Journal articles: 'Tlalocan'

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Barlow, R. H., and George T. Smisor. "Introducing Tlalocan." Tlalocan 1, no. 1 (November 3, 2020): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1943.514.

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Barlow, R. H., and George T. Smisor. "Re-Introducing TLALOCAN." Tlalocan 4, no. 1 (September 27, 2016): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1962.302.

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Tlalocan appears again, thanks to the cooperation of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. The present editors think it fitting to begin Volume IV with the words of the founders of this publication.

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Smissor, George T., and Ignacio Bernal. "R. H. Barlow and 'Tlalocan'." Tlalocan 3, no. 2 (September 28, 2016): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1952.359.

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Barlow, R. H. "La Fundación de Cuacuauzentlalpan." Tlalocan 4, no. 1 (September 27, 2016): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1962.309.

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Glockner, Julio. "The Barroque Paradise of Santa María Tonantzintla (Part I)." Ethnologia Actualis 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 8–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eas-2016-0001.

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Abstract The baroque church of Santa María Tonantzintla is located in the Valley of Cholula in Central Mexican Plateau and it was built during 16th-19th century. Its interior decoration shows interesting symbolic fusion of Christian elements with Mesoamerican religious aspects of Nahua origin. The scholars of Mexican colonial art interpreted the Catholic iconography of Santa María Tonantzintla church as Assumption of Virgin Mary up to celestial kingdom and her coronation by the holy Trinity. One of those scholars, Francisco de la Maza, proposed the idea that apart from that the ornaments of the church evoke Tlalocan, paradise of ancient deity of rain known as Tlaloc. Following this interpretation this study explore a relation between Virgin Mary and ancient Nahua deity of Earth and fertility called Tonatzin in order to show profound syncretic bonds which exist between Cristian and Mesoamerican traditions.

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Sandstrom, A. R. "Eating Landscape: Aztec and European Occupation of Tlalocan." Ethnohistory 51, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-51-1-198.

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Uriarte, María Teresa. "THE TEOTIHUACAN BALLGAME AND THE BEGINNING OF TIME." Ancient Mesoamerica 17, no. 1 (January 2006): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536106060032.

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This paper proposes a reinterpretation of the Tepantitla murals long known as the Tlalocan. Taking into account the numerous representations of different kinds of ballgames on these walls, along with the instances of the Maya glyph forpu,puorpu[h], or “Place of the Reeds” (i.e. Tollan), this paper argues that this mural represents Teotihuacan as prototypical civilized city associated with the beginning of time and the calendar. Further evidence is provided by the images of “Scattering Priests” in the adjacent room, all of whom wear crocodilian headdresses associated with Cipactli, the first day of the central Mexican calendar. In both rooms, images of Tlaloc with hallucinogenic water-lily buds in his mouth reflect associations with the sun, the calendar, and the underworld. The murals of Tepantitla can be interpreted as a coherent program representing the central role of the ballgame in establishing Teotihuacan as Tollan, the place where time began.

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Glockner, Julio. "The Barroque Paradise of Santa María Tonantzintla (Part II)." Ethnologia Actualis 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eas-2017-0002.

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Abstract The baroque church of Santa María Tonantzintla is located in the Valley of Cholula in the Central Mexican Plateau and it was built during 16th-19th century. Its interior decoration shows an interesting symbolic fusion of Christian elements with Mesoamerican religious aspects of Nahua origin. Scholars of Mexican colonial art interpreted the Catholic iconography of Santa María Tonantzintla church as the Assumption of the Virgin Mary up to the celestial kingdom and her coronation by the holy Trinity. One of those scholars, Francisco de la Maza, proposed the idea that apart from that, the ornaments of the church evoke Tlalocan, paradise of the ancient deity of rain known as Tlaloc. Following this interpretation this study explores the relation between the Virgin Mary and the ancient Nahua deity of Earth and fertility called Tonatzin in order to show the profound syncretic bonds which exist between Christian and Mesoamerican traditions.

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Villalpando Quiñonez, Jesús, Zarina Estrada Fernández, and María Luisa Bustillos Gardea. "El nixtamal preparado con ceniza: Una receta en el rarámuri de Norogachi." Tlalocan 26 (February 19, 2021): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.2021.26.42984.

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Documented oral texts in Uto-Aztecan languages of northern Mexico are scarce in comparison with oral texts in languages from central and southern Mexico. This unavailability of oral texts indicates that documenting these languages is a high priority. This is the case for the Tarahumara/Rarámuri language. The oral text presented here is not the first text in Tarahumara or Rarámuri published in Tlalocan. However, it does represent the first instance in a series of oral texts collected recently, and more importantly, documented by using current methodologies implemented in a documentation project. This contribution to Tlalocan serves as a different written register from narratives in Rarámuri. The text ‘Échi napíwili napisó kítila newáami’ is a sample of a procedural discourse as shown when telling a recipe. This procedure tells us about a cultural practice that used to be more common among Rarámuri people: how to prepare hominy (nixtamal) by using pine ashes. Rarámuri people consider this practice as common among the ki’yawáli ‘the ancestors’ and the ochélame ‘the elders’.

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Robles, Ángel. "Proclama del Gobierno Chiapaneco." Tlalocan 4, no. 1 (September 27, 2016): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1962.305.

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Este texto tzotzil se publica por cortesía del Sr. Angel Robles, de San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chis., quien nos lo facilitó para Tlalocan. Parece haber sido originalmente un cartelón o "papelón" para ser pe-gado en las calles. Es uno de los pocos documentos en lengua indígena que aún existen de la lucha intestina chiapaneca a mediados del siglo pasado. Nos parece de suficiente interés como para volver a editarlo.

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Graulich, Michel. "Eating Landscape: Aztec and European Occupation of Tlalocan. Philip P. Arnold." History of Religions 42, no. 1 (August 2002): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463697.

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Carrasco, Pedro. "Más documentos sobre Tepeaca." Tlalocan 6, no. 1 (September 26, 2016): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1969.247.

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En un número anterior de Tlalocan (IV: 2, 97-119) he publicado y comentado documentos del Archivo General de la Nación acerca de las tierras de dos indios nobles de Tepeaca. Publico ahora documentos del Archivo General de Indias de Sevilla que añaden nuevos datos sobre este y otros temas. Estos documentos forman el expediente 4 del legajo 94 de la sección Audiencia de México. Lo publico entero, dividido en cuatro partes para separar los documentos de distinto tema

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13

Hill, Kenneth C. "El líder yute y el joven yute." Tlalocan 20 (January 14, 2016): 15–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.2015.239.

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el texto que se presenta aquí es uno de varios textos hopis compilados por edward A. Ken- nard en los años treinta en los pueblos de la Segunda Mesa. el seleccionado para este volumen de Tlalocan se ha editado siguiendo las convenciones ortograficas más actuales, sin embargo, el texto y la traducción reflejan la versión original de Kennard. el relato trata de un niño hopi que llega a vivir con un líder de los yutes, pero la narración empieza con las instrucciones que recibe el niño del líder de los hopis antes de que se lo llevaran los yutes. Sigue un cambio de tono y el texto continúa con la historia ya empezada del niño que está viviendo entre los yutes.

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Villalpando Quiñonez, Jesús, Zarina Estrada Fernández, María Luisa Bustillos Gardea, Luis Sandoval Bustillos, and Javier Jaime Holguín. "El nixtamal preparado con ceniza: Una receta en el rarámuri de Norogachi." Tlalocan 26 (February 19, 2021): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.2021.541.

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Los textos orales documentados en lenguas yutoaztecas del noroeste de México son escasos en comparación con los de lenguas del centro y sur de México. Esto nos habla también de la imperante necesidad de su documentación. Este escenario no es excepcional para el tarahumara o rarámuri. El texto oral aquí presentado no corresponde al primero en la lengua rarámuri publicado en la revista Tlalocan, pero representa una primera muestra de textos orales recopilados en años recientes y registrados mediante metodologías más actuales como parte de un proyecto de documentación lingüística. Esta contribución tiene como objetivo dejar registrado un texto distinto al discurso narrativo en la lengua rarámuri de la localidad de Norogachi. El texto ‘Échi napíwili napisó kítila newáami’ representa el discurso procedimental, en su modalidad de una receta de cocina: la preparación del nixtamal con ceniza de encino. Este texto registra una práctica cultural poco común actualmente entre los rarámuri. No obstante, se le reconoce común entre los ki’yawáli ‘las personas de antes’ y particularmente los mayores u ochélame ‘los adultos mayores’.

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Villaseñor-Bayardo, Sergio J., and Martha P. Aceves Pulido. "El concepto de la muerte en el imaginario mexicano." Revista de Neuro-Psiquiatria 76, no. 1 (January 26, 2014): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20453/rnp.v76i1.1209.

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Se examina el concepto de la muerte y elementos relacionados en el contexto de la cultura Nahua del antiguo México, antes y después de la conquista española. En términos generales, la muerte no era considerada un evento penoso o angustiante, aun cuando los poetas y artistas cantaban a la caducidad de la vida y las angustias de la agonía. Los mitos enfatizaban trascendencia y re-creación. Las moradas de los fallecidos variaban en función de edad y tipo de muerte. Por ejemplo, un soldado muerto en combate o eliminado como prisionero por sus enemigos, o una mujer que fallecía durante el parto, reposarían en la llamada Casa del Sol. Lactantes fallecidos simplemente retornaban al 13º. cielo, de donde habían venido, a seguir alimentándose del árbol nodriza y aun con posibilidades de regresar a la tierra. Nombres asignados a “lugares de los muertos” incluyen Tlalocan, Mictlan y Tlatilpac. La llegada del cristianismo cambió sustancialmente algunas de estas creencias aun cuando, como en el caso del Día de Difuntos, se estableció una suerte de sincretismo en la asignación de fechas y la práctica de rituales recordatorios.

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Dakin, Karen. "Presentación: Cambio de guardia: unas palabras y unos recuerdos de Tlalocan. Revista de fuentes para el conocimiento de las culturas indígenas de México." Tlalocan 25 (September 7, 2020): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.2020.497.

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17

Gómez-Chávez, S., C. Solís, J. Gazzola, E. R. Chávez-Lomelí, M. A. Mondragón, M. Rodríguez-Ceja, and M. A. Martínez-Carrillo. "AMS 14C Dating of Materials Recovered from the Tunnel under the Temple of the Feathered Serpent in Teotihuacan, Mexico." Radiocarbon 59, no. 2 (December 14, 2016): 545–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2016.77.

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AbstractIn 2003, flooding occurred in the Ciudadela (Citadel) of Teotihuacan and saltpeter began to damage the Temple of the Feathered Serpent. Work done to solve this problem led to one of the most important archaeological discoveries made in this site in recent years: an intact tunnel sealed for more than a thousand years. The project created to study the tunnel was named Tlalocan or Path to the Underworld. More than 60,000 objects have been recovered after years of exploration and removing huge amounts of soil and stones. This paper presents the first results of accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dating performed on some of those materials recovered from the tunnel. With these findings, in combination with the archaeological data, based on stratigraphy and ceramic typology, a chronology of several events is proposed concerning the construction phases and ceremonial use, as well as partial and definitive closures of the tunnel. Every closure was accompanied by a deliberate and structured deposition of offerings and ritual refuse along the tunnel. The range of ages that covers the Bayesian calibration of samples collected along the tunnel is around 115 yr, from AD 125 to 240. Material collected at the surface of the chamber located at the end of the tunnel and under the pyramid gave ages in the interval between AD 400 and 534. All samples analyzed fall within the interval of time that covers the period of occupation of Teotihuacan.

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Torres, Yolotl González. "Eating Landscape: Aztec and European Occupation of Tlalocan. Philip P. Arnold. University Press of Clorado, Niwot, CO, 1999. 287 pp. figures, index. $45.00 (cloth)." Latin American Antiquity 11, no. 3 (September 2000): 309–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972186.

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Schwaller, John F. "Eating Landscape: Aztec and European Occupation of Tlalocan. By Philip P. Arnold. Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 1999. Pp. xvii, 287. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $45.00 cloth; $24.95 paper." Americas 60, no. 1 (July 2003): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0083.

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Karadimas, Dimitri. "Tlaloc, le dieu parasite." Recherches amérindiennes au Québec 47, no. 2-3 (June 12, 2018): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1048594ar.

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Travaillant à partir de sources variées et composites, l’auteur livre une analyse iconographique originale sur Tlaloc, le dieu parasite des Mayas, figure centrale de leur panthéon, souvent qualifié par les spécialistes des sociétés mésoaméricaines comme le « dieu de la pluie », mais aussi des tornades, des séismes et autres éléments météorologiques. À travers une démarche archéologique et anthropologique, l’auteur propose de mettre en lumière une « pensée analogique », traversant différentes sociétés précolombiennes, qui, pour créer les êtres imaginaires, trouve son inspiration dans les formes significatives apparaissant au sein du monde vivant, notamment dans certaines espèces d’insectes.

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Iwaniszewski, Stanisław. "Archaeology and Archaeoastronomy of Mount Tlaloc, Mexico: A Reconsideration." Latin American Antiquity 5, no. 2 (June 1994): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971561.

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This paper reevaluates the architectural remains atop Mount Tlaloc in light of recent contributions by Aveni et al. (1988), Broda (1989, 1991a, 1991b), and Townsend (1991). Evidence suggests that there were at least two phases of architectural activity on the mountain. An archaeoastronomical analysis of the ceremonial enclosure leads to the suggestion that the orientation of the structure reveals a paradigm marking out specific days by denoting positions of the sun-at-horizon events at intervals of 20 days. This may be a reference to the nemontemi days of the Mexican 365-day solar calendar. Mount Tlaloc also appears to be associated with other mountains through visual lines that correlate with sunrise on dates when ceremonies were performed in sanctuaries situated on prominent elevations.

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Fox, John Gerard. "The Ballcourt Markers of Tenam Rosario, Chiapas, Mexico." Ancient Mesoamerica 4, no. 1 (1993): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100000778.

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AbstractThis study is an iconographic analysis of ballcourt markers from the Late/Terminal Classic Maya site of Tenam Rosario, Chiapas, Mexico. The squatting posture of the two figures depicted on these markers, while rare in Lowland Maya art, is compared to Late Postclassic images of the earth deities Tlaltecuhtli and Tlaloc from Central Mexico. Contemporaneous examples of this posture are presented from the Gulf Coast site of El Tajin where squatting figures are associated with the rain god specifically and with the themes of ballgame sacrifice and regeneration in general. Tlaloc imagery in Classic Maya art is related to blood sacrifice as a complex, which includes both ritual warfare and autosacrifice. These forms of sacrifice are discussed as engendered categories in both Classic Maya and Aztec society. The Tenam Rosario markers are found to express themes that are consistent with ballgame symbolism throughout Mesoamerica, while conflating male and female aspects of blood sacrifice as regenerative ritual.

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Aveni, A. F., E. E. Calnek, and H. Hartung. "Myth, Environment, and the Orientation of the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan." American Antiquity 53, no. 2 (April 1988): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281020.

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In the light of the recent excavations of the Templo Mayor in downtown Mexico City, we explore the problem of the role of astronomy, calendar, and the landscape in the design and orientation of the building and of the city in general. We employ ethnohistoric data relating to the foundation myth of Tenochtitlan as a means of generating hypotheses concerning astronomical orientation that can be tested by reference to the archaeological record. We find that eastward-looking observations (implied in dismantling and reconstructing the myth) that took place around the time of the equinox may have been related to an attempt to transform a true east orientation from the natural environment into the architecture via a line that passed through the center of the Temple of Huitzilopochtli (the more southerly temple of the pair constituting the top of the Templo Mayor). It also is possible that the notch between the twin temples served a calendrical/orientational function. Evidence is presented to support the view that the mountain cult of Tlaloc, represented in the environment on the periphery of the Valley of Mexico by Mount Tlaloc, also may have directly influenced the orientation of the building and that it was part of a scheme for marking out days of the calendar by reference to the position of the rising sun at intervals of 20 days from the spring equinox. In this regard, we discuss the connection between the Templo Mayor and an enclosure containing offertory chambers atop Mount Tlaloc, which is located on a line extended to the visible horizon 44 km east of the ceremonial center. The ethnohistoric record implies that this place had been used for sacrifices to the rain god after whom the other of the twin temples of the Templo Mayor was named.

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정혜주. "The Meaning of Rain God Tlaloc in Aztec Great Temple." Korean Journal of Folk Studies ll, no. 40 (June 2017): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35638/kjfs..40.201706.005.

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González-Díaz, Alfonso Ángel, Edmundo Díaz-Pardo, Miriam Soria-Barreto, and Emilio Martínez-Ramírez. "Diferencias Osteológicas entre los Subgéneros Profundulus y Tlaloc (Teleostei: Profundulidae)." International Journal of Morphology 32, no. 3 (September 2014): 1074–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0717-95022014000300053.

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Medrano Enríquez, Angélica María. "CHILD SACRIFICE IN TULA: A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY." Ancient Mesoamerica 32, no. 1 (2021): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536120000279.

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AbstractRecent salvage excavations conducted in the Early Postclassic city of Tula, Hidalgo, exposed a residential compound containing an open patio, beneath which was discovered a massive burial, designated Feature 5. Human remains involving a minimum of 49 individuals were discovered, many of whom were arranged in a sitting or squatting position. The majority of individuals, including all of the latter, were young children. The bioarchaeological analysis suggests that they were sacrificed. Many individuals exhibited anthropogenic modification, including cut marks on the skull and postcranial skeleton, indicating the children had been flayed. Some individuals were represented only by the skull and cervical vertebrae, suggesting decapitation. The individuals appeared to be in bad health, a common attribute of children sacrificed to Tlaloc by the Aztecs. According to ethnohistorical sources, children offered to Tlaloc commonly had their throats slit, although this practice was not identified among the individuals in Feature 5, possibly owing to their young age. Sacrifice also may have been made to Xipe Totec, as suggested by the evidence of flaying and the presence of a large hollow sculpture of the deity located in an adjacent residential compound, a deity who has been also linked to human sacrifice related to regeneration and fertility.

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DiCesare, Catherine R. "Tlaloc Rites and the Huey Tozoztli Festival in the Mexican Codex Borbonicus." Ethnohistory 62, no. 4 (October 2015): 683–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-3135290.

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Astudillo-Sánchez, Claudia C., José Villanueva-Díaz, Angel R. Endara-Agramont, Gabino E. Nava-Bernal, and Miguel A. Gómez-Albores. "Climatic variability at the treeline of Monte Tlaloc, Mexico: a dendrochronological approach." Trees 31, no. 2 (September 6, 2016): 441–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00468-016-1460-z.

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Karadimas, Dimitri. "Caracóis emplumados e Tlaloc na Mesoamérica pré-hispânica: abordagem comparativa com o noroeste amazônico." Revista de Antropologia 59, no. 1 (June 28, 2016): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/2179-0892.ra.2016.116914.

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Os trompetes rituais do noroeste amazônico, quando tocados no momento da iniciação, fazem morrer os adolescentes, fazendo nascer homens adultos. A encenação ritual busca na metamorfose dos insetos uma analogia da troca de pele social a que os iniciados serão sujeitados. Um dos trompetes é construído à imagem da figura da crisálida de borboletas. Tidos como larvas, os adolescentes são “parasitados” pelos homens adultos para que eles os tornem guerreiros, fazendo com que eles se identifiquem às vespas que infestam esses locais de transformação. Ao retomar esses desenlaces rituais contemporâneos e as imagens que os acompanham, este artigo propõe-se analisar o caracol feito em uma concha marinha na Mesoamérica pré-hispânica, um artefato presente nos baixos relevos dos templos de Teotihuacán, e que aparece ligado tanto a Quetzalcoatl como a Tlaloc, o deus da chuva e das tempestades. Ao mostrar que as civilizações desta área cultural têm recursos às mesmas imagens que no noroeste amazônico, é possível realizar uma análise de várias de suas figuras que permanecem enigmáticas até o presente para mostrar que a mesma referência ao parasitismo esteve aí presente.

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Garavaglia, Juan Carlos. "Atlixco : L'Eau, les Hommes et la Terre dans une Valleè Mexicaine (15e-17e Siècles)." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 50, no. 6 (December 1995): 1309–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1995.279434.

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La tradition de l'utilisation de l'eau remonte à des temps très reculés dans le monde méso-américain. Les formes religieuses d'extraction « orientale » de Tlaloc et de Quetzacoatl — d'origine probablement olmeca — en constituent des témoignages extrêmement anciens. La tradition que les Espagnols allaient apporter au 16e siècle trouve également un passé prestigieux dans la culture hydraulique romaine et musulmane d'al-Andalus. Ainsi, tout en restant centrée autour du problème de l'histoire environnementale, cette étude tente de démontrer, à travers l'exemple de cette vallée mexicaine entre l'époque préhispanique et la période de l'après-Conquête, de quelle manière ces deux traditions culturelles se conjuguent, se mélangent et se confrontent au coeur de l'un des moments les plus tragiques de l'histoire du continent américain.

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Rueda, H., J. L. Macías, J. L. Arce, J. E. Gardner, and P. W. Layer. "The ~31ka rhyolitic Plinian to sub-Plinian eruption of Tlaloc Volcano, Sierra Nevada, central Mexico." Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research 252 (February 2013): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jvolgeores.2012.12.001.

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BONALDO, ALEXANDRE B., REGIANE SATURNINO, MARTÍN J. RAMÍREZ, and ANTONIO D. BRESCOVIT. "A revision of the American spider genus Strotarchus Simon, 1888 (Araneae: Dionycha, Systariinae)." Zootaxa 3363, no. 1 (July 3, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.3363.1.1.

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The genus Strotarchus Simon, 1888 is characterised for 18 species occurring from United States to Brazil. Seven previouslyknown species are redescribed: S. nebulosus Simon, 1888, the type species; S. praedator (O. Pickard-Cambridge, 1898); S. pis-catorius (Hentz, 1847); S. violaceus F.O. Pickard-Cambridge, 1899; S. minor Banks, 1909; S. tropicus (Mello-Leitão, 1917)and S. planeticus Edwards, 1958. Eleven new species are described: S. monasticus n. sp., S. mazamitla n. sp., S. tamaulipas n.sp., S. tlaloc n. sp., S. jacala n. sp., S. bolero n. sp. and S. michoacan n. sp. from Mexico; S. silvae n. sp. and S. urarina n. sp.from Peru; S. beepbeep n. sp. from United States and S. gandu n. sp. from Brazil. The male of S. minor and the female of S. tropicus are described for the first time.

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Huckert, Chantal. "Nopiloa y la representación de la tierra fecunda." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 31, no. 94 (August 7, 2012): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.2009.94.2288.

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La figurilla sonajero se caracteriza por estar articulada de los brazos y por su estilo mayoide. La halló el arqueólogo Alfonso Medellín en 1958, en el contexto de un entierrro secundario de Nopiloa, centro-sur de Veracruz o Mixtequilla, y se encuentra en custodia del Museo de Antropología de Xalapa con el registro PJ282. El ensayo da cuenta de cinco temas iconográficos en su vestimenta, compuesta por un huipil y un enredo, además de las orejeras circulares moldeadas con la efigie del dios de la lluvia, tempestad, rayo y guerra, o Tlaloc. La imaginería de esta figurilla del Clásico tardío muestra elementos panmesoamericanos por sus formas y por las ideas que transmiten y su análisis plantea la hipótesis de que la figurilla constituye un modelo de las diosas madres telúricas, cuyos interiores orográficos o vientres generan abundancia.

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NAVARRETE-HEREDIA, JOSÉ L., LILIANA P. SANDOVAL, and SANTIAGO ZARAGOZA-CABALLERO. "Agathidium mexicanum Hendrichs, 1979: Types rediscovered." Zootaxa 4731, no. 2 (February 5, 2020): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4731.2.11.

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Agathidium mexicanum Hendrichs, 1979: 106 is the single Mexican species of Leiodidae described by a Mexican entomologist: Chemical Engineer Jorge Hendrichs. As an amateur coleopterist he made a beetle collection of 18,400 specimens, adequately labeled by his wife and daughter. Most of the specimens are now in the entomological collection of the Instituto de Biología, UNAM. He published 12 papers, one of them devoted to the description of one leiodid species: Agathidium mexicanum Hendrichs, 1979. Type specimens of A. mexicanum were collected in Estado de Mexico and Distrito Federal (now Ciudad de México) localities (type locality: Cerro Tlaloc, Estado de México). The type series as described in the original description was constituted by 13 specimens: Holotype (male), allotype (female) and, 11 paratypes (6 males and 5 females). For specific details, data of the material examined is fully included (Hendrichs 1979: 110):

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Musset, Alain. "De Tlaloc a Hippocrate L'Eau et L'Organisation de L'Espace dans le Bassin de Mexico (XVIe-XVIIIe Siècle)." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 46, no. 2 (April 1991): 261–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1991.278946.

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L'histoire du drainage des lacs du bassin de Mexico est sans aucun doute l'exemple parfait d'une catastrophe écologique soigneusement préparée et menée à terme par une société désireuse de résoudre à sa manière un conflit sans issue entre elle et son milieu. C'est une histoire longue, qui débute en 1521, quand les Espagnols décident d'installer leur capitale sur les ruines de l'ancienne Tenochtitlan, et qui se poursuit de nos jours avec les problèmes croissants rencontrés par la plus grande ville du monde, peuplée de plus de 20 millions d'habitants : pollution chronique, manque d'eau potable, défaillance des systèmes de drainage, érosion des sols, déforestation, inondations en saison des pluies, tempêtes de poussières alcalines en saison sèche.

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Both, M. A. Adje. "The songs of Tlaloc: Interference of ten ceramical duct flutes, Offering 89 of the Aztec Templo Mayor." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 112, no. 5 (November 2002): 2367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4779593.

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Balsera, Viviana Díaz. "A Judeo-Christian Tlaloc or a Nahua Yahweh? Domination, Hybridity and Continuity in the Nahua Evangelization Theater." Colonial Latin American Review 10, no. 2 (December 2001): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609160120093787.

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Manzanilla, Linda, Claudia López, and AnnCorinne Freter. "Dating Results From Excavations in Quarry Tunnels Behind the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan." Ancient Mesoamerica 7, no. 2 (1996): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001450.

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AbstractIn this article we summarize the results of an ongoing project designed to study the tunnels and caves of Teotihuacan, emphasizing those findings derived from the excavation of four extraction tunnels located immediately to the east of the Pyramid of the Sun. In particular, we present radiocarbon and obsidian-hydration dates from the Cueva de las Varillas, where 13 Mazapan-phase burials were found and which has substantial evidence for a post-Teotihuacan occupation. In addition, the Cueva del Pirul has produced evidence of another 14 human burials, which were predominantly children, as well as complete dog skeletons, in a context clearly related to underworld symbolism. After the fall of Teotihuacan, these underground cavities excavated into tezontle continued to provide space for the practitioners of Tlaloc and fertility cult activities. In Aztec times, they were living spaces, and given the lack of space on the surface, this was a function that they served well into the twentieth century.

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Dehouve, Danièle. "The Aztec Gods in Blended-Space: a Cognitive Approach to Ritual Time." Journal of Cognition and Culture 19, no. 3-4 (August 7, 2019): 385–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-12340065.

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AbstractBy applying diverse approaches to study the Aztec gods, light can be shed on different aspects of their personalities. In this article the cognitive theory of conceptual blending, developed by Fauconnier and Turner, is applied. In this perspective the functioning of the human mind is viewed as being grounded on the constant blending of mental spaces, a process that, in turn, makes new mental spaces emerge. After briefly reviewing the attempts to apply this theory to the ritual domain in general, I consider two types of Aztec rituals, one dedicated to the rain god Tlaloc, and the other to Xochiquetzal, the goddess of seduction. I show the importance of the compression of time in the blending process that condenses three moments: mythical time, ritual time and the immediate future. The capability of the gods to subvert the lineal passage of time and to compress past, present and future stands out as a one of the chief characteristics highlighting the advantages found by applying Blending-Theory.

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Alderete-C, Angel, Vicente Espinosa H, Enrique Ojeda Trej, Muhammad Ehsan, Jesus Perez More, Victor Manuel Cetina Alc, Dante Arturo Rodriguez, and Nancy De la Cruz-Lande. "Natural Distribution and Principal Characteristics of Lupinus in the Oriental Face of Tlaloc Mountain in Sierra Nevada, Mexico." Journal of Biological Sciences 8, no. 3 (March 15, 2008): 604–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3923/jbs.2008.604.609.

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Cortes, Rocio. "Donde esta Tlaloc? El Templo Mayor mexica: Edificacion real y simbolica del imperio en fuentes escritas y materiales." MLN 118, no. 2 (2003): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2003.0041.

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SALINAS, VICTOR HUGO, DEMETRIO MORA, REGINE JAHN, and NÉLIDA ABARCA. "New species of Pseudostaurosira (Bacillariophyceae) including a tripolar taxon from mountain streams of Central Mexico." Phytotaxa 464, no. 3 (October 19, 2020): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.464.3.1.

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A morphological study based on light microscopy and scanning electron microscopy describing three new Pseudostaurosira species from mountain streams in Central Mexico is presented herein. Epilithon and water samples for physico-chemical analyses were collected from eleven mountain streams in the Basin of Mexico, located within the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt. The bipolar Pseudostaurosira carmonae and P. caballeroae, and the tripolar P. iztaccihuatlii are described from Coaxcacoaco, San Rafael and Ameca streams, located at elevations above 2600 m. These streams were characterized by cold, well oxygenated, and neutral to slightly alkaline water with low conductivity and low nutrient concentration, descending from Mount Tlaloc and Iztaccihuatl volcano in the south eastern part of the basin. No teratological features were observed in either of these taxa, nor an intermediate state between the co-occurring bipolar and tripolar forms. The ultrastructure features (pore structure and spines position) were consistent with the defining characteristics of the genus Pseudostaurosira. This study contributes to further unravelling the freshwater diatom flora of Mexico, while denoting the importance of protecting and studying aquatic ecosystems in this overpopulated region of the Mexico.

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Anzueto-Calvo, M. J., E. Velázquez-Velazquez, W. A. Matamoros, B. G. A. Cruz Maza, and A. Nettel-Hernanz. "Effect of conservation of fish in formalin and ethanol on length-weight relationships and condition factor in Tlaloc labialis (Günther, 1866)." Journal of Applied Ichthyology 33, no. 6 (August 17, 2017): 1184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jai.13461.

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Graulich, Michel. "El simbolismo del Templo Mayor de México y sus relaciones con Cacaxtla y Teotihuacan." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 23, no. 79 (August 7, 2012): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.2001.79.2086.

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La parte sur de la gran pirámide de Tenochtitlan simboliza el Coatépetl; en cambio es poco probable que parte norte, de Tláloc, sea el Tonacatépetl ya que según el mito este cerro fue vaciado. Se califica a veces la pirámide de eje o centro del mundo pero no estaba en el centro del Recinto sagrado y era doble. Todo indica en cambio una unión de contrarios: el islote de Mexico en la laguna, con Tenochtitlan solar al sur y Tlatelolco lunar al norte y cada ciudad con una pirámide doble dedicada al sol y a la tierra-agua. Esta bipolaridad se refleja también en el gobierno de la ciudad, con el tlatoani representante del sol y el cihuacóatl de la tierra, o en los dos árboles centrales que sostienen el cielo. La oposición entre partes norte y sur del edificio es además marcada por cabezas de serpientes emplumadas al sur y de serpientes-Tlaloc al norte en la fachada. La misma bipolaridad-unión de los contrarios se vuelve a encontrar en los murales del Edificio A y de la Batalla en Cacaxtla — lugar cuya ideología muy equiparable con la de la época azteca establece una puente fascinante entre el Clásico y el Postclásico— y en el Templo de Quetzalcóatl en Teotihuacan.

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McCafferty, Sharisse D., and Geoffrey G. McCafferty. "The Conquered Women of Cacaxtla." Ancient Mesoamerica 5, no. 2 (1994): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001127.

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AbstractThe vividly painted “Battle Mural” of Cacaxtla (Tlaxcala, Mexico) depicts the gory results of a battle between racially distinct factions, characterized by their opposing jaguar and bird insignia. The two central Bird figures that remain standing are shown as captives, and in both cases they are attired in elaborate costumes that include diagnostic items of female clothing, including thequechquemitlcape and long skirt. Other figures are nude or are shown in simple male costumes, including themaxtlatlloincloth. This paper considers arguments of whether the two central figures were biological females, or rather, that the presence of female apparel on male actors was used within a context of conquest, symbolically transmitted through a gender ideology of male dominance and female subordination. While the evidence is inconclusive, we employ a contextual analysis of pre-Columbian pictorial manuscripts and Mexican cosmology to argue that these individuals were female. Furthermore, we suggest that the elaborate costume elements associated with these female figures, and their recurrence with the Jaguar Lord 3 Deer Antler “Tlaloc mask,” indicates that this was a noblewoman destined for marriage as a means of binding the Jaguar and Bird dynasties. Thus the Battle Mural depicts the capture of the “founding queen,” with the subsequent union demonstrated by the complementary depictions of Jaguar and Bird lords on Building A.

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Schwaller, John F. "The Ilhuica of the Nahua: Is Heaven just a Place?" Americas 62, no. 03 (January 2006): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500064531.

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The Nahua concept of heaven was one of the central issues that the missionary friars confronted as they attempted to reconcile Christian and Nahua thought in the early sixteenth century. The Nahua believed in the existence of both celestial heavens and subterranean hells, as possible destinations for individuals after death. The celestial realms, of which there were thirteen, were in general pleasant places. The subterranean realms were unpleasant. Unfortunately for the friars, the mechanisms whereby one could come to enjoy or suffer in these realms depended not on the quality of one’s life, but rather on the particulars of one’s death, the date of one’s birth, and other features of one’s existence. For instance, those who died by water, or lightening, were consigned to the heaven of the god of rain, Tlaloc. For the Nahua this post-mortem existence was corporeal, although the nature of one’s body might change in the process. The Nahua did not have any easy equivalent for the Christian soul. This essay will look particularly at the Nahuatl word for the sky, ilhuicatl, and how it functioned in both pre-Columbian thought and in the works written after the conquest with greater, or lesser, degrees of Christian input.

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Schwaller, John F. "The Ilhuica of the Nahua: Is Heaven just a Place?" Americas 62, no. 3 (January 2006): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0044.

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The Nahua concept of heaven was one of the central issues that the missionary friars confronted as they attempted to reconcile Christian and Nahua thought in the early sixteenth century. The Nahua believed in the existence of both celestial heavens and subterranean hells, as possible destinations for individuals after death. The celestial realms, of which there were thirteen, were in general pleasant places. The subterranean realms were unpleasant. Unfortunately for the friars, the mechanisms whereby one could come to enjoy or suffer in these realms depended not on the quality of one’s life, but rather on the particulars of one’s death, the date of one’s birth, and other features of one’s existence. For instance, those who died by water, or lightening, were consigned to the heaven of the god of rain, Tlaloc. For the Nahua this post-mortem existence was corporeal, although the nature of one’s body might change in the process. The Nahua did not have any easy equivalent for the Christian soul. This essay will look particularly at the Nahuatl word for the sky, ilhuicatl, and how it functioned in both pre-Columbian thought and in the works written after the conquest with greater, or lesser, degrees of Christian input.

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Martín-Cao-Romero, Carolina, Francisco Alonso Solís-Marín, Andrea Alejandra Caballero-Ochoa, Yoalli Quetzalli Hernández-Díaz, Leonardo López Luján, and Belem Zúñiga-Arellano. "New echinoderm remains in the buried offerings of the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan, Mexico City." Revista de Biología Tropical 65, no. 1-1 (December 8, 2017): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rbt.v65i1-1.31686.

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Between 1978 and 1982 the ruins of the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan were exhumed a few meters northward from the central plaza (Zócalo) of Mexico City. The temple was the center of the Mexica’s ritual life and one of the most famous ceremonial buildings of its time (15th and 16th centuries). More than 200 offerings have been recovered in the temple and surrounding buildings. We identified vestiges of 14 species of echinoderms (mostly as disarticulated plates). These include six species of sea stars (Luidia superba, Astropecten regalis, Astropecten duplicatus, Phataria unifascialis, Nidorellia armata, Pentaceraster cumingi), one ophiuroid species (Ophiothrix rudis), two species of sea urchins (Eucidaris thouarsii, Echinometra vanbrunti), four species of sand dollars (Mellita quinquiesperforata, Mellita notabilis, Encope laevis, Clypeaster speciosus) and one species of sea biscuit (Meoma ventricosa grandis). They date back to the reigns of kings Axayacatl (AD 1469-1481), Tizoc (AD 1481-1486), Ahuitzotl (AD 1486-1502), and Motecuhzoma II (AD 1502-1520). Apparently the presence of echinoderms in the offerings is related to the realm of Tlaloc (god of rain and earth). It is believed this organisms, like other marine animals, were used by the priests, like other marine animals, to represent the aquatic underworld of Mesoamerican world-view. Rev. Biol. Trop. 65(Suppl. 1): S168-S179. Epub 2017 November 01.

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Jordan, Keith. "Crowned Not Bound." Latin American and Latinx Visual Culture 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 56–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/lavc.2020.210005.

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Over the past three decades, arguments for derivation of the chacmool form from Classic Maya iconography of captives destined for sacrifice have dominated our understanding of this sculptural type at Early Postclassic Tula and Chichén Itzá. However, there are significant differences between the chacmools at the two sites in iconography and context, suggesting variations in meaning despite the similarities. I argue that at least at Tula, chacmools are linked to a pan-Mesoamerican iconography of elite ancestors as reclining figures, identified by Javier Urcid. The only complete example of a chacmool found at Tula in its original context was placed in Sala 2 of the Palacio Quemado, a structure decorated with friezes of reclining royal ancestors facing central reliefs of cuauhxicalli (sacrificial vessels). The association of these reliefs with a three-dimensional sculpture in a similar recumbent pose serving as a receptacle for sacrificial offerings suggests a closely related meaning for both. The Sala 2 chacmool's royal diadem and knife support its identification as a ruler rather than a captive. The closest Classic Maya parallels here are not captives but the relief of Pakal's resurrection on his sarcophagus lid. Archaeological evidence points to an association at Tula among royalty, Tlaloc, and chacmools that persisted into the Late Postclassic among their Mexica successors. By contrast, the Chichén Itzá chacmools occur in a broader range of contexts and greatly vary in style and costume, perhaps reflecting local adoption and transformation of a central Mexican form, consistent with earlier Maya traditions. RESUMEN En las últimas tres décadas, las tesis a favor de la idea de que la forma chacmool proviene de la iconografía de los cautivos destinados al sacrificio que es típica del clasicismo maya han dominado nuestra manera de aproximarnos a esta clase de esculturas en el Tula y el Chichén Itzá de la época posclásica temprana. Sin embargo, en lo que respecta a su iconografía y su contexto, existen diferencias significativas entre los chacmools que se encuentran en los dos sitios, lo que hace pensar que, a pesar de las similitudes, hay diferencias de significado. Yo sostengo que, al menos en Tula, los chacmools presentan claras influencias de una iconografía pan-mesoamericana, en la que a los antepasados de alto nivel social se los representa tumbados, boca arriba y semi-incorporados, y cuya singularidad fue reconocida por primera vez por Javier Urcid. En Tula, el único ejemplo de un chacmool íntegro que aún se encuentra en su contexto original está en la Sala 2 del Palacio Quemado, un espacio decorado con frisos en que figuran antepasados reales en posición semi-incorporada, los cuales se hallan orientados hacia relieves de cuauhxicalli (o receptáculo en que se depositaban corazones durante ritos sacrificiales) que están ubicados en el centro del recinto. La asociación de estos relieves con una escultura tridimensional en una similar postura recostada, que además sirve de receptáculo para las ofrendas de sacrificio, hace pensar que entre los dos hay un significado parecido. La diadema real y el cuchillo del chacmool de la Sala 2 respaldan la tesis de que se trata no de un cautivo, sino de un dirigente. En este lugar, los ejemplares cuya forma estética se remonta a la época maya clásica no son cautivos, salvo en el caso del relieve de la resurrección de Pakal que figura en la tapa de su sarcófago. Las pruebas arqueológicas apuntan a una asociación en Tula entre la realeza, Tlaloc, y los chacmools, que se mantuvo incluso en la época posclásica tardía entre los mexicas de épocas posteriores. Por el contrario, los chacmools de Chichén Itzá se sitúan en contextos muy diversos y exhiben una gran variedad interna en lo que respecta a su estilo y vestimenta, lo que tal vez sea evidencia de una adopción y transformación locales de una forma propia del centro de México—una práctica común según las tradiciones mayas anteriores. RESUMO Nas últimas três décadas, argumentos a favor de derivar a forma chacmool da iconografia Maia clássica de cativos destinados para sacrifício domina nossa compreensão desse tipo de escultura em Tula do início do período pós-classico e em Chichén Itzá. No entanto, há diferenças significativas entre os chacmools dos dois locais em termos de iconografia e contexto, o que sugere variações de significados apesar de suas similaridades. Argumento que, pelo menos em Tula, os chacmools estão ligados à iconografia pan-mesoamericana de ancestrais de elite como figuras reclinadas, identificadas por Javier Urcid. O único exemplo completo de um chacmool encontrado em Tula em seu contexto original foi colocado na Sala 2 do Palacio Quemado, uma estrutura decorada com frisos de ancestrais reais reclinados, em frente a relevos centrais de cuauhxicalli. A associação desses relevos com uma escultura tridimensional em pose similarmente recumbente que serve como receptáculo para ofertas de sacrifício, sugere um significado intimamente relacionado para ambos. O diadema e a faca reais do chacmool da Sala 2 suportam sua identificação como um regente e não um cativo. Os paralelos maias clássicos mais próximos aqui não são cativos, mas o relevo da ressurreição de Pakal na tampa de seu sarcófago. Evidência arqueológica aponta para uma associação em Tula entre a realeza, Tlaloc e chacmools, que persistiu no pós-clássico tardio entre seus sucessores Mexica. Por outro lado, os chacmools de Chichén Itzá ocorrem em uma ampla gama de contextos e variam muito em estilo e figurino, talvez refletindo a adoção e transformação locais, consistente com as tradições maias anteriores, de uma forma mexicana central.

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Beltrán-López, Rosa G., Alfonso A. González-Díaz, Miriam Soria-Barreto, Marco Antonio Garduño-Sánchez, Carmela Xochitla-Castrejón, Rocío Rodiles-Hernández, and Claudia Patricia Ornelas-García. "Genetic diversity and structure of one of the most endangered freshwater fish species in Mexico: Tlaloc hildebrandi (Miller, 1950) and recognition of its evolutionarily significant units." PeerJ 9 (August 27, 2021): e11952. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.11952.

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The endangered Chiapas killifish Tlaloc hildebrandi is an endemic freshwater species that lives in four subbasins of the Grijalva and Usumacinta basins, and one of the most geographically restricted species of the Produndulidae family. The species was originally described as endemic to springs in the high limestone plateau in San Cristóbal de Las Casas in the Río Amarillo subbasin (upper Grijalva basin). However, it was recently recorded in the Jataté and Tzaconejá subbasins in the upper Usumacinta basin, thereby expanding its known distribution range. The discovery of these populations is relevant not only for the conservation of the species but also for a better understanding of its evolutionary history. Currently, the scarce populations of T. hildebrandi, found in only a few localities in the Grijalva and Usumacinta basins, are fragmented and living under unfavorable conditions. Here, we analyzed three mitochondrial (mt-atp8&6 and mt-nd2) and one nuclear (nuc-s7) marker in order to assess the genetic diversity and population structure of T. hildebrandi. We found that, in comparison with other endangered freshwater fish species from Mexico, T. hildebrandi showed a lower level of genetic diversity (mt-nd2: h = 0.469, π = 0.0009; mt-atp8&6: h = 0.398, π = 0.001; and nuc-S7: h = 0.433, π = 0.001). Moreover, the analyzed populations exhibited a strong genetic structure in accordance with their geographic distribution, and can be placed into three genetic clusters: (1) Amarillo plus Chenhaló in the upper Grijalva basin, (2) Jataté, and (3) Tzaconejá, both in the upper Usumacinta basin. On the basis of our results, we propose the recognition of at least three evolutionarily significant units (ESUs) for the species and the urgent implementation of ex situ and in situ conservation and management efforts that consider the genetic background of the species.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Tlalocan'

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