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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Tokyo (japan), politics and government

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Academic literature on the topic 'Tokyo (japan), politics and government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Tokyo (japan), politics and government"

1

Arase, David. "Shifting Patterns in Japan’s Economic Cooperation in East Asia: A Growing Role for Local Actors?" Asian Perspective 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.1997.a921134.

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Abstract: This article draws attention to the nature of the political process promoting economic interdependence among the regions surrounding the Japan Sea. At least in the case of Japan, the process is being carried forward by local authorities (prefectural and municipal governments) and other local actors. To explain this local initiative in international economic cooperation, the article refers to international systemic factors, such as the end of the cold war and globalization, as well as to national factors, i.e., the inability of Tokyo to meet the development demands of localities in the Japan Sea prefectures. At any rate, local initiative, and the gradual progress being made in this economic cooperation process, are at variance with the normal facts associated with Japan’s economic cooperation activity in the postwar period. Economic cooperation has been dominated by the agendas of the central government bureaucracies and big businesses based in Tokyo. The article raises the possibility that what we see in Japan Sea cooperation may be the leading edge of change: the emergence of a new level of cooperation activity where local governments and regional interests set cooperation agendas in dialog with their overseas counterparts. The article then explores some of the implications of such a development for current debates in international relations and comparative politics.

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Yoo, Hyon Joo. "Domestic Politics in South Korea and the Territorial Issue of Dokdo." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 5, no. 2 (December 11, 2017): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340089.

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Abstract This paper examines why and how political leaders in South Korea are constrained by domestic politics with respect to a territorial dispute with Japan. While Korean leaders desire to employ a low-key position vis-à-vis Japan’s territorial claim, the public in South Korea increasingly demand that their leaders confront Japan more firmly. This creates a dilemma for leaders in Korea. Maintaining a calm diplomacy toward Japan infuriates the Korean public while employing a tough policy toward the neighboring state, in response to the public demand, leads the government of Tokyo into bolder provocations. This makes it difficult for South Korea to foster cooperation with Japan on various issues that are not directly related to the territorial problem.

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Kokubun, Ryosei. "The Current State of Contemporary Chinese Studies in Japan." China Quarterly 107 (September 1986): 505–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039886.

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Sino-Japanese ties have been expanding since formal diplomatic relations were established in 1972. Recently, both governments organized a China–Japan Friendship Committee for the 21 st Century, a Sino-Japanese version of the U.S.–Japan Wiseman's Group, which has played an important role in cementing links between the United States and Japan through the years. The new China–Japan Committee is jointly headed by Tadao Ishikawa, president of Keio University and a scholar of Chinese politics, and by Wang Zhaoguo, the 45 yearold head of the general office of the Chinese Communist Party. This committee holds annual meetings to explore Sino-Japanese relations in depth. In addition, since 1982, a China–Japan Civilian Meeting has been convened, alternately in Tokyo and Beijing, bringing together over 100 Chinese and Japanese businessmen, politicians and scholars to survey Sino-Japanese relations. Finally, since 1980, at an annual ministerial meeting, the top ministers of each government review their activities.

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Seekins, Donald M. "Japan's Development Ambitions for Myanmar: The Problem of “Economics before Politics”." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (August 2015): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400205.

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Myanmar and Japan have had an important shared history since the Pacific War, when Japan occupied the British colony of Burma and established the country's first postcolonial state and army. The period from 1941 to 1945 also witnessed the “militarization” of Myanmar as the country was turned into a battlefield by the Japanese, the Allies and indigenous insurgents. After independence from Britain in 1948, the Union of Burma continued to suffer insurgency and became a deeply conflicted society, especially under the isolationist socialist regime of General Ne Win (1962–1988). However, Japan played a major role in Myanmar's economic development through its allocation of war reparations and official development assistance (ODA), especially yen loans. During the period of martial law from 1988 to 2011, Tokyo exercised some self-restraint in giving aid due to pressure from its major ally, the United States, with its human rights agenda. However, with the transition from junta rule to constitutional government in 2011 came a dramatic increase in Japanese ODA, as Tokyo forgave large amounts of debt and invested in ambitious new special economic zones (SEZ). Japan will no doubt benefit from Myanmar as close ties are expanded: Not only will Japanese companies profit, but Japan will have access to Myanmar's raw materials and gain ability to compete more effectively with an economically expansive China. On Myanmar's side, though, it is unlikely that anyone other than the military and crony capitalist elites will benefit from the flood of new yen loans and infrastructure projects. This paper argues that without a political resolution of Myanmar's many conflicts, including the establishment of genuinely open political institutions, the aid of Japan (and other countries) is likely to make these deep-rooted social and ethnic conflicts even worse.

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Batakova, A. A. "DIFFERING APPROACHES OF THE JAPANESE GOVERNMENT TOWARDS THE “HISTORY ISSUES”." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(46) (February 28, 2016): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-1-46-106-117.

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The beginning of the 1990s saw a prevailing understanding in Tokyo that restoration of trust and reconciliation with East Asian countries should be the first step to a larger role of Japan in the international politics. This understanding manifested itself in so far the most successful attempts to apologize for the policies of Japan in the first half of the XX century, including Prime Minister T.Murayama's statement, issued in 1995, as well as measures to address the so-called"historical issues". By contrast, incumbent Prime Minister S.Abe, who is also striving to increase the role of Japan in the international arena, shows a gradual departure from the above-mentioned strategy on presumption that a "masochistic" view of Japanese history runs counter to its national interests. His statement on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II promoted a thesis on importance to lift "the burden of apologies". Given the fact that it was nevertheless received positively by Tokyo's main ally Washington and did not become an obstacle to political dialogue with Seoul and Beijing, the author suggests that S.Abe will continue step-by-step efforts to remove "historical issues" from the bilateral political and economic agenda with China and South Korea, as well as to erase the link between the necessity to issue apologies, characteristic of the Japanese diplomacy of the 1990s, and a strategy to a larger Japan's role in international politics and security.

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Kistanov, V. O. "Japan’s relations with Myanmar: Subtle politics or just business?" Japanese Studies in Russia, no. 4 (January 18, 2024): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.55105/2500-2872-2023-4-117-132.

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The article examines Japan’s relations with Myanmar at the present stage with an emphasis on their features after the military coup in that country on February 1, 2021. Japan’s ties with the armed forces of Burma, which were created during the Second World War with Japanese assistance, have been preserved for many post-war decades and are still an important factor that predetermined Japan’s special relations with Myanmar. Currently, maintaining informal contacts with the Myanmar military allows Tokyo to claim the role of a “bridge” between Myanmar and Western countries and pursue its own “balanced course” in relation to this country in the face of a clash of geopolitical interests of the main international actors in Myanmar. This coup prompted Tokyo to distance itself somewhat from the ruling regime. However, at the same time, the Japanese Government is pursuing a very flexible policy aimed at preserving its political and economic positions in Myanmar. This is not hindered by the fact that Tokyo’s approaches to Myanmar often conflict with the positions of other Western countries and cause criticism from not only these countries and various international organizations, but also within Japan itself. A powerful pro-Myanmar lobby has been operating in Japan for many decades, personified by the Japan-Myanmar Association. Thanks to the actions of this lobby, as well as the so-called “special relationship” with Myanmar, Japan has become the world’s largest aid donor to this country and one of the leading foreign investors in its economy. Despite the fact that the majority of American and European companies curtailed their activities in Myanmar after the military coup, most Japanese firms, not wanting to lose profitable business, remained in the country, taking a wait-and-see attitude in the hope of the business environment improving. It can be assumed that the rich experience accumulated over many decades in the development of Japan’s relations with Burma/Myanmar, as well as continuing ties with the country’s military elite, will allow the Japanese government to adapt its political and economic ties to Myanmar under any regime in power in this country.

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Nish, Ian. "An Overview of Relations Between China and Japan, 1895–1945." China Quarterly 124 (December 1990): 601–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000031416.

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The relationship between China and Japan is a many-layered cake, impossible to eat all at once. This article will concentrate on the diplomatic layer of the relationship. Diplomatic history is essentially about the decisions of governments and the documents that are subsequently exchanged. Each of these aspects has its difficulties for the historian of East Asia. For substantial parts of the period under review “government” in a western sense hardly existed in China, while in Japan even the considered decisions of the government in Tokyo frequently failed to reflect the situation on the ground. In Japan's relations with China there was often a dual – if not a multiple – diplomacy at work where the army (among others) had an independent hand in fashioning “policy.”

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Richardson, Lauren. "The Forgotten Victims of the Atomic Bomb: North Korean Pipokja and the Politics of Victimhood in Japan-DPRK Relations." Pacific Affairs 96, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/202396161.

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This article examines the redress campaign waged by activists in Japan on behalf of roughly 2,000 North Korean A-bomb victims (pipokja). These victims were repatriated from Japan after being subjected to the 1945 US nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, while under colonial rule. From the early 1990s through to the twenty-first century, activists in Japan pursued redress for these A-bomb survivors in close synchronicity with the redress movements centred on South Korean victims. Highlighting the potential of the individual as entrepreneur within collective action settings, the redress developments were initiated and largely driven by an activist, Lee Sil-gun (1929–2020).<br/> Although Tokyo and Pyongyang were initially reluctant to acknowledge that A-bomb survivors existed in North Korea, in the face of sustained pressure by the Japan-based activists, the two governments facilitated a limited redress process for the victims by making various concessions on the issue. How did these activists navigate the structural constraints of the authoritarian North Korean state and the volatile bilateral relationship in enacting their transnational activism? How were they able to elicit concessions on their redress objectives from Tokyo and Pyongyang in the absence of formalized diplomatic relations? Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Japan and South Korea, this article probes these questions by empirically tracing and analyzing the evolution of the redress campaign for the North Korean A-bomb victims. I utilize the concept of polylateral diplomacy to elucidate the dynamic of engagement between the activists and the two governments.

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Hino, Kimihiro, and Themis Chronopoulos. "A review of crime prevention activities in a Japanese local government area since 2008: Beautiful Windows Movement in Adachi Ward." Crime Prevention and Community Safety 23, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41300-021-00118-w.

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AbstractThere have been limited reports on crime prevention policies by local governments in Japan, which is one of the safest countries in the world. This article reviews crime prevention policies in Adachi Ward, which used to have the highest crime rates in Tokyo. The government of Adachi Ward introduced the “Beautiful Windows Movement” (BWM) in 2008. Based on BWM, Adachi Ward implemented various programs and interventions based on two different aspects: the aspect of preventing minor crimes and disorder in partnership with the police referring to the Broken Windows Theory and the aspect of literally making the Ward beautiful in cooperation with citizen volunteers. After 11 years of implementing BWM, the number of recorded crimes in Adachi Ward declined the most in Tokyo and residents’ sense of security improved significantly. This case study highlights the advantage of the duality of BWM to both reduce crimes and improve residents’ sense of security.

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Arrington, Celeste L. "Insider Activists and Secondhand Smoke Countermeasures in Japan." Asian Survey 61, no. 4 (June 2, 2021): 559–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.1237533.

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Long considered a smoker’s paradise, Japan passed its strictest regulations yet on indoor smoking in 2018 with revisions to the Health Promotion Law and a new ordinance in Tokyo. Timed for the Tokyo Olympics, both reforms made smoking regulations stronger and more legalistic despite reflecting distinctive policy paradigms in their particulars. The national regulations curtailed smoking in many public spaces but accommodated smoking in small restaurants and bars. Tokyo’s stronger restrictions emphasized public health protection by exempting only eateries with no employees. I argue that fully understanding these contemporaneous reforms requires analyzing insider activists: state actors who participated in the tobacco control movement or had sustained interaction with it during earlier reform waves. Case studies drawing on interviews and movement and government documents illustrate the mechanisms insider activists can access because they straddle multiple fields. This article contributes to scholarship about ideas, policy entrepreneurship, and the blurry line between insiders and outsiders in policymaking.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Tokyo (japan), politics and government"

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Kirby, Peter Wynn. "Environmental consciousness and the politics of waste in Tokyo : "nature", health, pollution, and the predicament of toxic Japan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620198.

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Morris, David Malcolm. "A historical and contemporary analysis of the Miki/Kōmoto faction of the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ae75c049-ffbd-4321-872f-0f0b14e61979.

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A large majority of the members of the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan belong to one or other of its factions, the bodies which dominate the party today. In 1987, when the fieldwork for this study was carried out, there were five factions in number. This thesis examines and analyzes the contemporary structural organization and membership of one of them, the Miki/K5moto faction, after presenting a systematic account of its history. This political grouping was investigated from the inside; as an observer, the writer was able to acquire material through direct interaction with members of the faction in their daily routine. Including the introduction and conclusion, eight chapters make up this thesis. Two of them are devoted to the history of the faction, which is chronicled by taking the career of Miki Takeo, the founder, as the central theme. One chapter is concerned with the organization of the faction, and the roles and functions of the members. The relationships among faction members and their connections with outside individuals and groups are the subjects of scrutiny for the fifth and sixth chapters respectively. Chapter seven, on finance, investigates the methods by which the faction as a group and single members of it raise and distribute money. Some of the conclusions drawn in the thesis are specific to the faction; others relate to the wider phenomenon of factionalism inside the party.

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Pattinson, Brett. "An examination of the factors constraining Japan's capability for contributing to the international order in the post-cold-war era." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112064.

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The cold war which dominated the foreign policies of most of the world's industrialised nations has ended. Japan, as an economic superpower, one of the three economic poles of the post-cold-war world, with a huge interest in its stability and prosperity, has a foreign policy approach inappropriate to a country of such regional and global prominence. In the first major foreign policy crisis of the new world order, the Gulf Crisis of 1990- 1991, Japan was immobilised by deficiencies in its political system, a lack of appreciation among its leaders and populace of where its national interests lay, and the peculiar constraints of its“national Constitution. This sub-thesis explores the way in which Japan's capability to contribute to the new world order is constrained by its political structure, national strategy, constitutional limits, and regional conditions. Chapter One examines the way in which Japan's political structure constrains the country's capability for contributing to the new world order by producing a diffusion of power, a diffusion of responsibility for policy development and implementation, and an absence of competition for power on the basis of policy difference. Chapter Two examines the way in which Japan is hindered from contributing to international order by its pursuit of short term economic goals at the expense of bringing to its dealings with the external world a well-defined sense of national interest. Chapter Three examines the limitations that the Peace Constitution places on Japan by excluding a security role from its international contributions. Chapter Four examines the factors constraining Japan from greater involvement in the increasingly interdependent Asia-Pacific region.

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Kawahara, Yukiko. "Local development in Japan: The case of Shimane prefecture from 1800-1930." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185026.

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Economic development is a major concern to the majority of countries in the world today as they strive to catch up to the industrial West. Japan has been the most successful non-Western country in building an economy which qualifies it as developed. Most studies of economic development in Japan focus on macro-level issues, particularly on analysis of the role government played in the development process. It is generally recognized that Japan's central government played a major role in fostering industrial development. It is unfortunate that this fairly centralized political structure has somewhat obscured the role that local government may have had in helping local economies grow. In a sense, these local development efforts were at least as important as what was going on at the national level, because if peripheral areas had not developed at all, they would have become a liability for the central government and the core areas. This study examines one particular aspect of the development process in Japan; specifically, local government's role in fostering economic development throughout the Meiji (1868-1912) and Taisho (1912-1926) eras. The silk industry in Shimane prefecture provides the context of the case study approach used. The analysis focuses on two key issues: the mechanisms used by local government and the impact of growth on the local silk industry and on the standard of living.

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Fuwongcharoen, Puli. "Constitutions and legitimisation : the cases of Siam's permanent constitution and Japan's postwar constitution." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283934.

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Bianchi, Alessandro. "Their swords were brushes : instances of political satire in eighteenth-century Japan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709168.

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Smith, Roger. "Japan's international fisheries policy : the pursuit of food security." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670139.

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Nanami, Akiko. "Showing Japan's Face or Creating Powerful Challengers? Are NGOs really partners to the government in Japan's foreign aid?" Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/949.

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This thesis is exploring interactions of Japanese NGOs to be influential in official foreign aid from outside of the exclusive Japanese decision-making process. Three case studies have been undertaken to examine how Japanese NGOs have developed or adopted various means to exert influence on the government. Japanese NGOs have emerged as powerful actors in foreign aid under a policy of "Kao no Mieru Enjyo (visible Japanese aid)" in the 1990s following some domestic incidents and an international trend in development. However, the Japanese government has maintained a hostile attitude toward NGOs despite its official claim of regarding NGOs as 'partners'. The government's awkward reaction to NGOs comes from Japan's traditional idea of extreme respect for the government and looking down on citizenry. This traditional political culture of "Kan Son Min Pi (supremacy of bureaucracy)" has dominated Japan and that has made the government hostile to powerful outsiders such as NGOs, which may threaten their supremacy. The exclusive decision-making system, "the Iron Triangle", has also contributed to distance NGOs from the government. By this means, an atmosphere between NGOs and the government in Japan has been far from 'partnership'. Against this hostile environment, Japanese NGOs have developed and adopted interactions to exert influence. Various means have been used by each NGO in accordance with each speciality and operation field. The thesis has focused on three areas of Japan's foreign aid - development, anti-personnel landmines and environment - and undertaken three case studies. Four NGOs have been analysed - Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC), Japanese Campaign to Ban Landmines (JCBL), Greenpeace Japan and Friends of the Earth (FoE) Japan. Some NGOs have developed their own interactions and others have been adopted from international partners and authorities. On a whole, they have all crafted these interactions to suit the Japanese political culture. Among several interactions, building international networks and personal relationships with powerful individuals such as politicians have appeared to be most useful. These two interactions work effectively on Japan's reactive and highly personalised aspects of politics, which is reactive to external pressure (Gai-atsu) and rely heavily on the personality and ability of individual leaders. The case studies reveal that Japanese NGOs have exerted influence effectively by making use of these valuable interactions. However, Japanese NGOs are at a crossroad because of high turn-over of staff and a focus-shifting in Japan's foreign policy to sending Self-Defence Forces (SDF) overseas. NGOs also need to obtain solid financial source which is getting difficult after a downturn in the Japanese economy. These will be the issues that Japanese NGOs need to tackle soon in order to be true 'partner'.

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Hyde, Sarah Jane. "From old socialists to new democrats : the realignment of the Japanese left." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7acd9f90-0e06-41a2-83c5-76d8d8de7f82.

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In 1996, a new left of centre party emerged in Japan called the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and effectively replaced the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) as the main opposition party. This thesis asks what conditions caused this realignment and how the DPJ differs from the JSP. An increasing distrust and disinterest of politics and politicians has meant that the non-aligned voter in Japan forms the largest group of the electorate. Every party has lost support, but the left faced the worst drop of support. With the end of the Cold War, and the intensifying call for Japan to reassess its role on the World stage, the traditional ideology of the Japanese left, which has become synonymous with peace and preservation of the Peace Constitution, has lost its stabilising effect on the party and on its supporters. The labour unions, which were once the key mobilisational force for the left-wing parties at election time, began to question their relationship with the JSP and found new links to government. Simultaneously, they were also losing members so mobilisation of voters for the left also declined. Finally, a new electoral system did not reward the opposition as much as the LDP. Overall, the mobilisation of the electorate has become increasingly difficult for the Japanese left as a result of these factors. The DPJ has had to find ways of dealing with them and also has had to create its own identity. The way in which the party has dealt with this is by 'widening out' its types of candidate and using new methods to attract support. Furthermore, the DPJ has become more aware of its party coherence and has ensured that party unity is maintained even when ideological disputes occur.

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Nel, Philip Rudolph. "Japanese investment in the South African economy : prospects for the future." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/318.

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Books on the topic "Tokyo (japan), politics and government"

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1956-, Breen John, ed. Yasukuni: The War Dead and the Struggle for Japan's Past. New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2008.

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1944-, Awaya Kentarō, ed. Tōkyō saiban shiryō Kido Kōichi jinmon chōsho. Tōkyō: Ōtsuki Shoten, 1987.

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Awaya, Kentarō. Tōkyō Saiban e no michi. Tōkyō: Nihon Hōsō Shuppan Kyōkai, 1994.

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Fukai, Masaumi. Zukai Edojō o yomu: Ōoku nakaoku omotemuki. Tōkyō: Hara Shobō, 1997.

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Takahashi, Tetsuya. "Yasukuni" to iu mondai. Tōkyō: Kinʾyōbi, 2006.

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Kanji, Nishio. Hoshu no ikari: Tennō, sensō, kokka no yukue. Tōkyō: Sōshisha, 2009.

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Symposium on Peace and Security in the Taiwan Strait (1989 Tokyo, Japan). Symposium on Peace and Security in the Taiwan Strait: June 4-5, 1989, Tokyo, Japan. Washington, D.C: The Council, 1989.

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Shuzaihan, Asahi Shinbun, ed. Sensō sekinin to tsuitō. Tōkyō: Asahi Shinbunsha, 2006.

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P, Bix Herbert, Awaya Kentarō 1944-2019, Toyoda Masayuki 1969-, and Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers. International Prosecution Section, eds. Tōkyō Saiban to Kokusai Kensatsukyoku: Kaitei kara hanketsu made. Tōkyō: Gendai Shiryō Shuppan, 2000.

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Japan) International Symposium on the States (Political Entity) and Governance in Africa (2002 Tokyo. International Symposium on the States (Political Entity) and Governance in Africa: March 27-28, 2002, Tokyo, Japan. Tokyo]: Japan Institute of International Affairs, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Tokyo (japan), politics and government"

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Nakano, Minoru. "Technocracy and Political Friction in the Big City: The Tokyo Metropolitan Government Relocation Decision-making Process." In The Policy-Making Process in Contemporary Japan, 206–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375512_6.

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Tripepi, Alessandro. "Unsheathing the Katana. The Long Fortune of the First Two Japanese Embassies in Italy: Rediscovery and Rereading between Continuity and Discontinuity (1873–1905)." In Rereading Travellers to the East, 83–101. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-579-0.06.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, Italy welcomed an official embassy sent by the government in Tokyo to make Japan more integrated into the new world scene it was entering. The cultural and political elites of the peninsula had the chance to discover, or rather rediscover, the charm of a world that had been lost over the centuries. This essay aims to reflect on the means and meanings of this late nineteenth-century encounter. Indeed, from this moment onwards, Japan increasingly became part of Italian mental horizons, in particular through the rereading and reuse of two precedents dating back to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that saw the two countries dialogue and “discover” each other for the first time.

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Kawabata, Eiji. "The Politics of the Dual State." In Contemporary Government Reform in Japan, 39–63. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230601086_3.

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Kawabata, Eiji. "Postal Business: Old Guard Politics Die Hard." In Contemporary Government Reform in Japan, 93–124. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230601086_5.

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Hattori, Ryuji. "Transition to the World of Politics: Chief Cabinet Secretary in the Ikeda Government." In Japan and the Origins of the Asia-Pacific Order, 17–26. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1902-2_3.

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Hattori, Ryuji. "Transition to the World of Politics: Chief Cabinet Secretary in the Ikeda Government." In Japan and the Origins of the Asia-Pacific Order, 17–26. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1902-2_3.

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Onuma, Hiroki, and Toshi H. Arimura. "Climate Policy in the Commercial Sector: A Survey of Commercial Buildings in Japan." In Economics, Law, and Institutions in Asia Pacific, 23–43. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6964-7_2.

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Abstract In Japan, the government has set a target for a reduction in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 26% from 2013 levels by 2030. The commercial sector has the highest reduction target—39.8%—among all Japanese sectors. This chapter first presents the current GHG situation in Japan and Japanese climate policy in the commercial sector. Second, we introduce a nationwide survey that we conducted on the implementation of energy efficiency measures (EEMs) in office buildings with large-scale emissions in Japan. The survey results show that energy-saving technology adoption is more advanced in Tokyo than in other prefectures and that there is more space for the adoption of energy-efficient technologies nationwide. To accelerate EEM adoption to achieve the 2030 target, regulatory agencies must improve the way they promote energy audits and subsidies and provide information on energy savings.

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Mehl, Margaret. "8. Playing Modern." In Music and the Making of Modern Japan, 203–36. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0374.08.

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Chapter 8, ‘Playing Modern: Blending Japanese and Western Music’, examines the widespread, albeit short-lived, fashion for performing Japanese music (chiefly koto and shamisen genres) on Western instruments, particularly the piano or organ and the violin; a practice known as wayō setchû (mixing Japanese and Western elements), wayō chōwa gaku (music harmonizing Japanese and Western elements), or wayō gassō (Japanese-Western ensemble playing). The propagators of the practice can be categorized loosely as ‘reformers’ and entrepreneurs.’ The former group consisted largely of graduates from the Tokyo Academy of Music. Their arguments about the importance of music reform were similar to those of the older Meiji elite, but in practice, their musical training resulted in their privileging Western music in the long run. More persistent was a grass-roots trend, promoted by enterprising musicians, often performers of indigenous music. They published sheet music in Western staff notation. This marked a departure from studying Japanese music in the traditional way of direct transmission from teacher to student, because it enabled independent study without a teacher. Wayō setchû, although frowned upon by the contemporary musical establishment in the capital, is regarded as having facilitated the assimilation of Western music. Another aspect, however, are the changing practices within traditional Japanese music. The practice suggests that the strict separation between Western and Japanese music (which from around 1900 began to be called hōgaku), was not a foregone conclusion, despite the privileging of Western music by the government.

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Koyasu, Akiko, and Danielly Ramos. "Japan’s Relationship with Portuguese-Speaking Africa: Considering the Future of Brazil–Japan Cooperation." In Brazil—Japan Cooperation: From Complementarity to Shared Value, 113–37. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-4029-3_5.

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AbstractJapan and Brazil have built a partnership not only in bilateral and multilateral framework but also in triangular cooperation. In recent years, the term FOIP (Free and Open Indo–Pacific) has been used as the philosophy of Japanese diplomacy. FOIP vision means to achieve peace, stability and prosperity in Asia and African region. Brazil itself is not a direct region for FOIP. But considering the African region is included in FOIP, and for Brazil, Africa is a continent historically and strategically important, Japan’s diplomatic concept, FOIP is not irrelevant to Brazil. To think about the future of Japan–Brazil relations, it is necessary to consider Japan’s African diplomacy in the era of FOIP in order to compare it with Brazil’s African diplomacy. In this article we will especially focus on the Portuguese-speaking African countries. The structure of the article is as follows. First, regarding Japan’s diplomacy with Africa, the philosophy and achievements of TICAD (Tokyo International Conference on African Development) started under the initiative of Japanese government since 1993 will be explained. In considering the future cooperation between Japan and Brazil in Africa, it is also necessary to understand Brazil’s African diplomacy. To that ends, the second part of the article will be the Brazilian diplomatic relations with Africa from the postwar period to the present day. In contrast to the active relations with Africa during the Lula governments, some major setbacks can be seen in the current Bolsonaro administration’s diplomatic relations with Africa. After the characteristics of Japan and Brazil’s diplomacy with Africa have been clarified, in the third part of this article, we will inquire the possibility of further cooperation of Japan and Brazil while looking back on the history and achievements of triangular cooperation between Japan–Brazil, and African countries, especially Mozambique. And we will put some comments as a concluding remark.

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Yoshihara, Mari. "Mr. Bernstein Goes to Tokyo." In Dearest Lenny, 24–35. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190465780.003.0003.

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Leonard Bernstein’s first Japan tour with the New York Philharmonic in 1961 was shaped by the politics of the Cold War. The US government’s interest was manifested in the sponsorship of the tour by the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), while Japan eagerly hosted the tour as part of the commemoration of the five hundredth anniversary of the city of Tokyo. The participation of emerging star Seiji Ozawa as Bernstein’s assistant conductor added special meaning for the Japanese audience. The tour was the much awaited occasion for Kazuko Amano to meet Bernstein in person for the first time.

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Conference papers on the topic "Tokyo (japan), politics and government"

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Honda, Hiroshi. "Course EC320: The Contemporary Economy of Japan Taught for Non-Japanese Students." In ASME 2004 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2004-60443.

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Course EC320 “The Contemporary Economy of Japan” was taught by the author in Fall 2003 Semester for a total of fourteen American, Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese and Venezuelan undergraduate students who came to IES Tokyo to study Japanese language, culture, economics, social structure and politics among others. The subject of paper introduces the outline of Course EC320 and its teaching methodology such as collaborative learning approach and utilization of field studies, and discusses interests and motivations of the students in learning in general, and in writing semester reports, based on their performance, their comments, and the author’s observation.

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Yu, Chiu Hsien, Tomoe Oikawa, Wataru Miyazaki, Takeo Kondo, Kazukiyo Yamamoto, and Kazuya Egami. "An Experimental Study on the Waterway Rescue System for Natural Disasters in the Tokyo Metropolis." In ASME 2011 30th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2011-49858.

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When the Great Hanshin Awaji Earthquake struck Japan in 1995, water transportation effectively supported rescue operations. Subsequently, Tokyo metropolitan government created a plan for a series of disaster relief piers in preparation for the Tokyo Metropolitan Epicentral Earthquake. In this study, we carried out field surveys for nine disaster relief piers which were established by the Japanese government, the Tokyo metropolitan government, and the wards in Tokyo, in order to find out issues of disaster relief piers for wheelchair users in case of a disaster. In the surveys, we checked the actual conditions of barrier-free implementation of the disaster relief piers, and analyzed the accessibility from the shelters to the disaster relief piers in terms of the shortest distance and travel time. As a result, we elucidated various mobility barriers for wheelchair users when they evacuate to the disaster relief piers.

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Hisamatsu, Rikito, Sooyoul Kim, and Shigeru Tabeta. "Estimation of Expected Loss by Storm Surges Along Tokyo Bay Coast." In ASME 2019 38th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2019-95336.

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Abstract In Japan, the fundamental disaster management plan was modified after a heavy rainfall event in 2015. According to the updated plan, the transfer of flood disaster risk to non-life insurance is promoted by the Japanese government. Thus, the importance of flood risk modeling for the insurance industry has increased. Winds are expected to become even stronger, resulting in higher storm surges, when the central pressure of the typhoon is intensified. Furthermore, it is possible for an insurance system to experience peak risk when such damage occurs simultaneously. Hence, refining the assessment method of storm surge risk is very important. An insurance company to which storm surge risk is transferred needs to assess not only the infrequent risks, for managing the risk of the company, but also the expected value of the estimated loss, for evaluating the insurance premium. However, only a few studies have assessed storm surges by stochastic approaches. In this study, storm surge losses along the coast of Tokyo Bay are predicted using the output of a stochastic typhoon model for 10,000 years. Storm surge losses due to 600 typhoons potentially causing storm surge damage for 10,000 years are calculated. Exceedance probability curves (EP curves) of estimated storm surge loss for each asset are created. Expected loss and the loss of representative return periods are evaluated based on these EP curves. We successfully determined the expected loss with a small calculation load.

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Patterson, Jeffrey S., Kevin D. Fauvell, Jay McMahon, and Javier O. Moralez. "United States Navy 501-K34 Gas Turbine Engine RADCON Effort." In ASME Turbo Expo 2015: Turbine Technical Conference and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2015-42057.

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On the afternoon of March 11, 2011 at 2:46pm, a 9.0 magnitude earthquake took place 231 miles northeast of Tokyo, Japan, at a depth of 15.2 miles. The earthquake caused a tsunami with 30 foot waves that damaged several nuclear reactors in the area. It was the fourth largest earthquake on record (since 1900) and the largest to hit Japan. On March 12, 2011, the United States Government launched Operation Tomodachi to provide humanitarian relief aid to Japan. In all, a total of 24,000 troops, 189 aircraft, 24 naval ships, supported this relief effort, at a cost of $90.0 million. The U.S. Navy provided material support, personnel movement, search and rescue missions and damage surveys. During the operation, 11 gas turbine U.S. warships operated within the radioactive plume. As a result, numerous gas turbine engines ingested radiological contaminants and are now operating under Radiological Controls (RADCON). This paper will describe the events that lead to Operation Tomodachi, as well as the resultant efforts on the U.S. Navy’s Japanese based gas turbine fleet. In addition, this paper will outline the U.S. Navy’s effort to decontaminate, overhaul and return these RADCON assets back into the fleet.

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Patterson, Jeffrey S., Kevin Fauvell, Dennis Russom, Willie A. Durosseau, Phyllis Petronello, and Javier O. Moralez. "Case Closed: The Completion of the United States Navy 501-K34 Gas Turbine Engine RADCON Program (2011 - 2019)." In ASME Turbo Expo 2021: Turbomachinery Technical Conference and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2021-00379.

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Abstract The United States Navy (USN) 501-K Series Radiological Controls (RADCON) Program was launched in late 2011, in response to the extensive damage caused by participation in Operation Tomodachi. The purpose of this operation was to provide humanitarian relief aid to Japan following a 9.0 magnitude earthquake that struck 231 miles northeast of Tokyo, on the afternoon of March 11, 2011. The earthquake caused a tsunami with 30 foot waves that damaged several nuclear reactors in the area. It was the fourth largest earthquake on record (since 1900) and the largest to hit Japan. On March 12, 2011, the United States Government launched Operation Tomodachi. In all, a total of 24,000 troops, 189 aircraft, 24 naval ships, supported this relief effort, at a cost in excess of $90.0 million. The U.S. Navy provided material support, personnel movement, search and rescue missions and damage surveys. During the operation, 11 gas turbine powered U.S. warships operated within the radioactive plume. As a result, numerous gas turbine engines ingested radiological contaminants and needed to be decontaminated, cleaned, repaired and returned to the Fleet. During the past eight years, the USN has been very proactive and vigilant with their RADCON efforts, and as of the end of calendar year 2019, have successfully completed the 501-K Series portion of the RADCON program. This paper will update an earlier ASME paper that was written on this subject (GT2015-42057) and will summarize the U.S. Navy’s 501-K Series RADCON effort. Included in this discussion will be a summary of the background of Operation Tomodachi, including a discussion of the affected hulls and related gas turbine equipment. In addition, a discussion of the radiological contamination caused by the disaster will be covered and the resultant effect to and the response by the Marine Gas Turbine Program. Furthermore, the authors will discuss what the USN did to remediate the RADCON situation, what means were employed to select a vendor and to set up a RADCON cleaning facility in the United States. And finally, the authors will discuss the dispensation of the 501-K Series RADCON assets that were not returned to service, which include the 501-K17 gas turbine engine, as well as the 250-KS4 gas turbine engine starter. The paper will conclude with a discussion of the results and lessons learned of the program and discuss how the USN was able to process all of their 501-K34 RADCON affected gas turbine engines and return them back to the Fleet in a timely manner.

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Iino, Kenji, Ritsuo Yoshioka, Masao Fuchigami, and Masayuki Nakao. "What Could Have Saved Fukushima From Its Severe Accident." In ASME 2016 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2016-65069.

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The Great East Japan Earthquake on March 11, 2011 triggered huge tsunami waves that devastated the northeast region of Japan along the Pacific coastline. The Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) owned Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant (Fukushima-1) survived the earthquake, however, not the tsunami that followed. Four of the 6 reactor units underwent Station Blackout. Unit 5 lost all its own AC power, however, it shared AC power with Unit 6. Units 1, 3, and 4 had hydrogen explosions that destroyed their reactor buildings, and even worse, 1, 2, and 3 had core meltdowns to release a large amount of radioactive material to their surroundings. The accident was rated Level 7 on the International Nuclear Event Scale, the worst level defined by International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Reports and papers have been published by a number of entities including the Japanese Diet, Government, TEPCO, IAEA, and more. They give detail explanation of how the accident developed into a nuclear disaster explaining the direct and background causes and faults made after the accident broke out. Finding the accident process, i.e., how it happened, and its causes of why it happened, are the most important first steps in accident analysis. Figuring out how to prevent similar events in the future, or even if it is possible to do so, however, is equally important for our future. We started our study in 2014 to find what actions TEPCO could have taken before the accident for preventing it from growing into a catastrophe. Then in February 2015, we set the goal of our study group to find answers to the following two questions: A. Was the huge tsunami, induced by a huge earthquake, predictable at Fukushima-1? B. If it was predictable, what preparations at Fukushima-1 could have reduced the severity of the accident? In response to our invitation to experts in the nuclear field, active and retired people gathered from academia, manufacturers, utility companies, and even regulators. After a series of tense discussions, we reached the conclusions that: Aa. Tsunami of the level that hit Fukushima-1 in 2011 was well predictable, and, Ba. The accident would have been much less severe if the plant had prepared a set of equipment, and most of all, had exercised actions against such tsunami. Preparation at the plant to prevent the severe accident consisted of the following items 1 through 7, and drills in 8: 1. A number of 125Vdc and 250Vdc batteries, 2. Portable underwater pumps, 3. Portable AC generators with sufficient gasoline supply to run the pumps, and 4. High voltage AC power truck This set applied only to this specific accident. For preparing against many other situations that could have taken place at Fukushima-1, we recommend having, in addition, the following equipment and modifications. 5. Portable compressor to drive air-operated valves for venting, 6. Watertight modification to RCIC and HPCI control and instrumentation, 7. Fire engines for alternate low pressure water injection after vent (Fukushima-1 had three). Just making these preparations would not have been sufficient. Activating valves with DC batteries, for example, takes disengaging the regular power supply lines and hooking up the batteries. 8. Drills against extended loss of all electric power and seawater pump This item 8, on and off-site drills was the most important preparation that should had been made. All other necessary preparations to save the plant in such cases would have followed logically.

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Reports on the topic "Tokyo (japan), politics and government"

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Pretorius, Philip Christo, and Radoslav Valev. Forces Shaping Populism, Authoritarianism and Democracy in South Korea, North Korea and Mongolia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0054.

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This report encapsulates the highlights of the eleventh event hosted by the European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS) as part of its monthly Mapping European Populism (MGP) panel series. Titled “Forces Shaping Populism, Authoritarianism, and Democracy in South Korea, North Korea, and Mongolia,” this event unfolded online on March 30, 2024. The esteemed Dr. John Nilsson-Wright expertly moderated the panel, which boasted insights from five distinguished scholars in the field of populism. The panelists featured in the event included experts such as Dr. Joseph Yi, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Hanyang University, Seoul, renowned for his work on "Discourse Regimes and Liberal Vehemence." Dr. Meredith Rose Shaw, an Associate Professor at the Institute of Social Science, The University of Tokyo, provided valuable insights into the regional context through her research on "Foreign Threat Perceptions in South Korean Campaign Discourse: Japan, North Korea, and China." Dr. Sang-Jin Han, an Emeritus Professor of Sociology at Seoul National University, shared his expertise on sociopolitical trends in South Korea, focusing on the "Transformation of Populist Emotion in Korean Politics from 2016 to 2024." Dr. Junhyoung Lee, a Research Professor in the School of International Relations at the University of Ulsan, South Korea, contributed with his research on "Nationalism and Resilience of Authoritarian Rule in North Korea." Lastly, Dr. Mina Sumaadii, a Senior Researcher at the Sant Maral Foundation, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, offered a unique perspective on "Populist Nationalism as a Challenge to Democratic Stability in Mongolia." The panel served as a platform for a rich exchange of ideas and analysis, shedding light on the complex interplay between populism, authoritarianism, and democracy within these East Asian nations.

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