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Journal articles on the topic 'Tiwanaku'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Goldstein, Paul. "Tiwanaku Temples and State Expansion: A Tiwanaku Sunken-Court Temple in Moquegua, Peru." Latin American Antiquity 4, no. 1 (March 1993): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972135.

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Until recently, an entrenched view of Tiwanaku expansion in the south-central Andes as a primarily cultic phenomenon precluded discussion of state-built ceremonial facilities outside of Tiwanaku’s immediate hinterland of the Bolivian altiplano. However, recent research in the Tiwanaku periphery has found specialized ceremonial architecture that reflects the solidification of central control and the development of a provincial system. Excavation at the Omo M10 site, in Moquegua, Peru, has exposed the only Tiwanaku sunken-court temple structure and cut-stone architecture known outside of the Titicaca Basin. A reconstruction of the Omo temple complex demonstrates direct parallels with Tiwanaku ceremonial centers of the altiplano in architectural form and ceremonial activities. This suggests that patterns of state-centered ceremony and peripheral administration underwent a dramatic transformation with the explosive expansion of the Tiwanaku state during the period known as Tiwanaku V (A. D. 725–1000).

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2

Majia, Jidi. "Tiwanaku." Manoa 30, no. 1 (2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2018.0105.

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3

Goldstein, Paul S. "Multiethnicity, pluralism, and migration in the south central Andes: An alternate path to state expansion." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 30 (July 20, 2015): 9202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1500487112.

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The south central Andes is known as a region of enduring multiethnic diversity, yet it is also the cradle of one the South America’s first successful expansive-state societies. Social structures that encouraged the maintenance of separate identities among coexistent ethnic groups may explain this apparent contradiction. Although the early expansion of the Tiwanaku state (A.D. 600–1000) is often interpreted according to a centralized model derived from Old World precedents, recent archaeological research suggests a reappraisal of the socio-political organization of Tiwanaku civilization, both for the diversity of social entities within its core region and for the multiple agencies behind its wider program of agropastoral colonization. Tiwanaku’s sociopolitical pluralism in both its homeland and colonies tempers some of archaeology’s global assumptions about the predominant role of centralized institutions in archaic states.

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4

Bermann, Marc. "Domestic Life and Vertical Integration in the Tiwanaku Heartland." Latin American Antiquity 8, no. 2 (June 1997): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971688.

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Recent research on the Tiwanaku state has documented the evolution of regional settlement patterns and agricultural systems, but little is known of changes at the subregional level outside the capital. Analysis of a sequence of domestic occupations excavated at Lukurmata, Bolivia, provides information on how individual households within the Tiwanaku core area were consolidated into the Tiwanaku polity. Changes in residential patterns and artifact assemblages suggest that Lukurmata households were initially connected to the Tiwanaku polity through exchange and religious ties. A new level of assimilation developed in the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. These changes, including agricultural intensification, illustrate the increasing integration of individual households into the Tiwanaku political economy and social order as the landscape developed. The nature and timing of these changes are consistent with current hypotheses of a transformation in Tiwanaku political and economic organization near the end of the Tiwanaku IV period (A.D. 400-800).

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5

Knudson, Kelly J. "Tiwanaku Influence in the South Central Andes: Strontium Isotope Analysis and Middle Horizon Migration." Latin American Antiquity 19, no. 1 (March 2008): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104566350000763x.

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Although the presence of Tiwanaku-style material culture throughout southern Peru, northern Chile, and western Bolivia is well documented, the nature of Tiwanaku influence during the Middle horizon (A.D. 500–1100) is variously attributed to imperial expansion or economic and/or religious relationships. Strontium isotope data from archaeological human remains from Tiwanaku-affiliated sites identified first-generation immigrants from the Lake Titicaca basin outside of the Tiwanaku heartland at the Peruvian site of Chen Chen. These data provide an important component to studies that demonstrated close biological relationships during the Middle horizon but could not demonstrate the direction of population movement. However, no immigrants from the Lake Titicaca basin were identified at the San Pedro de Atacama cemeteries of Coyo Oriental, Coyo-3, and Solcor-3. At the sites of Tiwanaku, Tilata, Iwawe, and Kirawi, strontium isotope ratios were also variable, and demonstrate movement within the Lake Titicaca basin. This demonstrates that Tiwanaku influence involved direct colonization in the Moquegua Valley but that in other regions, like San Pedro de Atacama, local inhabitants adopted Tiwanaku-style material culture. This elucidates the complex and highly variable relationships between the Tiwanaku heartland and peripheral sites during the Middle horizon.

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6

Scher, S. "Ancient Tiwanaku." Ethnohistory 58, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2010-091.

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7

Vela Velarde, Carlos. "BASES PARA EL CONOCIMIENTO DE LA PRESENCIA TIWANAKU EN EL VALLE DEL CAPLINA, TACNA." Ciencia & Desarrollo, no. 4 (April 15, 2019): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33326/26176033.1996.4.89.

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La presencia tiwanaku en el valle del Caplina es consecuencia del proceso de expansión de Tiwanaku (aprox. 800 – 900 d.C.). Este proceso logró cohesionar los pueblos del sur del Perú y norte de Chile actuales con la zona de Bolivia. El valle del Caplina recibió el influjo del Imperio Tiwanaku, arqueológicamente se describen materiales de fabricación loca. La presencia tiwanaku en el valle del Caplina (Tacna) es considerada una más pues Tacna en su historia ha recibido varias presencias culturales que han dejado su “impronta” en las identidades y en las mentalidades de su población.

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8

Sharratt, Nicola. "Tiwanaku's Legacy: A Chronological Reassessment of the Terminal Middle Horizon in the Moquegua Valley, Peru." Latin American Antiquity 30, no. 03 (June 26, 2019): 529–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2019.39.

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As in other examples of state collapse, political disintegration of the Tiwanaku state circa AD 1000 was accompanied by considerable cultural continuity. In the Moquegua Valley, Peru, the location of the largest Tiwanaku communities outside the altiplano, settlements and practices associated with this postcollapse cultural continuity are termed Tumilaca. Previous research indicated that Tumilaca was short-lived, with all vestiges of Tiwanaku gone from Moquegua's archaeological record by the thirteenth century when the valley was subsequently characterized by Estuquiña-style materials. This article discusses radiocarbon dates from Tumilaca la Chimba, a village established as the political authority of the Tiwanaku state waned. The 21 absolute dates from Tumilaca domestic, public, and funerary contexts span at least 350 years, from the late tenth to the mid-fourteenth centuries AD. They suggest that (1) Tiwanaku-affiliated communities endured well into the later Late Intermediate Period (AD 1200–1470); (2) ongoing debates about the emergence of Estuquiña communities must consider the role of terminal Tiwanaku populations; and (3) analyses of postcollapse continuity can be enhanced by considering peripheral locales and the particularities of continuity.

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9

Szykulski, Józef, and Jakub Wanot. "The Tiwanaku Tradition within the Tambo Valley, Southern Coast of Peru: Interpretation of Burial Contexts from La Pampilla 1." Latin American Antiquity 32, no. 3 (May 26, 2021): 577–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2021.18.

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The collapse of the Tiwanaku state around AD 1000 resulted in dramatic changes in the areas of its former colonies such as the Moquegua Valley, which featured the largest Tiwanaku communities outside the Altiplano. The inhabitants of these former colonies were forced to relocate to the areas north of Moquegua, including the Tambo River estuary (Arequipa Department, Province of Islay). This relocation has been confirmed at La Pampilla 1, where a large graveyard featuring funerary contexts of the postcollapse communities of Tiwanaku-Timulaca was found, with a calibrated 14C date between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries AD. In this article we discuss the results of excavations and analyses conducted at the La Pampilla 1 graveyard, the first systematically researched Tiwanaku site in the Tambo Valley: these findings confirm the existence of a relatively large, terminal-phase Tiwanaku population, represented by Tumilaca funerary contexts.

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10

Marsh, Erik J. "A Bayesian Re-Assessment of the Earliest Radiocarbon Dates from Tiwanaku, Bolivia." Radiocarbon 54, no. 2 (2012): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_js_rc.v54i2.15826.

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The development of sociopolitical complexity at Tiwanaku around AD 500 was one of the major episodes of social change in the history of the Lake Titicaca Basin. It was the result of poorly understood processes that took place at a series of ceremonial centers in the preceding centuries. The history of Tiwanaku during this time is especially unclear, because the only radiocarbon dates are from excavations whose details were never completely published. Despite this, there is consensus that Tiwanaku was founded around 300 BC. A re-evaluation of the archaeological context of each of these dates shows many of them to be unreliable. Two Bayesian models from independent excavations agree that Tiwanaku was in fact founded centuries later, most likely around AD 110 (50-170, 1σ). This has important implications for widely used monolith and ceramic sequences, as well as understanding the rise of Tiwanaku and other archaic states.

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Marsh, Erik J. "A Bayesian Re-Assessment of the Earliest Radiocarbon Dates from Tiwanaku, Bolivia." Radiocarbon 54, no. 02 (2012): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200046932.

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The development of sociopolitical complexity at Tiwanaku around AD 500 was one of the major episodes of social change in the history of the Lake Titicaca Basin. It was the result of poorly understood processes that took place at a series of ceremonial centers in the preceding centuries. The history of Tiwanaku during this time is especially unclear, because the only radiocarbon dates are from excavations whose details were never completely published. Despite this, there is consensus that Tiwanaku was founded around 300 BC. A re-evaluation of the archaeological context of each of these dates shows many of them to be unreliable. Two Bayesian models from independent excavations agree that Tiwanaku was in fact founded centuries later, most likely around AD 110 (50-170, 1σ). This has important implications for widely used monolith and ceramic sequences, as well as understanding the rise of Tiwanaku and other archaic states.

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12

Hermann M. Niemeyer, Diego Salazar, Helena Horta Tricallotis, and Francisco T. Peña-Gómez. "New Insights into the Tiwanaku Style of Snuff Trays from San Pedro de Atacama, Northern Chile." Latin American Antiquity 26, no. 1 (March 2015): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.26.1.120.

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Snuff trays are conspicuous objects that are found in archaeological contexts throughout Andean South America. At San Pedro de Atacama, in northern Chile, snuff trays that exhibit iconographic motifs similar to those found on Tiwanaku megalithic monuments have been assigned to the Tiwanaku style. In the present work, we propose a new definition for this style based on the occurrence of three morphological features: an overall trapezoidal shape, incurving sides, and sharp top corners. This group includes trays with iconography from the previously defined Tiwanaku style, as well as other trays without iconography. Principal component analysis shows that Tiwanaku-style trays with and without iconography make up a single group that is significantly different from plain, largely rectangular San Pedro-style trays. The relative proportion of Tiwanaku-style trays with and without iconography does not differ between cultural periods and archaeological sites. The results point to shape as an important trait for assigning trays to styles. Furthermore, the results show that during the Middle period four main types of snuff trays were in use: Tiwanaku trays with and without iconography and local San Pedro trays, also with and without iconography. We explore the possible social implications of this co-occurrence of styles.

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13

Sutter, Richard C., and Nicola Sharratt. "Continuity and Transformation During the Terminal Middle Horizon (A.D. 950–1150): A Bioarchaeological Assessment of Tumilaca Origins within the Middle Moquegua Valley, Peru." Latin American Antiquity 21, no. 1 (March 2010): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.21.1.67.

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AbstractPrevious archaeological studies suggest that terminal Middle Horizon Tumilaca populations (cal A.D. 950–1150) of the middle Moquegua Valley represent direct descendants of earlier Chen Chen-style Tiwankau colonists of the region. This study tests this idea by comparing dentally derived biodistance analyses of Tumilaca, Chen Chen-style, Tiwanaku, and other regional samples. The results indicate that the Tumilaca and Chen Chen-style mortuary samples are similar to one another suggesting that these populations might share an ancestral-descendant relationship. The phenetic relations of the Tumilaca and Chen Chen to other regional samples are also discussed.

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14

Kolata, Alan L. "The Agricultural Foundations of the Tiwanaku State: A View from the Heartland." American Antiquity 51, no. 4 (October 1986): 748–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280863.

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In this essay I explore the nature, role, and significance of intensive agriculture in the ancient state of Tiwanaku, which was centered in the high plateau of southern Peru and northwestern Bolivia. Significant primary evidence that the state of Tiwanaku systematically reclaimed immense tracts of now abandoned agricultural land around the borders of Lake Titicaca is adduced and evaluated.I conclude that Tiwanaku was a dynamic, expansive state based squarely on an effective, surplus-producing system of intensive agriculture, that the intensification agricultural production through large scale reclamation of flat, seasonally inundated land along the margins of Lake Titicaca was a prime economic strategy of the Tiwanaku state, and that this strategy was devised and managed by a hierarchically organized, central government.

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15

Owen, Bruce D. "Distant Colonies and Explosive Collapse: The Two Stages of the Tiwanaku Diaspora in the Osmore Drainage." Latin American Antiquity 16, no. 1 (March 2005): 45–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30042486.

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AbstractThe geographic expansion of Tiwanaku people and culture (cal A.D. 500–1150) in the south-central Andes can be viewed as a two-staged diaspora. This article defines and categorizes diasporas, suggests archaeological correlates and theoretical implications, and reconstructs the Tiwanaku diaspora. The first stage was a colonizing diaspora in the context of the functioning Tiwanaku state, limited to a few mid-elevation places such as the middle Osmore drainage near Moquegua and probably Cochabamba. The second stage was a much more extensive victim/refugee diaspora driven by the violent disintegration of the colonies around A.D. 1000, in conjunction with either the collapse of Tiwanaku or its radical reorientation by a militaristic elite. Second-stage diaspora populations that settled in sparsely populated areas such as the upper Osmore drainage or the Carumas–Calacoa region established dispersed, small, defensible villages. Those that settled among a larger or more established host population such as the Chiribaya in the coastal Osmore Valley integrated as a marked, lower-status minority. This explosive collapse suggests that Tiwanaku was composed of multiple groups whose differing interests could not be contained. Supporting evidence is drawn primarily from the Osmore drainage, especially the coastal segment.

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16

Rodman, Amy Oakland. "Textiles and Ethnicity: Tiwanaku in San Pedro de Atacama, North Chile." Latin American Antiquity 3, no. 4 (December 1992): 316–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971952.

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Examining textiles and other usually perishable artifacts, this paper focuses on textile style as an indicator of ethnicity in archaeological textiles excavated in the cemetery of Coyo Oriental, San Pedro de Atacama, Chile. The Coyo Oriental cemetery was occupied during a period of strong Tiwanaku influence in San Pedro de Atacama (A. D. 500-1000) recognized in artifacts decorated with Tiwanaku images. The analysis presented here identifies at least two distinct textile styles recognized in tunic striping, embroidered selvage treatments, and headgear, a fact that possibly indicates a multiethnic use of the cemetery and oasis of Coyo Oriental. Associated textiles and artifacts suggest that one group represents a local style and ethnic group and the other is a different ethnic group closely related to Tiwanaku. Instead of only minor Tiwanaku influence, I suggest that the oasis was home to a foreign altiplano population who maintained for centuries an ethnic identity visible in a distinct textile style.

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17

Kolata, Alan L. "The Technology and Organization of Agricultural Production in the Tiwanaku State." Latin American Antiquity 2, no. 2 (June 1991): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972273.

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Utilizing data from six seasons of field research, this article focuses on the question of the technology and social organization of intensive agricultural production in the Andean state of Tiwanaku. Recent literature in Andean archaeology and ethnohistory asserts the dominance of local kin groups in the organization of agricultural production rather than supracommunity state authority. The analysis presented here takes issue with this perspective as applied to the core territory of the Tiwanaku state during the period from ca. A. D. 400 to 1000 (Tiwanaku IV-V). I conclude that in this period: (1) the technology of Tiwanaku intensive agricultural production turned on the creation of an artificial regional hydrological regime of canals, aqueducts, and groundwater regulation articulated with massive raised-field systems, and (2) the organization of agricultural production in this core territory entailed structured, hierarchical interaction between urban and rural settlements characterized by a substantial degree of political centralization and the mobilization of labor by social principles that reached beyond simple kinship relations.

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18

Protzen, Jean-Pierre, and Stella E. Nair. "On Reconstructing Tiwanaku Architecture." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59, no. 3 (September 2000): 358–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991648.

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19

Marsh, Erik. "The Founding of Tiwanaku." Ñawpa Pacha 32, no. 2 (December 2012): 69–187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/naw.2012.32.2.69.

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20

Ballvé, Teo. "The Declaration of Tiwanaku." NACLA Report on the Americas 39, no. 5 (March 2006): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2006.11722333.

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21

Albarracin-Jordan, Juan, José M. Capriles, and Melanie J. Miller. "Transformations in ritual practice and social interaction on the Tiwanaku periphery." Antiquity 88, no. 341 (August 26, 2014): 851–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00050730.

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Ritual practices and their associated material paraphernalia played a key role in extending the reach and ideological impact of early states. The discovery of a leather bag containing snuffing tablets and traces of psychoactive substances at Cueva del Chileno in the southern Andes testifies to the adoption of Tiwanaku practices by emergent local elites. Tiwanaku control spread over the whole of the south-central Andes during the Middle Horizon (AD 500–1100) but by the end of the period it had begun to fragment into a series of smaller polities. The bag had been buried by an emergent local elite who chose at this time to relinquish the former Tiwanaku ritual practices that its contents represent.

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22

Korpisaari, Antti, Markku Oinonen, and Juan Chacama. "A Reevaluation of the Absolute Chronology of Cabuza and Related Ceramic Styles of the Azapa Valley, Northern Chile." Latin American Antiquity 25, no. 4 (December 2014): 409–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.25.4.409.

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The nature and extent of the political and cultural influence of the Tiwanaku state (ca. A.D. 500—1100) in the Azapa Valley of northern Chile are debated topics. The absolute chronology of these contacts also remains somewhat unclear. Much of the debate has centered on the origins and chronological position of the Tiwanaku-related black-on-red ceramic style called Cabuza. In order to reevaluate the chronological position of the Cabuza, Maytas-Chiribaya, and San Miguel ceramic styles and associated cultural phases of the Azapa Valley, we obtained a total of 16 new radiocarbon dates for the Azapa-6, Azapa- 71a, Azapa-141, and Azapa-143 cemeteries. All but one sample dated to the Late Intermediate period (ca.A.D. 1000-1450). We compare our results with previously published radiocarbon and thermoluminescence dates and carry out Bayesian probability calculations, establishing the most likely chronological ranges for the three ceramic styles. Based on this research, we argue that the undeniable Tiwanaku influence seen in the Azapa Valley more likely reflects processes set in motion by the collapse of the Tiwanaku state rather than an attempt to colonize or indirectly control the Azapa Valley during the Middle Horizon (ca. A.D. 550-1000).

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23

Albarracin-Jordan, Juan. "Tiwanaku Settlement System: The Integration of Nested Hierarchies in the Lower Tiwanaku Valley." Latin American Antiquity 7, no. 3 (September 1996): 183–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971574.

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This study reports on changing settlement patterns in the lower Tiwanaku Valley during the Formative (1500 B. C.-A. D. 100), Classic (A. D. 400-800), and Postclassic (A. D. 800-1100) periods. Based on the association of agricultural features with these site distributions, as well as the consideration of ethnohistoric and ethnographic information, it is argued that fundamental principles of the political and economic organization of the Aymara ayllus and markas can be inferred from the archaeological evidence. It also is suggested that Tiwanaku articulated local elites through mechanisms of reciprocity and common ideological denominators rather than through direct intervention and control of local sociopolitical hierarchies.

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24

Janusek, John Wayne. "Craft and Local Power: Embedded Specialization in Tiwanaku Cities." Latin American Antiquity 10, no. 02 (June 1999): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972198.

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Proponents of many comparative models of craft specialization explain variability in the organization of production according to the nature of elite interest and economic demand. To this end, many propose a basic dichotomy between independent and attached specialization, whereby valued goods are produced for elites in controlled, nondomestic workshops. I examine new evidence for craft production in the prehispanic Andean polity of Tiwanaku (A. D. 500-1150). I outline expectations for these two forms of specialization and, based on ethnohistorical research in the Tiwanaku region, propose a third form, termed embedded specialization. I appraise primary evidence for the production of ceramic vessels at the site of Tiwanaku and the production of musical instruments at the nearby regional site of Lukurmata. Weighing expectations against evidence, I argue that in Tiwanaku centers many goods were produced by kin-based groups residing in large residential compounds. Skilled production served the overarching political economy and the demands of nonspecialists, but it was neither strictly independent of nor directly attached to elite interests. Craft was rooted in segmentary principles of sociopolitical order, and so was local but not wholly autonomous. On a comparative scale, I suggest that embedded production characterized some states emphasizing corporate strategies of political integration.

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25

Baitzel, Sarah I. "CULTURAL ENCOUNTER IN THE MORTUARY LANDSCAPE OF A TIWANAKU COLONY, MOQUEGUA, PERU (AD 650–1100)." Latin American Antiquity 29, no. 3 (June 28, 2018): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2018.25.

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Archaeological studies of culture contact often presuppose culture change. Contact that did not result in culture change is difficult to identify archaeologically, but it merits our attention for understanding how and why change failed to materialize in the wake of cultural encounter. In this paper, I examine the occurrence of contact without change on the frontier of the south-central Andean Tiwanaku state (AD 400–1100). Tiwanaku settlers who colonized the uninhabited middle Moquegua valley in the seventh century AD shared a mortuary landscape with coastal sojourners at the site of Omo M10, even though their interactions were otherwise limited. Complex regional histories and divergent economic interests explain why contact between highland and coastal groups was confined to mortuary rituals during the initial stage of contact, following a Tiwanaku pattern in Moquegua of ritualizing culture contact. Later generations of Tiwanaku colonists may have reinitiated contact with coastal communities for access to marine resources, and accepting foreigners into their community. This case study presents a framework for identifying culture contact without culture change. It demonstrates the utility of regional histories and careful contextual analysis for hypothesizing the nature and consequences of cultural encounters that did not follow expected trajectories of change.

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Goldstein, Paul S., and Matthew J. Sitek. "PLAZAS AND PROCESSIONAL PATHS IN TIWANAKU TEMPLES: DIVERGENCE, CONVERGENCE, AND ENCOUNTER AT OMO M10, MOQUEGUA, PERU." Latin American Antiquity 29, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 455–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2018.26.

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Reconstructing access patterns, in particular processional and liturgical movement in ceremonial architecture, can illuminate social processes within expansive states. Extensive excavations from 2010–2012 in the uniquely preserved Tiwanaku temple at the Omo M10 site in Moquegua, Peru (ca. AD 500–1100), shed new light on connectedness and access patterns of the temple. Extensive areal excavations confirm past interpretations of a central axial series of doorways and staircases presided over by stelae and U-shaped, altar-like structures leading from public plazas to the sunken court and a central shrine. However, new findings revealed separate lateral pathways through the structure, which suggest liturgical processions to walled patio groups that were isolated from the central axis. We posit that these small patios and their roofed chambers may have functioned as chapels for distinct groups or pluralistic cultic activities that were separate from those of the central axis. Implications for Tiwanaku social structure are studied in light of other examples of triple entryways in Tiwanaku monumental architecture, and Kolata's suggestion of “Taypi” as a structural amalgam of a center and complementary halves, with implications of mediation and bilateral complementarity between ethnicities, genders, moieties, or other pluralistic entities within Tiwanaku state and society.

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27

Covey, R. Alan. "Tiwanaku: Ancestors of the Inca." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 10, no. 1 (April 2005): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlat.2005.10.1.231.

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Covey, R. Alan. "Tiwanaku: Ancestors of the Inca." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 10, no. 1 (May 7, 2008): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlca.2005.10.1.231.

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29

BRAY, TAMARA L. "Tiwanaku: Ancestors of the Inca." Museum Anthropology 28, no. 2 (September 2005): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/mua.2005.28.2.63.

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30

Hayashida, Frances. "Ancient Tiwanaku. John Wayne Janusek." Journal of Anthropological Research 65, no. 4 (December 2009): 666–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.65.4.25608282.

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31

Hoshower, Lisa M., Jane E. Buikstra, Paul S. Goldstein, and Ann D. Webster. "Artificial Cranial Deformation at the Omo M10 Site: A Tiwanaku Complex from the Moquegua Valley, Peru." Latin American Antiquity 6, no. 2 (June 1995): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972149.

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Artificial cranial deformation is a recognized attribute of many archaeologically recovered Andean skeletal collections. Ethnohistoric sources document the diversity of forms used to mark both vertical and horizontal status distinctions among Late Horizon peoples. Region-specific social groups were characterized by distinctive deformation styles, as were individuals of Inka heritage. Review of early Spanish accounts and consideration of various strategies commonly used in analyzing deformation forms suggest that investigators be sensitive to both final skull shape and the nature of deforming devices. This case study maintains that detailed descriptions of skull form will permit interpretations of technique and apparatus used, without the actual deforming artifacts. We examined archaeologically recovered skeletal remains from Huaracane-phase, Tiwanaku-related Chen Chen-phase (Tiwanaku V), and Tumilaca-phase cemetery components of the Omo site group, located near the present-day town of Moquegua in southern Peru. Our analysis demonstrates that the pattern of cranial deformation within the Omo M10 cemetery complex clearly emphasizes homogeneity within individual cemeteries and heterogeneity across cemeteries. We enlist current competing models for Tiwanaku hegemony to interpret this pattern.

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32

Stanish, Charles, Edmundo de la Vega, Michael Moseley, Patrick Ryan Williams, Cecilia Chávez J., Benjamin Vining, and Karl LaFavre. "Tiwanaku trade patterns in southern Peru." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 29, no. 4 (December 2010): 524–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2010.09.002.

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33

Janusek, John Wayne. "Out of Many, One: Style and Social Boundaries in Tiwanaku." Latin American Antiquity 13, no. 1 (March 2002): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971740.

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Archaic state formation simultaneously involved political integration and socioeconomic differentiation, which many archaeologists consider mutually reinforcing processes. Differentiation is considered to have consisted primarily of status and specialization, forms of heterogeneity that ultimately supported state integration. This paper addresses the role of differentiation in the Andean polity of Tiwanaku (A. D. 500–1150). Specifically, it evaluates expressions of social identity in relation to differences in status and specialized production in the urban settlements of Tiwanaku and Lukurmata. Patterns of ceramic style are compared with other types of material culture and residential activities. Multiple lines of evidence suggest that, in the context of a potent and ubiquitous state culture, significant social boundaries persisted at multiple social scales, ranging from urban corporate groups to more encompassing regional affiliations. At larger scales identity potentially involved some degree of political autonomy, as it did in later sociopolitical organizations in the south-central Andes. For several hundred years, Tiwanaku rulers, facing profound social diversity and enduring local identities, emphasized incorporative strategies of integration, leaving a great deal of productive management and sociopolitical organization in the hands of local groups. Social boundaries played critical roles in state formation and centralization, and ultimately may have precipitated its disintegration.

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Dransart, Penny, and Alan L. Kolata. "The Tiwanaku: Portrait of an Andean Civilization." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 2, no. 4 (December 1996): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034307.

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Blom, Deborah, and John Wayne Janusek. "Making place: humans as dedications in Tiwanaku." World Archaeology 36, no. 1 (April 2004): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0043824042000192623.

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Delaere, Christophe, José M. Capriles, and Charles Stanish. "Underwater ritual offerings in the Island of the Sun and the formation of the Tiwanaku state." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 17 (April 1, 2019): 8233–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1820749116.

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Considerable debate surrounds the economic, political, and ideological systems that constitute primary state formation. Theoretical and empirical research emphasize the role of religion as a significant institution for promoting the consolidation and reproduction of archaic states. The Tiwanaku state developed in the Lake Titicaca Basin between the 5th and 12th centuries CE and extended its influence over much of the south-central Andes of South America. We report on recent discoveries from the first systematic underwater archaeological excavations in the Khoa Reef near the Island of the Sun, Bolivia. The depositional context and compositional properties of offerings consisting of ceramic feline incense burners, killed juvenile llamas, and sumptuary metal, shell, and lapidary ornaments allow us to reconstruct the structure and significance of cyclically repeated state rituals. Using new theoretical tools, we explain the role of these rituals in promoting the consolidation of the Tiwanaku polity.

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Binford, Michael W., Alan L. Kolata, Mark Brenner, John W. Janusek, Matthew T. Seddon, Mark Abbott, and Jason H. Curtis. "Climate Variation and the Rise and Fall of an Andean Civilization." Quaternary Research 47, no. 2 (March 1997): 235–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/qres.1997.1882.

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Paleolimnological and archaeological records that span 3500 years from Lake Titicaca and the surrounding Bolivian–Peruvian altiplano demonstrate that the emergence of agriculture (ca. 1500 B.C.) and the collapse of the Tiwanaku civilization (ca. A.D. 1100) coincided with periods of abrupt, profound climate change. The timing and magnitude of climate changes are inferred from stratigraphic evidence of lake-level variation recorded in14C-dated lake-sediment cores. Paleo-lake levels provide estimates of drainage basin water balance. Archaeological evidence establishes spatial and temporal patterns of agricultural field use and abandonment. Prior to 1500 B.C., aridity in the altiplano precluded intensive agriculture. During a wetter period from 1500 B.C. to A.D. 1100, the Tiwanaku civilization and its immediate predecessors developed specialized agricultural methods that stimulated population growth and sustained large human settlements. A prolonged drier period (ca. A.D. 1100–1400) caused declining agricultural production, field abandonment, and cultural collapse.

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Williams, Patrick Ryan. "Cerro Baúl: A Wari Center on the Tiwanaku Frontier." Latin American Antiquity 12, no. 1 (March 2001): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971758.

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Andean scholars have long debated the nature of the relationship between two Middle Horizon (ca. A. D. 750-1000) Andean states; many assumed Tiwanaku dominated Wari and preceded Wari in time. Recent research at the Wari administrative center of Cerro Baúl in the only known region occupied by both states (the Moquegua Valley of southern Peru) indicates that Tiwanaku may not predate Wari in Moquegua and that, contrary to previous assertions, both states occupied the valley for the last three centuries of the Middle Horizon. In support of this position, I review recent excavations at Cerro Baúl. Then I present eight new 14C dates and summarize the evidence for two major construction episodes at Cerro Baúl. I interpret the local Wari construction chronology based on the 12 14C dates now available from excavation contexts and I suggest that the new data, in comparison with 24 published 14C dates from other Wari centers, support a later date for Middle Horizon 1B Wari expansion than previously postulated.

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Roddick, Andrew. "Book Reviews: Tiwanaku edited by Margaret Young-Sánchez." American Anthropologist 112, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 496. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2010.01265_19.x.

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Nash, Donna J., and Patrick Ryan Williams. "Architecture and Power on the Wari-Tiwanaku Frontier." Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 14, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ap3a.2004.14.151.

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Nash, Donna J., and Patrick Ryan Williams. "Architecture and Power on the Wari-Tiwanaku Frontier." Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 14, no. 1 (January 2005): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ap3a.2005.14.151.

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Ortloff, Charles R. "Water Engineering at Precolumbian AD 600–1100 Tiwanaku’s Urban Center (Bolivia)." Water 12, no. 12 (December 18, 2020): 3562. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w12123562.

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The pre-Columbian World Heritage site of Tiwanaku (AD 600–1100) located in highland altiplano Bolivia is shown to have a unique urban water supply system with many advanced hydraulic and hydrological features. By use of Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) modeling of the city water system, new revelations as to the complexity of the water system are brought forward. The water system consists of a perimeter drainage channel surrounding the ceremonial center of the city. A network of surface canals and subterranean channels connected to the perimeter drainage channel are supplied by multiple canals from a rainfall collection reservoir. The perimeter drainage channel provides rapid draining of rainy season rainfall runoff together with aquifer drainage of intercepted rainfall; water collected in the perimeter drainage channel is then directed to the Tiwanaku River then on to Lake Titicaca. During the dry season aquifer drainage continues into the perimeter drainage channel; additional water is directed into the drainage channel from a recently discovered, reservoir connected M channel. Two subterranean channels beneath the ceremonial center were supplied by M channel water delivered into the perimeter drainage channel that served to remove waste from the ceremonial center structures conveyed to the nearby Tiwanaku River. From control of the water supply to/from the perimeter drainage channel during wet and dry seasonal changes, stabilization of the deep groundwater level was achieved—this resulted in the stabilization of monumental ceremonial structure’s foundations, a continuous water supply to inner city agricultural zones, water pools for urban use and health benefits for the city population through moisture level reduction in city ceremonial and secular urban housing structures.

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Díaz S, Rafael Francisco. "La flauta traversa del Nuevo Mundo surgió en Tiwanaku." Revista musical chilena 67, no. 219 (January 2013): 12–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0716-27902013000100002.

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McAndrews, Timothy L., Juan Albarracin-Jordan, and Marc Bermann. "Regional Settlement Patterns in the Tiwanaku Valley of Bolivia." Journal of Field Archaeology 24, no. 1 (1997): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530562.

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McAndrews, Timothy L., Juan Albarracin-Jordan, and Marc Bermann. "Regional Settlement Patterns in the Tiwanaku Valley of Bolivia." Journal of Field Archaeology 24, no. 1 (January 1997): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jfa.1997.24.1.67.

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Janusek, John W. "Tiwanaku and Its Precursors: Recent Research and Emerging Perspectives." Journal of Archaeological Research 12, no. 2 (June 2004): 121–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:jare.0000023711.96664.1b.

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Sammells, Clare A. "Complicating the Local: Defining the Aymara at Tiwanaku, Bolivia." International Journal of Historical Archaeology 17, no. 2 (April 16, 2013): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10761-013-0223-4.

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URTON, GARY. "Andean Diaspora: The Tiwanaku Colonies and the Origins of South American Empire:Andean Diaspora: The Tiwanaku Colonies and the Origins of South American Empire." American Anthropologist 108, no. 3 (September 2006): 589–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2006.108.3.589.2.

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Téllez Rodríguez, Juan. "¿Qué hay de nuevo en Bolivia con Evo Morales?" Observatorio del Desarrollo. Investigación, Reflexión y Análisis 2, no. 5 (March 18, 2013): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35533/od.0205.jtr.

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El vivir bien es subversivo al capitalismo neoliberal y globalizado, y está cargado de utopías esperanzadoras para trascender la oscuridad del instante vivido. En 2006 irrumpió el vivir bien con el arribo al poder del primer presidente indígena de Bolivia: Evo Morales. Siete años después de aquel acontecimiento en Tiwanaku (el 21 de enero, 2012) dirigimos la mirada hacia atrás para ver las huellas en el camino recorrido.

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Rubinatto Serrano, Juliana, Maria Camila Vallejo-Pareja, Susan D. deFrance, Sarah I. Baitzel, and Paul S. Goldstein. "Contextual, Taphonomic, and Paleoecological Insights from Anurans on Tiwanaku Sites in Southern Peru." Quaternary 5, no. 1 (March 7, 2022): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/quat5010016.

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We examine the processes that resulted in the deposition of bones of at least three anuran genera on four archaeological sites associated with the Tiwanaku culture occupied between 700–1100 CE in the Moquegua Valley of far southern Peru. We review archaeological data and ethnographic accounts of Andean peoples using frogs and toads for food and in rain-quest rituals. Anuran bones are common in prehispanic cemeteries, but far less common in habitational and ceremonial sites. The quantity of anuran remains in certain cemeteries is anomalous in comparison to other archaeological sites in the valley and to Tiwanaku sites in other geographic settings. We conclude that anurans are most common where abandoned below-ground rock-covered tombs are likely to have been reused by nesting owls, and propose that most anuran remains in archaeological contexts in Moquegua are the result of predation. We consider environmental, cultural and taphonomic explanations and posit that the abundance of anuran remains relates to the 14th-century Miraflores ENSO event. This event generated increased rainfall in the desert, creating conditions favorable for frogs and toads, and predation by owls. We also advocate for the use of fine-screening to recover small-sized animal remains, such as anurans, that can be used to understand taphonomic processes and paleoenvironmental conditions.

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