts, each of these textiles is constructed differently within its respective sphere of influence.Huari tunics use brilliant patterning in two separate webs or fabric pieces that are cut from the loom, folded, and then sewn together. Only a few Tiwanaku tunics have survived, but these all were woven like later Inca types, with one single web and the neck slot created within the weaving process. Huari four-pointed hats are remarkably similar to hats with four points discovered in the Tiwanaku sphere, but Huari hats have pile in the knots and Tiwanaku 's hats depend on the color change of the knots and yarns alone. The authors discuss a larger series of textiles with iconography that relates them to the highland centers where cloth has not been preserved. Huari textiles from El Brujo, Chicama Valley, Peru are discussed in context along with Tiwanaku textiles from well preserved burials in San Pedro de Atacama, Chile. The article discusses the similarities and differences in textiles from Huari and Tiwanaku.En muchos aspectos de la cultura material, los tejidos huari y tiwanaku presentan y comparten rasgos iconográficos, pero se distinguen en su construcción y técnicas de manufactura. Los tejidos huari descubiertos en diferentes sitios a lo largo de la costa peruana poseen diseños que los ligan íntimamente al centro de la cultura Tiwanaku, pero también evocan distintas innovaciones iconográficas con respecto a las de este centro. En lo que respecta a los tejidos tiwanaku, sus diseños son mucho más restringidos y presentan una fuerte orientación hacia la iconografía estándar conocida para la escultura en piedra. Ambas culturas crearon una fastuosa vestimenta, la que es muy similar a primera vista, como es el caso de las túnicas en tapiz, los gorros de cuatro puntas, así como los mantos y camisas elaborados en urdimbres y tramas discontinuas, decorados por teñido al negativo. Estos tejidos, sin embargo, fueron hechos de manera diferente, obedeciendo a los patrones culturales establecidos dentro de su esfera de influencia.Las túnicas huari se distinguen por sus brillantes colores, conformados a partir de dos tejidos que se caracterizan por presentar sus orillos recortados. Estos tejidos fueron doblados y luego cosidos. Por otro lado, las evidencias de túnicas tiwanaku son limitadas: un examen de estas muestra que fueron elaboradas como las túnicas del estilo Inca, confeccionadas a partir de un solo tejido, con la abertura para el cuello realizada durante su elaboración. Otro es el caso de uno de los accesorios del estilo Huari, el gorro de cuatro puntas, que comparte atributos con aquel desarrollado dentro de la esfera tiwanaku. Ambos son sorprendentemente similares, pero los gorros huari llevan pequeños mechones entre los nudos, mientras que los ejemplares tiwanaku se caracterizan por el cambio de color en los hilos empleados. En ambos casos, estas variaciones están relacionadas con el sistema decorativo. En este artículo se discutirán evidencias textiles y la iconografía asociada a este material, el cual no ha podido conservarse en el centro de su dominio. Textiles huari, procedentes de El Brujo, valle de Chicama, Perú, serán presentados dentro de su contexto, así como también los tejidos tiwanaku registrados en el cementerio de San Pedro de Atacama, Chile. Se expondrán, por último, las similitudes y diferencias existentes en ambos estilos.
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Williams, Patrick Ryan, Johny A. Isla, and Donna J. Nash. "Cerro Baúl: un enclave wari en interacción con Tiwanaku." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113565.
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Cerro Baul: A Wari Enclave Interacting with TiwanakuWari expansion to the extreme south of Peru is a phenomenon whose study began 20 years ago, with the discovery of a great arquitectonic complex at Cerro Baul. The excavations undertaken in the last 3 years have revealed that Cerro Baul was more than a military fortress; it was the most important political and religious center that Wari established in the only region where there is direct evidence of interaction with Tiwanaku, the altiplano state that established its colonial center in the middle Moquegua Valley. Based on the twelve radiocarbon dates from Cerro Baul, we can affirm that this interaction was maintained for over 200 years, a time that included periods of tension and others of cooperation.The current work analyzes the relations that the Wari colony on Cerro Baul maintained with its capital located in the Department of Ayacucho. Therefore, we document the characteristics of the monumental and domestic architecture and establish their relationship to forms found in Ayacucho. We also analyze the irrigation technology implemented by Wari in the zone and compare it with the agricultural techniques utilized prior to Wari expansion in Ayacucho and in Moquegua. Precedents for the irrigation technology in the Cerro Baul region are present in Ayacucho, but are not found in Moquegua. Both lines of evidence indicate that contacts between Cerro Baul and the capital were very strong, a position which is also supported by the extensive exchange of prestige goods. Apparently, the Moquegua colony articulated the Wari state's policies for interacting with the Tiwanaku neighbors.La expansión wari hacia el extremo sur del Perú es un fenómeno cuyo estudio ha comenzado en los últimos 20 años, con el descubrimiento de un gran complejo arquitectónico en Cerro Baúl. Las excavaciones realizadas en los últimos tres años han revelado que Cerro Baúl, más que una fortaleza, fue un centro político y religioso wari muy importante, establecido como enclave en una región donde resulta evidente una directa interacción con Tiwanaku, el estado altiplánico que colonizó el valle medio del Osmore. En base a 12 fechados radiocarbónicos, se puede deducir que esta interacción se habría mantenido por un lapso aproximado de 200 años, tiempo en el cual habrían existido momentos de tensión y otros de cooperación.EI presente trabajo analiza las relaciones que tenía la colonia wari de Cerro Baúl con su capital, ubicada en el departamento de Ayacucho. Para tal fin se han documentado las características de la arquitectura -doméstica y monumental- y se han establecido sus relaciones con formas encontradas en Ayacucho y en otros centros regionales. También se ha analizado la tecnología de riego implementada por Wari en la zona y comparado con la tecnología agrícola de Ayacucho, notando claras similitudes con ésta y fuertes contrastes con la que había antes de la ocupación wari en Moquegua. Ambas líneas de evidencia indican que los contactos entre Cerro Baúl y la capital eran intensos, lo cual se observa también en el intercambio de bienes de prestigio, notándose que fue la colonia de Moquegua la que mantuvo los lineamientos de la política del Estado Wari en su interacción con Tiwanaku.
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Pärssinen, Martti. "Tiwanaku IV en Nazacara, Bolivia: apuntes para una cronología cultural." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113555.
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Tiwanaku IV at Nazacara, Bolivia: Some Notes to a Cultural Chronology This article discusses two radiocarbon dates associated with Tiwanaku IV ceramics found at Nazacara, a village located approximately 45 kilometers south of Tiwanaku. According to the present study the first traces of this Tiwanaku culture appeared in Nazacara near the beginning of the fifth century. Nevertheless, this first sub-phase does not represent significant change in the traditional ceramic pattern. More important change seems to have started around 550/600 AD when the amount of painted ceramics as well as ceremonial and public ceramic vessels increased precipitously, constituting a more or less pure Tiwanaku IV assemblage. This second sub-phase is interpreted as reflecting even greater changes involved in the incorporation of Nazacara into the domain of the Tiwanaku elite.Este artículo presenta un análisis, con dos fechados radiocarbónicos, de la cerámica de la época Tiwanaku IV de Nazacara, una localidad situada a unos 45 kilómetros al sur de Tiwanaku. Al parecer, los primeros indicios de la cultura Tiwanaku aparecieron en Nazacara aproximadamente a partir de 400 d.C. No obstante, esta primera subfase no presenta cambios relevantes en el patrón de la alfarería tradicional. El cambio más significativo empezó alrededor de los años 550/600 d.C., cuando la cerámica pintada y las formas de la alfarería ceremonial y pública aumentan radicalmente y presentan rasgos casi puros del estilo Tiwanaku IV. Según el autor, esta segunda subfase probablemente significa la incorporación de Nazacara en el dominio del poder de la elite de Tiwanaku.
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Boswell, Alicia M. "Experience on the frontier a Tiwanaku colony's shifts over time /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1453357.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 11, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-100).
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Vranich, Alexei. "La pirámide de Akapana: reconsiderando el centro monumental de Tiwanaku." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113458.
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The Akapana Pyramid: Reconsidering Tiwanaku's Monumental CenterThe most visible remains of the Tiwanaku civilization are the monuments found at the site of Tiwanaku. Although the target of extensive excavation and analysis in the last 100 years, there is a serious lack of substantiated information about important aspects such as dating, form, and construction of these monuments. This in turn affects our understanding of the development of this impressive urban ceremonial center. In the following article I examine the principle monument at Tiwanaku, the Akapana pyramid, evaluating the most recently published interpretations of its dating, form and construction in light of information collected during my 1999 and 2000 field seasons. Finding inadequacies with the manner in which monuments have been excavated and interpreted in the past, I propose an alternative method and reinterpret the available evidence. I conclude with an alternative explanation for the Akapana pyramid and explore the ramifications of my new perspective on this monument for broader understandings of the pre-Columbian center's urban form.Los restos más visibles de la civilización de Tiwanaku se encuentran en el casco urbano de su propia capital. Desde hace más de un siglo han sido la meta lógica de toda clase de excavaciones y análisis de datos; hasta la actualidad, sin embargo, persiste una notable penuria de información comprobable respecto al fechado, a su forma elusiva y construcción compleja, pobreza que, a su vez, afecta la comprensión de la forma y desarrollo de este impresionante centro urbano ceremonial.En el presente artículo se vuelve a analizar la pirámide de Akapana, monumento principal de Tiwanaku, con el propósito de realizar, a la luz de recientes datos suministrados por las investigaciones llevadas a cabo entre 1999 y 2000, una nueva evaluación de los últimos estudios publicados sobre las cuestiones de su fechado, forma y construcción. Al encontrar insuficiencias en la manera en que se excavaron y se analizaron los monumentos en el pasado, se propone un proceder alternativo a fin de brindar una nueva interpretación de los datos. Con ella se llega a un entendimiento más viable de la pirámide de Akapana y se examina su relevancia para la forma de este centro urbano preeuropeo desde una perspectiva nueva.
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Janusek, John W. "Diversidad residencial y el surgimiento de la complejidad en Tiwanaku." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113613.
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Domestic Variability and the Emergence of Complexity at TiwanakuThe character of the ancient settlement of Tiwanaku has been a subject of debate for the past half century. Despite general acknowledgement that Tiwanaku influenced vast regions of the south-central Andes for several hundred years, the problem of whether or not Tiwanaku was an "empty" pilgrimage site or a densely populated urban center, and if urban, the constitution of its resident populations, remain compelling questions. This paper addresses these questions by presenting the results of extensive excavations in several residential sectors of the Tiwanaku site. Discussion of comparative spatial architectural and artifactual data emphasizes several intersecting patterns in the changing nature of residential organization during the Tiwanaku IV phase (AD 500-800), during which the site expanded into a major political and religious center. Comparative evidence indicates that during this phase Tiwanaku expanded into a densely populated urban center. This evidence emphasizes notable patterns of spatial order and stylistic uniformity across the site, pointing to the creation and dissemination of a common "state culture". Residential patterns were also characterized by traditional markers of social complexity, including marked status differentiation and specialized craft production. At the same time, these residential areas remained mutually differentiated in local social affiliations with group identity, indicating that the urban center developed out of and remained grounded in a fundamental segmentary social order. These results offer a unique perspective into the distinctive nature of pristine Andean urbanism and social complexity.Las características del antiguo asentamiento de Tiwanaku han suscitado discusiones desde hace más de medio siglo. Pese a aceptar, por lo general, que Tiwanaku ejerció una gran influencia sobre vastas regiones de los Andes surcentrales durante varios siglos, se mantiene el problema de decidir si Tiwanaku fue un lugar de peregrinaje "vacío" o un centro urbano densamente poblado y, aun al aceptar la condición urbana, quedan preguntas difíciles. El presente trabajo trata de estos temas por medio de la presentación de los resultados de excavaciones intensivas en varios sectores residenciales del sitio de Tiwanaku. Se discuten y se comparan los datos espaciales, arquitectónicos y de artefactos, así como se enfatizan varios patrones cruzados en la naturaleza cambiante de la organización residencial durante la fase Tiwanaku IV (500-800 d.C.), en la cual el sitio se convirtió en un gran centro político y religioso. Evidencias comparativas muestran que Tiwanaku fue un centro urbano densamente poblado durante esta misma fase. Estas evidencias subrayan la presencia de notables patrones de orden espacial y de uniformidad estilística a través del sitio, lo cual apunta hacia la creación y difusión de una "cultura estatal" compartida. Los patrones residenciales también se caracterizan por marcadores tradicionales de complejidad social, que incluyen una marcada diferenciación de status y producción artesanal especializada. Al mismo tiempo, estas mismas áreas residenciales mantenían sus diferencias en cuanto a filiaciones sociales locales y la identidad de grupo. Lo que indica que el centro urbano se desarrolló sobre la base de un orden social segmentado. Estos resultados ofrecen una perspectiva única hacia la naturaleza distintiva del urbanismo andino prístino y la complejidad social.
Books on the topic "Tiwanaku"
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Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino., ed. Tiwanaku, señores del Lago Sagrado. Santiago [Chile]: Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, 2000.
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Bolivia. Dirección Nacional de Arqueología y Antropología. Unidad de Antropología. Tiwanaku, muestrario artesanal. La Paz: Dirección Nacional de Antropología y Arqueología, 1999.
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Méndez, Divar A. Viscarra. Tiwanaku: Síndrome de depredación. La Paz: Centro de Publicaciones de la Facultad de Arquitectura y Artes, 1993.
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Vallejo, Freddy Bustillos. Instrumentos musicales de Tiwanaku. La Paz, Bolivia: Museo Nacional de Etnografía y Folklore, Departamento de Programas Educativos y Etnomusicología, 1989.
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R, Jorge Emilio Molina. Los enigmas geométricos en Tiwanaku. La Paz, Bolivia: J.E. Molina R., 1991.
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Bellido, José Huidobro. La ocupación Tiwanaku en Cusco. La Paz, Bolivia: Producciones Cima, 2006.
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Luis Alberto de la Rocha. Bibliografía de Tiwanaku: Selección especial. [Tiwanaku, Bolivia]: Centro Socio-Cultural "Hogar Tiwanaku", 1992.
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Museum, Denver Art, ed. Tiwanaku: Ancestors of the Inca. Denver, CO: Denver Art Museum, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Tiwanaku"
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Goldstein, Paul. "Tiwanaku." In Encyclopedia of Prehistory, 319–42. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0521-1_28.
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Janusek, John Wayne. "Assembling Tiwanaku." In New Materialisms Ancient Urbanisms, 65–129. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. |Includes bibliographical references and index.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351008488-5.
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Stanish, Charles. "Tiwanaku Political Economy." In Andean Archaeology I, 169–98. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0639-3_6.
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Isbell, William H., and JoEllen Burkholder. "Iwawi and Tiwanaku." In Andean Archaeology I, 199–241. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0639-3_7.
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Protzen, Jean-Pierre, and Stella Nair. "The Gateways of Tiwanaku." In Andean Archaeology II, 189–223. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0597-6_9.
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Sagárnaga, Jédu. "Tiwanaku, Geography and Culture of." In Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, 10625–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30018-0_2575.
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Ortloff, Charles R., and John W. Janusek. "Hydrologic Engineering of the Tiwanaku." In Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures, 1–16. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_10323-1.
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Sagárnaga, Jédu. "Tiwanaku, Geography and Culture of." In Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, 1–15. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51726-1_2575-1.
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Ortloff, Charles R., and John W. Janusek. "Hydrologic Engineering of the Tiwanaku." In Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures, 2267–81. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7747-7_10323.
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Gerold, Gerhard. "Zusammenbruch der Tiwanaku-Kultur im 11. Jh." In Klimawandel und der Untergang von Hochkulturen, 189–222. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-63891-0_6.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Tiwanaku"
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Cabero Z., Marco Antonio, Michael Carlos Gonzales V., and J. Willam Ariel Muñoz F. "Mathematics in Tiwanaku-The gold number in the gate of the sun." In 2017 International Conference on Applied Mathematics, Modelling and Statistics Application (AMMSA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ammsa-17.2017.32.
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Hilwa, Wirda, and Samidi. "Prototype mobile Knowledge Management System (KMS) for Islamic banking with "Tiwana" framework on university: Case study STEI SEBI." In 2014 International Conference on Cyber and IT Service Management (CITSM). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/citsm.2014.7042181.
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