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Journal articles on the topic 'Tokugawa shogunate'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

OSHIKIRI, TAKA. "THE SHOGUN'S TEA JAR: RITUAL, MATERIAL CULTURE, AND POLITICAL AUTHORITY IN EARLY MODERN JAPAN." Historical Journal 59, no. 4 (June 3, 2016): 927–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1600008x.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the relationships between ritual, material culture, and political authority in early modern Japan by focusing on the Japanese tea ceremony, a highly formalized socio-cultural activity elaborated from the customs related to the consumption of powdered green tea. The article analyses one of the Tokugawa Shogunate's annual processions, the so-called, ‘Travelling of the Shogun's Tea Jar’ – a ritual developed around the Shogunate's acquisition of its annual stocks of tea – which was formalized as one of the official annual events in the early seventeenth century. It argues that the tea ceremony became a part of routine business in the Tokugawa Shogunate and continued to perform its customary functions in supporting military elite's political life. In turn, the tea ceremony was authorized by shoguns and domain lords through public rituals and regular consumption. Consequently, the tea ceremonial practice was institutionalized in the shogunal administrations, creating a class of tea professionals and generating networks of tea providers. Moreover, the practice of tea was embedded in the everyday life of the warrior elite, both at the national and regional levels, until the final fall of the Tokugawa Shogunate in 1868.

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2

Tran Nam, Trung. "Tokugawa Shogunate's policy on Buddhism and its implications." Journal of Science Social Science 65, no. 8 (August 2020): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2020-0057.

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In 1603, Tokugawa Ieyasu established the Tokugawa Shogunate, ushering in a long period of Japanese peace. In order to maintain social stability, the Tokugawa Shogunate has issued a series of policies in the fields of politics, economy, culture, and society. For Buddhism, the bakufu forced families to register for permanent religious activities at a local temple; required the sects to make a list of monasteries in their sects; banned the construction of new monasteries; encouraged the learning and researching discipline of monasteries throughout the country. These policies have had a multifaceted impact on the bakufu government, as well as Buddhism. For Buddhism, the policies of the Tokugawa shogunate marked a period of restoration but tightly controlled by this religion in Japan. The privileges that Buddhism possesses have given great power to Buddhist temples to Japanese people from peasants to samurai. This was also a period of witness to the academic revival of the Japanese Buddhist sects. For the bakufu government, Buddhism was tightly controlled by the government, becoming an effective tool to fight against Christianity as well as managing and controlling the inhabitants, and strengthening the feudal social order.

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3

Kawamura, Hirotada. "The national map of Japan compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-165-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In early modern Japan, it was a political tradition for the central government to compile a national map. Edo Shogunate had compiled nationally the nihon-sōzu (national map of Japan) from the kuni-ezu (provincial map). The Shogunate government ordered the major Daimyōs (feudal lords) of each kuni (province) to produce personally their own kuni-ezu (provincial maps), and present it to the Shogunate. Then the government compiled nationally the map of Japan from those provincial maps, which were consists of 68 pieces of all kuni traditionally in Japan.</p><p>Each Shogunate national map of Japan was a huge chromatic hand writing map. For a considerable time, the national map created by the Shogunate government was mistakenly believed to have been produced total of four times (during the Keichō, Shōhō, Genroku, and Kyōhō eras) in all. This is because it was generally known that the Shogunate government collected provincial maps from each province in all these eras.</p><p>By the way, recently it was revealed in my study that the national maps created by the Tokugawa Shogunate during the Edo era 260 years (1608-1867) was six times in all, as shown in Table 1, except for the last Ino’s map. Ino’s map was not compiled from kuni-ezu and the making of this map had a big personal role rather than work of the government. Therefore, in this report, it has not taken up about the Ino’s map.</p><p>It was assumed that the Keichō era’s national map was based on its provincial map. However, it is now a general view that Keichō era’s provincial map not created nationwide but having been created only in western part of Japan with many lords promoted by Toyotomi Hideyosi. This raises an important question; how can a national map be correctly produced if all provincial maps in Japan are not included?</p><p>On the other hand, the third shogun Tokugawa Iemitu sent Junkenshi (Administrative inspectors) to all provinces for the first time in 10th year of Kan’ei (1633), and each inspector collected provincial maps from their respective province and then the Shogunate government compiled the national map of Japan for the first time in the Edo period. Its copy remains nowadays in four places, including the Saga prefectural Library.</p><p>The Revolt of Simabara occurred four years after the first national map of Japan was made, and Shogunate government had difficulty in dispatching armies to distant Kyūshū. Not only was strongly aware of the lack of traffic information in the previous map, but the 3-disc set map was too large for usable. From that reflection, Inoue Masashige, the chief officer of the government hurriedly thought about the revision of the national map, and collected the provincial maps again only from the Chūgoku district leading to kyūshū and quickly reproduced the map. That is the map of 15 years of Kan’ei.</p>

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4

Fujimoto, Hiro. "Miners, Benevolent Government, and Administration: A History of Medical Policy in Tokugawa Japan." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 51-52, no. 1 (January 26, 2020): 17–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-05105201006.

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Since the 1980s, the rise of local history scholarship has increasingly pushed historians of medicine of Japan’s Tokugawa period to examine how people dealt with sickness and disease in local communities. Scholars have shown that while local people benefitted from the rising number of village doctors, the shogunate and domains provided scant medical services. In part for this reason, the history of medical policy in the Tokugawa has been understudied, despite important initiatives by some domains to employ physicians and distribute drugs to save lives. Specifically, this article examines how the Akita domain was more actively engaged in medical policy than the shogunate or other domains, both in terms of ideology and administration. The Tenmei famine (1782-1788) sparked political reformation in Akita, leading newly educated officials to play a significant role in providing medical aid to the population, especially miners, as an act of benevolent government.

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5

Yoshimizu, Jyousei. "The relations between Zojyoji-temple and the Tokugawa Shogunate." Journal of Research Society of Buddhism and Cultural Heritage, no. 4-5 (1996): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5845/bukkyobunka.1996.1.

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6

ITO, Ryuichi. "STUDY ON CARVERS WHO BELONGED TO THE TOKUGAWA SHOGUNATE." Journal of Architecture, Planning and Environmental Engineering (Transactions of AIJ) 411 (1990): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aijax.411.0_97.

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7

Howland, Douglas R. "Samurai Status, Class, and Bureaucracy: A Historiographical Essay." Journal of Asian Studies 60, no. 2 (May 2001): 353–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659697.

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Historically, tokugawa Samurai were a legal creation that grew out of the landed warriors of the medieval age; they came to be defined by the Tokugawa shogunate in terms of hereditary status, a right to hold public office, a right to bear arms, and a “cultural superiority” upheld through educational preferment (Smith 1988, 134). With the prominent exception of Eiko Ikegami's recentThe Taming of the Samurai(1995), little has been written in English in the past two decades regarding the sociopolitical history of the samurai in Tokugawa and Meiji Japan. E. H. Norman's seminal work,Japan's Emergence as a Modern State, established the parameters of debate among American historians of Japan from the 1950s through the 1970s. Drawing on the Marxist historiography of prewar Japan, Norman interpreted the Meiji Restoration in terms of class conflict: a modified bourgeois revolution directed against a feudal Tokugawa regime, led by a coalition of lower samurai and merchants, and supported by a peasant militia (Norman [1940] 1975).

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8

Kawamura, Hirotada. "The National Maps of Japan Compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate." Japanese Journal of Human Geography 68, no. 1 (2016): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.68.1_79.

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9

Yonemoto, Marcia. "The “Spatial Vernacular” in Tokugawa Maps." Journal of Asian Studies 59, no. 3 (August 2000): 647–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658946.

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As key components of the “peculiar metaphysic of modernity,” geographers in nineteenth-century Japan began to remap the world in the name of science and “civilization” (Mitchell 1991, xii). What is often overlooked in this equation of the map with modernity, however, is Japan's history of mapmaking before the modern period. Although the earliest imperial governments in Japan practiced administrative mapmaking on a limited scale beginning in the seventh century, it was only during the reign of the Tokugawa shogunate (1603–1868) that comprehensive land surveying and mapmaking by the state were standardized and regularized. The Tokugawa ordered all daimyo to map their landholdings in 1605; these edicts were repeated numerous times, such that by the early nineteenth century the bakufu had organized five countrywide mapmaking and surveying projects, and produced from those surveys four comprehensive maps of Japan.

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10

Kawamura, Hirotada. "Kuni‐ezu (provincial maps) compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate in Japan." Imago Mundi 41, no. 1 (January 1989): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085698908592669.

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11

KORNICKI, P. F. "Books in the service of politics: Tokugawa Ieyasu as custodian of the books of Japan." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 18, no. 1 (January 2008): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630700778x.

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Since the founder of the Tokugawa shogunate underwent a form of apotheosis after his death, it is not surprising that a hagiographic tradition was quick to establish itself. This tradition attributed superhuman qualities to Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543–1616), and its lingering influence is still to be seen. His admirers paid particular attention to his supposed bookishness, the object being to demonstrate that his sinological learning rendered him fit to rule according to the Chinese construction of the desired attributes of a ruler. For those who came later, this bookishness served in retrospect to mark him out from his successors, but for his contemporaries it detached questions of legitimacy and fitness to rule from his recent successes on the battlefield and it defined fitness to rule in accordance with the sinological leanings of the new samurai élite.

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12

Švambarytė, Dalia. "Scientific expeditions in Tokugawa Japan: Historical background and results of official ventures to foreign lands." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2008.1.3720.

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Vilnius UniversityThis article discusses the problem of the research expeditions to foreign lands during the period of national seclusion in Japan. Each historical period has its specific geographical perspective. The geographical thinking in Tokugawa Japan was influenced by a policy of self-isolation. In the Tokugawa period, Japan was more interested in protecting the boundaries than expanding its geographical horizons. There were, nevertheless, several expeditionary ventures launched by the government.This article presents the background of research expeditions dispatched by the shogunate and then moves to a discussion of the mechanism of these official expeditions and motivation behind them, as well as the nature of the political statements implied by the explorations and their results. The Japanese expeditions to the Pacific islands and northern region were mostly limited to scientific observation, mapping, and geographical survey, and the reasons for expeditionary ventures were security concerns rather than territorial expansion or the pursuit of economic interests. Although the links between the geographical exploration of the Tokugawa period and colonialism were weak, the expeditions had a considerable degree of political effect on the state policy of modern Japan.

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13

Morris, James Harry. "Anti-Kirishitan Surveillance in Early Modern Japan." Surveillance & Society 16, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 410–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v16i4.8616.

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From 1614 to 1873 Christianity was outlawed in Japan. The Tokugawa Shogunate, which ruled Japan for most of this period, built rigorous and complicated systems of surveillance in order to monitor their population’s religious habits. This paper seeks to describe the evolution of Edo period (1603–1868) anti-Christian religious surveillance. The first two sections of the paper explore the development of surveillance under the first three Tokugawa leaders. The following sections focus on the evolution of these systems (the recruitment of informants, temple registration, the composition of registries, and tests of faith) in subsequent periods and includes some short passages from previously untranslated contemporaneous documents. Finally, the paper offers some thoughts on the efficacy of anti-Christian surveillance, arguing that the toleration of the existence of hidden communities resulted from changes in Christian behaviour that made them harder to discover and a willingness on the part of the authorities to tolerate illegal activity due to economic disincentive and a reduction in the threat that Christianity posed.

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14

KAWAMURA, Hirotada. "Reconsideration on the General Map of Japan Compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate." Japanese Journal of Human Geography 50, no. 5 (1998): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.50.425.

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15

Ericson, Mark D. ""Yankee Impertinence, Yankee Corruption": The Tokugawa Shogunate and Robert Pruyn, 1862-1867." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 6, no. 4 (1997): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656197x00019.

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16

Kashkin, Danila. "Naufragés japonais et leur rôle dans les relations nippo-occidentales: Défis d’une étude globale." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 75, no. 4 (November 1, 2021): 1155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2021-0042.

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Abstract Between 1633 and 1639, the Tokugawa shogunate had published a series of edicts, expelling all Westerners except the Dutch from the country, curtailing international commerce and missionary activities, as well as forbidding the Japanese from ever leaving their homeland. The Edo government maintained its isolationist course with varying degrees of success for more than two hundred years, finally caving in under foreign pressure in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Although the border control was exceptionally strict, small merchant craft and fisherman boats were still navigating between the islands of Japan. The sailors could rarely find a way back home after a shipwreck. Saved by passing whalers or washed ashore in a distant land, some of them survived their ordeal and ended up in the West where they were often employed as guides, interpreters and language teachers. Several countries sent diplomatic missions to Japan, using repatriation of castaways as a pretext to open negotiations with the shogunate. In this article, we will try to deconstruct the history of the relations between Japan and the Western powers through the eyes of these castaways and identify several methodological challenges that such a research entails.

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17

ISHIBASHI, Fujio. "The Reneissance of the Kaiyo-maru, The Last Warship of the Tokugawa Shogunate." Journal of Geography (Chigaku Zasshi) 112, no. 3 (2003): 458–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5026/jgeography.112.3_458.

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18

HARAGUCHI, Torao. "Tojo-System in Satsuma; its Implication to Tokugawa Shogunate Restriction on Castle Building." Legal History Review, no. 36 (1986): 77–142. http://dx.doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1986.77.

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19

Kawamura, Hirotada. "The National Map of Japan in the Tokugawa Shogunate (1633–1725): Misunderstandings Corrected." Imago Mundi 69, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 248–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085694.2017.1312118.

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20

Her, Jieun. "The Dispatch of Administrative Inspector from Tokugawa shogunate and the Responds of Tsushima domain." JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 134 (March 31, 2016): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2016.03.134.215.

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21

KIM, Yeonok. "An Analysis of the Activity of the Tokugawa Shogunate attendants in the Nagasaki “Navy” Training." Korean Journal of Japanology 125 (November 30, 2020): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15532/kaja.2020.11.125.243.

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22

Kim, Yeon-Ok. "An analysis of the activities of the Shogunate participants in the Nagasaki “Navy” training at the end of the Tokugawa Shogunate and Meiji Restoration period." ILBON YOKSA YONGU : Journal of Japanese History 48 (December 31, 2018): 233–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24939/kjh.2018.12.48.233.

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23

Natsume, Muneyuki, Yuta Hara, and Satoshi Aasano. "An Application of Census Boundary Data-Sets for Reconstructing 6 Falconry Fields of the Tokugawa Shogunate." Theory and Applications of GIS 23, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5638/thagis.23.43.

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24

Atwell, William S. "Some Observations on the “Seventeenth-Century Crisis” in China and Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (February 1986): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055842.

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For more than three decades now, scholars have been debating whether or not a “general crisis” occurred in European social, economic, and political history during the seventeenth century. The debate is far from over, but one of its happy side effects has been that students of seventeenth-century Spain, France, or England now are rarely satisfied to study their chosen countries in total isolation. Indeed, it is generally agreed that many aspects of European history during the early-modern period need to be studied from an international perspective in order to be understood fully.The author maintains that the same is true for early-modern China and Japan. Although they had radically different economic, social, and political systems, the Ming dynasty and Tokugawa shogunate experienced a number of problems during the midseventeenth century that were at once interrelated and strikingly similar to those occurring in other parts of the world at the same time.

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25

Nara Katsuji. "The positive opening of a country theory of the Tokugawa Shogunate in the end of Edo Period." Journal of Next-Generation Humanities and Social Sciences ll, no. 5 (March 2009): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22538/jnghss.2009..5.45.

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26

NAKAGAWA, KIYOSHI. "Ambitions, ‘family-centredness’ and expenditure patterns in a changing urban class structure: Tokyo in the early twentieth century." Continuity and Change 15, no. 1 (May 2000): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416099003483.

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Well before the onset of industrialization, Edo was one of the biggest cities in the world, with a population of one million or more by the beginning of the eighteenth century. For next 150 years, until just before Edo changed its name to Tokyo in 1868, it is believed that Edo maintained this population level of one million, with about a half of the population being samurai and their families. In 1872, having seen a massive exodus of ex-shogunal retainers and their families, triggered by the collapse of the Tokugawa shogunate and the social and political uncertainties that followed, Tokyo's population stood at just 580,000, close to half the previous size. In addition, it is believed, the city's administrative functions were rapidly deteriorating. The population began to recover from about 1880 and exceeded the one-million mark in the 1890s. In other words, as many as half a million people migrated to Tokyo during this twenty-year period. In 1908 when a population survey was taken, the total population was then 1,626,000, and the number of people, particularly males, in each of the age groups 15–19, 20–24 and 25–29 was greater than the number in the 5–9 or the 10–14 group. There is a marked contrast with the situation in the late 1860s when the 20–24 group was smaller than the 10–14 or the 15–19 group. This survey suggests that many of the migrants who arrived at Tokyo in the period of growth were male, young and, probably, unmarried.

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27

NISHIYAMA, Takaki, Tatsushi FUJITA, and Koichi AMANO. "THE ROAD ADMINISTRATION SYSTEM OF CASE STUDY FROM THE TOKUGAWA JIKKI IN THE EARLY AND MIDDLE EDO SHOGUNATE." Journal of Japan Society of Civil Engineers, Ser. D2 (Historical Studies in Civil Engineering) 75, no. 1 (2019): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2208/jscejhsce.75.13.

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28

IWAMOTO, Kaoru. "THE PROCESS OF ACQUIREMENT OF RESIDENCES IN EDO BY THE TOKUGAWA SHOGUNATE RETAINERS WHO CAME FROM KISHU-HAN." Journal of Architecture and Planning (Transactions of AIJ) 67, no. 561 (2002): 285–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aija.67.285_2.

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29

TOISHI, Nanami. "The Local Community and ^|^ldquo;Kakae^|^rdquo; in Southern Kantoh in the Last Decades of the Tokugawa Shogunate." Journal of Rural Studies(1994) 13, no. 2 (2007): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.9747/jrs.13.2_13.

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30

CLEMENTS, REBEKAH. "BRUSH TALK AS THE ‘LINGUA FRANCA’ OF DIPLOMACY IN JAPANESE–KOREAN ENCOUNTERS, c. 1600–1868." Historical Journal 62, no. 2 (October 30, 2018): 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000249.

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AbstractThe study of early modern diplomatic history has in recent decades expanded beyond a bureaucratic, state-centric focus to consider the processes and personal interactions by which international relations were maintained. Scholars have begun to consider, among other factors, the role of diplomatic gifts, diplomatic hospitality, and diplomatic culture. This article contributes to this discussion from an East Asian perspective by considering the role of ‘brush talk’ – written exchanges of classical, literary Chinese – during diplomatic missions from the Korean Chosŏn court to the Tokugawa Shogunate in Japan during the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. Drawing upon official records, personal diaries, and illustrations, I argue that brush talk was not an official part of diplomatic ceremony and that brushed encounters with Korean officials even extended to people of the townsman classes. Brush talk was as much about ritual display, calligraphic art, and drawing upon a shared storehouse of civilized learning as it was about communicating factual content through language. These visual, performative aspects of brush talk in East Asian diplomacy take it beyond the realm of how alingua francais usually conceived, adding to the growing body of scholarship on how this concept applies to non-Western histories.

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31

Sato, Takao, Katsumasa Iwaya, Shinobu Nagase, Shigeki Mori, Shuichi Noshiro, Jun Yoshinaga, and Minoru Yoneda. "Diet of Take-hime, the adopted daughter of the Tokugawa Shogunate and her rites for avoidance of bad lack:." Anthropological Science (Japanese Series) 127, no. 1 (2019): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1537/asj.190308.

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32

YUASA, KOUZOU. "THE SOME CONSIDERATION ON THE SCATTERED "SHOHO SHIRO EZU" : THE MAPS OF CASTLE AND CASTLE TOWN COMPILED BY THE ORDER OF THE TOKUGAWA SHOGUNATE, 1644 : OF AEZU, SENDAI AND TAKADA OF FORMER THE "MOMIJIYAMA BUNKO" : THE TOKUGAWA SHOGUNATE LIBRARY, IN THE EDO CASTLE." Journal of Architecture, Planning and Environmental Engineering (Transactions of AIJ) 377 (1987): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aijax.377.0_119.

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33

Sugimoto, Takeshi. "On Togai Ito's Codex of Maps and a Manuscript Originally Prepared by the Tokugawa-Shogunate Expediters to the Bonin Islands." Forma 35, no. 1 (2020): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5047/forma.2020.002.

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34

Aalto, Kenneth. "American Contributions to the Geological Mapping of Hokkaido, Late Nineteenth Century." Earth Sciences History 30, no. 1 (December 1, 2011): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.30.1.6w834065q2671225.

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During 1861-1862 Raphael Pumpelly (1838-1923) was engaged by the Japanese Government (the Tokugawa Shogunate) to review mineral resources and advise on mining operations. Political pressures against the Government's employ of foreigners resulted in his investigation being confined to southern Hokkaido and, at the end of 1862, led to the termination of his contract. Pumpelly completed a geological sketch map with structural cross-sections, provided formation descriptions, interpretations of landforms, suggestions for mine development, and interpretations of the tectonic history of the island. Remarking on the general parallelism of Asian mountain ranges, major valleys, coastlines and the Japanese islands, Pumpelly envisioned a NE-SW-trending system of tectonic elevation and depression that governed the geomorphic configuration of the Northern Hemisphere worldwide. In 1878, under the new leadership of the Emperor following the Meiji Restoration, foreign specialists were welcomed to Japan in order to modernize government, science, and industry. Benjamin Smith Lyman (1835-1920) and Henry Smith Munroe (1850-1933) undertook geologic studies of Hokkaido, focusing on mineral resources, and produced a regional stratigraphy, structural synthesis and geologic map for the entire island. Their work, published by the development agency for Hokkaido (the Kaitakushi), served as a foundation for further studies by Japanese researchers, many of whom began as assistants to Lyman and Munroe.

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35

Doan Lien Khe, Vu. "Edo Shigusa- A system of behavior manners for Japanese merchants in Edo period." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 3, no. 4 (April 2, 2020): 200–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v3i4.531.

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Edo Shigusa was a system of behavior manners for Japanese merchants, was taught in the late Edo period. In the process of forming and developing this manner, the Edo-period instructors encountered many objections from the Tokugawa shogunate because they thought that its syllabus risked influence on the politics of the nation, causing Edo merchants not publicly but only in the form of word of mouth. Professor Shiba Mitsuakira was the instructor of Edo Shigusa, who is considered as the last surviving member of Edo Shigusa instructors, holded the seminar "Looking back to the good points of Edo Shigusa" in 1974. He synthesized all of syllabus in the Edo period, calling these manners are "Merchant manners", "Prosperity rules", "Edo Shigusa business philosophers" and finally, named them as “Edo Shigusa”. After restoration and development since 1980, Edo Shigusa has become a common standard in communication, a measure of manners not only for Japanese businessmen but also for ordinary people today. This study, from a cultural point of view, outlines some manners for Japanese merchants in the Edo period, influences in today's era, and analyzes its good and bad sides to explain the general information of Japanese businessmen in particular and Japanese people in general.

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36

HMELJAK SANGAWA, Kristina. "Confucian Learning and Literacy in Japan’s Schools of the Edo Period." Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2017.5.2.153-166.

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With the political stability, economic growth and cultural revitalisation of Japan after its unification by Tokugawa Ieyasu, the educational infrastructure also grew to meet new literacy demands. Governmental schools endowed by the shogunate (Shōheikō) and by the domains (hankō), which catered to the upper military class of the samurai, focused on classical Chinese studies, particularly the Neo-Confucian canon taught in kanbun, a style of classical Chinese. Given the prestige of Neo-Confucian Chinese learning and of the kanbun writing style, these were taught also in temple schools (terakoya) and private academies (juku) that were open to the lower classes, thus contributing to the spread of this particular type of literacy. However, Chinese learning in these schools often involved memorising rather than reading, both because of educational traditions and socio-ideological factors, and also because of the sheer difficulty of reading kanbun, a de facto foreign language. The present article investigates the contrasting implications of Neo-Confucian learning and of the kanbun writing style for the development of education and literacy in Japanese society: while the prestige of Chinese learning contributed to the demand for and development of educational facilities, its complexity also acted as an obstacle to the development of widespread functional literacy.

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YAMAMOTO, TAKAHIRO. "JAPAN'S PASSPORT SYSTEM AND THE OPENING OF BORDERS, 1866–1878." Historical Journal 60, no. 4 (March 23, 2017): 997–1021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000522.

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abstractThis article sheds new light on the opening of Japan in the late nineteenth century focusing on the legalization of overseas travel and the introduction of passports. It argues that the Tokugawa shogunate introduced passports as a belated endorsement of the increasingly common practice of undercover border-crossing as it feared losing the political grip. Once the new regulation was in place, most travellers went to China or Korea as petty merchants or low-skill labourers, in part recruited by Western merchants and consuls. The foreign ministry, fearing that unrestricted emigration of labourers and mercenaries might harm the country's international reputation and political stability, limited the number of passports to distribute to the treaty ports. Japan's passport system thus focused more on regulating the overseas travel than promoting it, in contrast to the positive light in which the opening of Japan is commonly portrayed. The government largely succeeded in preventing the unwanted emigration, but never fully controlled the process because of the less vigilant port officials and the ambiguity on some of the borders' exact location. Overall, the investigation into the first two decades of the Japanese passport travellers leads to a more complex understanding of modern Japan's opening of borders.

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JIMBO, Fumio. "Concerning the Separation between Hon-kuji (Main Suits) and Kane-kuji (Money Suits) in the Civil Litigation of the Tokugawa Shogunate." Legal History Review, no. 45 (1995): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1995.1.

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Toyosawa, Nobuko. "Japan and the Contested Center of Eighteenth-Century East Asia." Archiv orientální. Supplementa. 12 (December 4, 2020): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.s.2020.xii.27.

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Eighteenth-century Japan is known for the rise of the publishing industry and the spread of sociability through popular media. Reading against this broader historical context, this paper analyzes texts from different literary genres—namely, a guidebook series called The Illustrated Scenic Beauty of Japan (Fusō meishōzu, 1713–28) and The Battles of Coxinga (Kokusen’ya kassen, 1715), followed by its sequel, The Battles of Coxinga in Later Days (Kokusen’ya gonichi kassen). The paper explores what representative qualities and characteristics were considered Japanese in these texts, especially in contrast to the dominant other at that time, China. For example, drawing from a real historical figure, Zheng Chenggong (1624–1662), otherwise known as Coxinga, the playwright Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653–1725) produced a tale about the revival of Ming dynastic rule in collaboration with Tokugawa Japan. Given that certain virtues and values held a particular importance in these texts, they can be read analogously with a rise in ambivalence toward the moral and political authority of the shogunate. The changing visions of ideal leadership suggest that the reading public was partaking in the debate about political legitimacy, albeit in the space of popular culture, adding a renewed significance of popular participation to the production of communal identity during the era known as the “Great Peace under heaven” (tenka taihei).

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SUYAMA, Satoshi. "Book Review Sakida MITSUNOBU (2012): The Policy of Sugar Production in Amami Islands and Funds for the Overthrowing of the 《Tokugawa》 Shogunate." Journal of Island Studies 2013, no. 14 (September 5, 2013): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5995/jis.2013.14.119.

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HwaJin Park. "A study on the diplomatic courtesy of Choryang Oeguan from the last day of the Tokugawa Shogunate to the early Meiji period." Journal of North-east Asian Cultures 1, no. 43 (June 2015): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17949/jneac.1.43.201506.005.

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Tatsumi, Koji, and Takashi Nara. "Aristocratic characteristics in the skulls of the Nagai <i>hatamotos</i> of the Tokugawa Shogunate in the Edo period." Anthropological Science (Japanese Series) 129, no. 2 (2021): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1537/asj.211002.

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Massarella, Derek. "‘The Loudest Lies’: Knowledge of Japan in Seventeenth-Century England." Itinerario 11, no. 2 (July 1987): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300015448.

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The comment in the title of this article was made by James I after having been shown a ‘long scrole of fyne paper’, probably a Japanese almanac, and an account of the estates and revenues of the daimyo ‘most of them equally or exceeding the revenues of the greatest princes of Christendom’, and a letter, all of which had been sent by Richard Cocks, head of the English East India Company's factory at Hirado during its entire existence from 1613 to 1623. Cocks's letter and the two enclosures had been sent to his patron, the then Keeper of the Records, Sir Thomas Wilson, who had shown the letter to James with a covering note stating that he had received it ‘from the most remote part of the world’. The letter describes, in considerable and acutely observed detail, the new capital of the Tokugawa shogunate, Edo, the shogun's magnificent retinue as he led a falcon-hunting party (hunting was a pastime he had in common with the British monarch), the greatdaibutsuof Kamakura, the sights of Kyoto, includingSanjusangendo, and recent political developments relating to the banishment of the Jesuits and friars. Wilson, rather obsequiously, felt that the letters, written in January 1617, ‘were a good recreation for Your Majesty (if you had any idle hours)’ and declared that ‘neither our cosmographers nor other writers have given us true relation of the greatness of the princes of those parts’. But James could ‘not be induced to believe’ what was written, and dismissed the letter as ‘the loudest lies that ever [he] heard of.

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IWAMOTO, Kaoru. "A STUDY ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE SPACE OF KOFU CASTLE CITY UNDER THE DIRECT CONTROL OF THE TOKUGAWA SHOGUNATE : Through an analysis of the samurai residencial area." Journal of Architecture and Planning (Transactions of AIJ) 68, no. 573 (2003): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aija.68.177_3.

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Kawamura, Hirotada. "The Genroku Nihonzu (map of Japan) Compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate and the Authenticity and Distribution of Its Kiriutsushizu (copies of sections of the original map)." Japanese Journal of Human Geography 60, no. 5 (2008): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.60.5_381.

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Ariefa, Nina Alia. "Women’s Voices and Patriarchal Hegemony of the Edo Period in Shinju Tenno Amijima (1720)." IZUMI 10, no. 2 (November 11, 2021): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/izumi.10.2.338-349.

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The Edo Period (1603-1868), known as the feudal era, lasted for nearly three centuries in Japan. Confucian teachings applied in all sectors of life had a great influence on the expansion of the patriarchal system in Japanese society at this time. Under the strict control of the Tokugawa shogunate government, the implementation of social class stratification was firmly established, including in the hierarchical relationship between men and women. The period of peace that occurred throughout the Edo period had contributed to a conducive situation for the rapid development of Japanese culture. Male artists were very dominant in the development of Japanese culture, and they were centred in big cities during this period. On the other hand, this era had become a dark age for women who did not get the opportunity to speak and create as men did. The female figures of the Edo period were presented in the works of male writers. This study focuses on examining women’s voices in the works of these male writers in the period. After exploring research on this period’s literary works, we found that these studies have various focuses related to the disclosure of women during the period, starting from the representation of women, their relationship with a male and other female characters, to their roles and positions. This research will contribute to discussions on gender, history, and literature, as well as on the way women's voices in this work serve a purpose in supporting the patriarchal hegemony that occurred in the period. We aim to reveal women’s voices in a male writer's play Shinju Tenno Amijima (1720) by Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653-1725) through a feminist critique approach. To explain women's voice and patriarchal hegemony, we apply the concepts of silence from Olsen (2003) and hegemony from Antonio Gramsci. The results of this study indicate that women’s voices raised in this play are the ones who support men's interests and are subject to patriarchal values. This play consistently displays the exclusion of women's voices of opposition and defiance. This work also shows its existence as a locus for the dominant values emphasized for women in the Edo period.

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Dodgen, Randall. "Book Review: The Opening of Japan, 1853–1855: A Comparative Study of the American, British and Russian Campaigns to Force the Tokugawa Shogunate to Conclude Treaties and Open Ports to Their Ships." International Journal of Maritime History 21, no. 1 (June 2009): 403–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140902100144.

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Cho, Seung-mi. "The Other Side of the Tokugawa Shogunate"s Protection about the Temple Loan Business in the Early Modern Japan: the Formation of the Kyoto Shōrenin Myōmoku-kin and its Conditions in the Late 18th Century." Korean Historical Review 250 (June 30, 2021): 205–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.16912/tkhr.2021.06.250.205.

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Noma, Takeshi. "Creation and analysis of a GIS land-use map for the end of the Edo period in Tokyo." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-273-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The Meiji Restoration marks its 150th anniversary in 2018. This historical event memorializes the transition between the Tokugawa shogunate system and the Meiji government, a turning point in the modernization of Tokyo. In such an anniversary year, it is important to look back on the history of Tokyo, a city of global significance.</p><p>Urban development in Tokyo has been commented on from various perspectives by Jinnai (1992), Maki (1980), Okamoto (2017), and others. However, few studies have followed quantitative changes to the city using GIS. In this study, a land-use map of Tokyo at the end of the Edo period was made as a GIS date. Using this map, we analyzed how land was used in the city during the Edo period; in the future we will quantitatively analyze land-use change up to the present.</p><p>To create land-use maps, we first projected a paper map, the “restored Edo information map (geometrically corrected),” onto ArcGIS, and overlaid a 20-m mesh on top of it. Then, by manually inputting the attributes of each mesh, the map of Figure 1 was completed.</p><p>Figure 2 shows the percentage of each land use based on the created land-use map. While more than 60% of the area comprised samurai residences, 14% was occupied by townspeople, even though townspeople accounted for more than half of the population. In addition, correlation with topographical data created using “the Digital Map 25000 (Land Condition)” shows the following. The upper-class samurai lived in comfort on the plateaus, while lower-class townspeople typically lived in the lowlands. The samurai used the sloping land of the plateau in characteristic ways. They built mansions at its edge, creating gardens that utilized springs flowing from the cliffs. In many cases, temples or shrines were located at one end of the valley so that these religious structures served as the boundary between the samurai and the townspeople.</p><p>As has been noted, land use in the Edo period was characterized by a profusion of samurai residences. Additionally, land was used differently depending on topography. These results were quantitatively and comprehensively reached using GIS. Further, by using the same method to create land-use maps after the Meiji Restoration, we see that land-use change can be followed mechanically on GIS.</p>

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Harootunian, H. D., and Kate Wildman Nakai. "Shogunal Politics: Arai Hakuseki and the Premises of Tokugawa Rule." Journal of Japanese Studies 16, no. 1 (1990): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/132501.

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