Journal articles on the topic 'Tolkien. eng'

ResuméArtiklen omhandler et toårigt forskningsprojekt på VIA Pædagoguddannelse om klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet. I forskningsprojektet er der udført 11 kvalitative semistrukturerede interviews. Ud fra interviewene konstruerer vi analytisk tre dominerende narrativer: klubpædagogen som demokratisk medborgerskaber, frihedens klubpædagog og klubpædagogen som sælger. Ud fra narrativerne præsenterer vi tre større historisk og kulturelt forankrede nøglefortællinger om klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet. De to første narrativer indeholder nøglefortællinger om demokrati og frihed, der trækker på klassisk reformpædagogik og kritisk frigørende pædagogik. Heroverfor indeholder narrativet pædagogen som sælger en historisk nyere nøglefortælling om markedsgørelse. Vi betragter mødet mellem nøglefortællingerne som en mere overordnet fortælling om klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet mellem tradition og forandring. Afslutningsvis diskuterer vi, hvilke udfordringer og muligheder mødet mellem nøglefortællingerne, nærmere bestemt mødet mellem demokrati og frihed på den ene side og markedsgørelse på den anden, potentielt kan indeholde i forhold til klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet og omverdenens anerkendelse. På den ene side kan markedsgørelsen tolkes som risiko for dekonstruktion af klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet, der vil kunne udhule nøglefortællingerne om demokrati og frihed. På den anden side kan der argumenteres for, at netop nøglefortællingen om markedsgørelsen kan tolkes som mulighed for at styrke de to andre nøglefortællinger og at den sigt vil kunne bidrage til stabilisering og anerkendelse af klubpædagogisk professionsidentitet.
 AbstractLeisure time pedagogue working in youth clubs: between democracy, freedom and marketing? Three key narratives in professional identity of leisure time pedagogues working in youth clubsIn this article, we present the results of a research project about the professional identity of leisure time pedagogue working in different forms of youth clubs with children and teenagers from 10 to 18+ years of age. We base the analysis on 11 qualitative semi-structured interviews. Through the analysis, we construct three key narratives: a key narrative concerning democracy, a key narrative concerning freedom and a key narrative concerning marketing (sale). We use these three key narratives to illustrate the complexity of the professional identity of the leisure time pedagogue. Both tradition and renewal characterizes the professional identity of the leisure time pedagogues. In the final section, we discuss the encounter between the key narratives of democracy and freedom on the one hand and the key narrative of marketing on the other. What are the possible pitfalls and potentials in this encounter, when the pedagogues strives for the acknowledgement and acceptance of professional identity?

På grundlag af et omfattende survey-materiale analyserer denne artikel den tidlige tilbagetrækning fra arbejdsmarkedet, der i Danmark tager form af førtidspension, overgangsydelse og efterløn. Ambitionen er at kortlægge de samfundsmæssige struktureringsmekanismer bag og effekterne af den tidlige tilbagetrækning ved hjælp af korrespondanceanalytiske teknikker. I den vestlige verden betragtes befolkningens demografiske aldring og den voksende forsørgerbyrde som en af de største udfordringer for velfærdsstaten (se feks. OECD 1996a, 1996b). Det stigende udgiftstryk følger dog ikke alene af de demografiske forandringer. I tillæg er de sociale udgifter stigende, fordi stadigt flere ældre forlader arbejdsmarkedet, inden de når pensionsalderen. Derfor har et generelt træk i de vesteuropæiske velfærdsstater i de seneste 5-10 år været, at man har søgt at øge andelen af ældre mennesker i arbejdsstyrken, dvs. man har søgt at erstatte 'tidlig tilbagetrækning' med 'sen tilbagetrækning' fra arbejdsmarkedet (Vroom og Guillemard 2002). Først og fremmest har man søgt at opnå dette ved at forringe tilbagetrækningsordningernes generøsitet og kvalitet. Spørgsmålet er dog, om den stærke fokus på de velfærdsstatslige tilbagetrækningsordninger er i samklang med de faktiske årsager til den 'tidlige tilbagetrækning' fra arbejdsmarkedet. I debatten er man således tilbøjelig til at overse, at den tidlige tilbagetrækning fra arbejdsmarkedet kan forklares med forskellige modeller. Overordnet kan der således foretages en distinktion mellem push-, pull- og jump-forklaringer. Push-forklaringer betoner, hvorledes arbejdsmarkedets udstødningsmekanismer rammer de svageste (dårligt helbred) og de mindst kvalificerede indenfor arbejdsstyrken; dvs. at 'tidlig tilbagetrækning' tolkes som noget uønsket og påtvunget, der giver anledning til marginalisering, ekskludering og/eller manglende velfærd. I pull-forklaringer, der har været meget dominerende i debatten, analyseres tilbagetrækningsordningerne som incitamentsstrukturer, og tilbagetrækningen som incitamentsvirkninger, dvs. tilbagetrækningen skyldes, at tilbagetrækningsordningerne har en kvalitet og generøsitet, der gør, at det for den ældre lønmodtager bedre kan betale sig at forlade arbejdsmarkedet end at arbejde. Jump-for-

N. F. S. Grundtvig: Educationalist extraordinary. Homage of an Indian adult educator[N. F. S. Grundtvig: En usadvanlig folkeoplyser. En anerkendende karakteristik fra en indisk voksenpadagog]Af Asoke BhattacharyaAsoke Bhattacharya er professor i voksenoplysning ved Jadavpur University i Calcutta i Indien.Ved dette universitet leder han samtidig et Center for Grundtvig-Studier. Fra 2004-2005 har prof. Bhattacharya opholdt sig i Danmark for at samle materiale til fortsatte studier over Grundtvigs tanker om livsoplysning med henblik på at kunne gøre disse tanker gældende i en samfundssammenhæng som f.eks. den indiske. Under sit seneste ophold i Danmark har Asoke Bhattacharya været gæst på en række danske folkehøjskoler og fortalt om sit arbejde i Indien. Desuden har han været gæsteforsker ved Vartov-Akademiet og Center for Grundtvigsttudier for at komme videre med sit eget faglige projekt, der drejer sig om at tolke Grundtvigs skoletanker og gøre dem gældende i dag, således at deres relevans for de mange millioner underprivilegerede samfundsborgere i landene på jordens sydlige halvkugle bliver tydelig.Under sit seneste ophold i Danmark har professor Bhattacharya endnu engang undret sig over, hvor begrænset opmærksomhed der tilsyneladende er omkring Grundtvig i sammenligning med den verdensomfattende optagethed af H. C. Andersen og Søren Kierkegaard.Ikke at der overhovedet skulle være anledning til at gøre indsigelse mod den globale begejstring for disse to, men professor Bhattacharya ønsker at pege på, at Grundtvigs tænkning rummer impulser til en nyorientering inden for voksenoplysning og opdragelse til demokratisk kultur, en relevans som forekommer Bhattacharya umiddelbart indlysende set ud fra hans hjemland Indien, men som - det føler han sig overbevist om - tillige gælder alle andre lande på den sydlige halvkugle.Forklaringen på at denne internationale tilegnelse endnu ikke har fundet sted, mener Bhattacharya at kunne finde, i alle tilfælde delvist, i den kendsgerning, at vi i Danmark har været tilbøjelige til at slå kreds om hans tanker i en form for national protektionisme, som om disse tanker var forbeholdt Danmark og kun kunne udfoldes efter deres mening hos os. Over for en sådan tendens til national chauvinisme gør Asoke Bhattacharya med stor styrke gældende, at Grundtvigs tanker har universel adresse.Efter denne programerklæring giver Bhattacharya en skitse over Indiens årtusindgamle kultur, idet han særligt opholder sig ved det paradoks, at denne ærværdige tradition synes at have mistet noget af sit potentiale til at fremkalde dannelse og oplysning for de brede folkemasser. Årsagen mener han at kunne finde i det forhold, at indiske politikere i hovedsagen har været optaget af at fremme industrialiseringen i byerne, hvorimod de har forsømt reformer for befolkningen i landområdeme. Dertil kommer, at den uddannelsespolitiske ambition har været rettet mod elitens uddannelse på de øverste uddannelsestrin, mens man har ladet hånt om behovet for folkeoplysning.Efter at have ridset Gmndtvigs forestillinger om livsoplysning og folkelig dannelse op i deres historiske, samfundsmæssige kontekst fremlægger Bhattacharya en skitse af tre senere pionerer inden for folkeoplysning, som forekommer indlysende nærliggende og relevante at bringe ind i samtalen om, hvordan vi bedst bidrager til en betydningsoverførsel af Grundtvigs tanker til vores egen tid og til andre himmelstrøg end vore egne. Den første af disse tre forgrundskikkelser er den indiske digter, filosof og billedkunstner Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941). I senkolonialismens Indien erkendte Tagore et eklatant behov for at animere til en folkelig vækkelse blandt den underprivilegerede landbefolkning. Da han i 1913 modtog Nobelprisen i litteratur, indbetalte han pengene som bidrag til opbygning af internatskoler på landet i Vest-Bengalen. De vigtigste fag på skolerne var landbrug, kunsthåndværk, syning af bomuldsstoffer samt sundhedsreformer for landbefolkningen.Den anden reformskikkelse inden for voksenoplysningen er Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948). Gandhi er antagelig bedre kendt, blandt andet fordi han fik afgørende betydning i processen, der førte frem til Indiens selvstændighed. På flere måder minder de to indiske folkeoplysere dog om hinanden, f.eks. i henseende til deres betoning af modersmålets betydning for en ægte folkekultur, af den mundtlige fortælling med vægt på poetisk billedsprog samt deres understregning af en fordringsløs livsførelse samt nærende kost til gavn for folkesundheden.Den tredje voksenpædagog, der på tilsvarende måde har ydet et betydningsfuldt bidrag til udformningen af en samfundstænkning, der retter sig mod de brede masser, er den brasilianske filosof og reformpædagog Paolo Freire (1921-1997). Freires program for myndiggørelse af den underprivilegerede befolkning i hans eget hjemland, det nordlige Brasilien, tog frem for alt sigte på at give de undertrykte folkemasser et sprog, der satte dem i stand til at bryde ud af den tavse lidelse og give dem en impuls til frigørelse fra deres uværdige livsvilkår.Asoke Bhattacharya ser afgørende lighedstræk mellem Grundtvigs sans for sand folkelighed og hovedintentionerne hos de tre nævnte poetiske reformpædagoger. Grundtvigs nutidige betydning vil træde frem med stor styrke, hvis det lykkes at tolke og videreføre hans synspunkter i samspil med hans moderne efterfølgere.

Dette fjerde nummer af tidsskriftets 81. årgang indeholder tre artik-ler, der har et bibeleksegetisk tema, men samtidig demonstrerer hvor-dan, man kan gå til bibelske tekster fra meget forskellige perspektiver. Den fjerde artikel belyser et stykke nyere nordisk kirkehistorie.
 I nummerets første artikel leverer Louise Heldgaard Bylund en un-dersøgelse af, hvordan perikopen om Jesu fristelse i ørkenen (Matt 4,1-11; Luk 4,1-13) bliver genfortalt i syv danske børnebibler fra de seneste 15 år. Bylund benytter i artiklen den narratologiske analyse som sit greb til at afdække fælles tendenser i den tolkning af periko-pen, som børnebiblerne formidler. Det viser sig, at gengivelserne af fristelsesberetningen her primært tolker den som en moralsk eksem-pelfortælling. Det sker ikke så meget gennem direkte belærende ud-sagn. Derimod lægger børnebiblernes gengivelser op til en høj grad af identifikation med teksten. Kristologien i børnebiblernes fortælling har ikke først og fremmest (som hos evangelisterne) vægt på lydighed og troskab mod traditionen men snarere på Jesus som en stærk per-son, der træffer det rette personlige valg.
 De næste to artikler beskæftiger sig begge fra hver sin vinkel med en central nytestamentlig tekst, 1 Kor 15. Thomas Lederballe Pedersen udlægger Paulus’ udsagn 1 Kor 15,49 om at “bære det himmelske menneskes billede” i lyset af, hvad visualitetsstudier kan fortælle om samtidens romerske billedkultur. Her spiller forvandlingsmotivet en vigtig rolle, som det ses i Ovids Metamorfoser, og som det udmøn-ter sig ikke mindst i udformningen af Augustus-fremstillinger, hvor Augustus’ ophøjelse til en guddommelig figur legemliggøres i statuer, der på en gang har portrætlighed og fremstår stærkt idealiserende. I disse fremstillinger får den guddommeliggjorte Augustus-figur et udødeligt himmelsk legeme; og Pedersen argumenterer for, at kend-skabet til denne form for legemlig forvandling fra den visuelle kultur har været en del af forståelseshorisonten hos Paulus’ læsere.
 Temaet for Daniel Mikkelsens artikel er ligeledes 1 Kor 15. Han diskuterer de to syn på hvad Paulus forstår ved opstandelseslegeme, “kødforståelsen” og “åndsforståelsen”. Ifølge det første syn bevarer mennesket efter opstandelsen et legeme af kød, men i forherliget og udødelig kvalitet. Ifølge det andet syn bliver mennesket ved opstan-delsen befriet fra kødet og får et legeme af et nyt uforgængeligt pneu-matisk stof. Mikkelsen argumenterer indgående for den første opfattelse og påpeger bl.a., at med forståelsen af opstandelseslegement som kød bliver den forvandling, der finder sted, i højere grad kronologisk (fra fortabelse til frelse) end materiel (fra sarks til pneuma).
 I nummerets sidste bidrag tager Finn Aa. Rønne en lidt underbelyst side af nyere nordisk kirkehistorie op. “Nyevangelismen” er en strøm-ning, som især er kendt fra svenske vækkelsesmiljøer siden 1800-tal-let, og som i Danmark har præget Luthersk Mission og Evangelisk Luthersk Missionsforening. Som inspirator for nyevangelismen næv-nes Carl Oluf Rosenius (1816-1868). Artiklen påviser, hvordan man hos Rosenius finder påvirkning fra såvel den klassiske pietisme som herrnhutismen, og hvordan man kan se en fortsat spænding imellem disse to retninger ned gennem nyevangelismens historie.

I denne longitudinelle studien ble 131 grunnskolelærere (1. til 4. trinn) fulgt opp fra det siste året i lærerutdanningen og gjennom de fire første årene i lærerjobb. Lærerne tok standardiserte tester i matematikk (matematikkunnskap) og matematikkdidaktikk (matematikkdidaktisk kunnskap) ved slutten av lærerutdanningen i 2008 og en gang til etter fire års arbeid som lærer, i 2012. I tillegg tok de etter fire år i jobb en standardisert videobasert test som måler ferdigheter i å oppdage og tolke situasjoner som oppstår under matematikkundervisning i klasserommet, samt evne til å ta avgjørelser om handling når det gjelder disse situasjonene (matematikkrelaterte praksisferdigheter). De målte kunnskapene og ferdighetene ble deretter relatert til grunnskolelærernes utdanningsløp ved hjelp av strukturelle ligningsmodeller med manifeste variabler (path analysis). Som forventet fant vi sterke langtidseffekter. Lærernes gjennomsnittskarakter fra avsluttende skoleeksamen predikerte sterkt deres matematikkrelaterte kunnskapsnivå og deres praksisferdigheter 10 til 12 år senere (etter fire år i jobb). Enda sterkere relatert til kunnskapsnivået i matematikk og matematikkdidaktikk etter fire år i jobb var typen matematikk-kurs de hadde tatt på videregående skole (avansert kurs vs. basiskurs). Derimot hadde typen skolematematikk-kurs ingen signifikant effekt på lærernes praksisferdigheter. Kunnskap i matematikk og matematikkdidaktikk ved slutten av lærerutdanningen korrelerte også signifikant med lærernes kunnskap fire år senere, mens effektene på praksisferdigheter var ubetydelig. Gjennomsnittskarakteren på den avsluttende brede lærerutdanningseksamenen hadde ingen signifikant effekt på lærernes matematikkrelaterte kunnskap eller ferdigheter. Alle langsiktige effekter av skolegang ble mediert gjennom lærerutdanningen. Når det gjelder videre forskning er en viktig konklusjon at det må undersøkes nøyere hva som påvirker praksisferdigheter. I tillegg er utvalgskriterier ved starten av lærerutdanningen et stikkord som burde diskuteres; et annet stikkord er hvilke muligheter studenter har til å lære seg matematikk og matematikkdidaktikk under grunnskolelærerutdanningen.Nøkkelord: lærerkompetanse, longitudinell studie, grunnskolelærere, kompetanseutvikling, matematikkunnskap, lærerutdanning Long-term effects of schooling and teacher education on primary teachers’ mathematics-related competence developmentAbstract131 primary teachers (grades 1 to 4) were followed during the transition from teacher education to the teaching profession in a four-year longitudinal study. The teachers took standardized tests of their mathematics content knowledge (MCK) and their mathematics pedagogical content knowledge (MPCK) in their last year of teacher education and after four years on the job. In addition, they took a standardized test based on video-vignettes to examine the perception, interpretation and decision-making skills needed in the teaching of mathematics (M_PID). Path analysis was applied to regress these outcomes on teachers’ schooling and teacher education. As hypothesized, strong long-term effects were found. Teachers’ grade-point average from upper secondary school predicted significantly MCK, MPCK and M_PID 12 years later (after four years on the job). The type of course in school mathematics taken in upper secondary school predicted MCK and MPCK even more strongly, but not M_PID. MCK and MPCK at the end of teacher education predicted significantly MCK and MPCK four years later but only marginally M_PID. The grade-point average from teacher education did not predict any of the outcomes. All long-term effects of schooling were mediated through teacher education. With regard to research tasks resulting from this study, it seems to be important to examine predictors of M_PID in more detail. With regard to policy conclusions, the results suggest the need to discuss selection criteria at the beginning of teacher education, and opportunities to learn mathematics and mathematics education during primary teacher education.Keywords: teacher competence, longitudinal study, primary school teachers, competence development, mathematics knowledge, teacher education

Grundtvigs Schulgedanken aus deutscher SichtBy Norbert VogelI dette bidrag præsenteres de hidtil opnåede resultater af et forskningsprojekt, der i øjeblikket er i gang ved universitetet i Tübingen, V. Tyskland. Det drejer sig om, hvordan de grundtvigske folkehøjskoletanker er blevet tolket og brugt i tysk voksenuddannelse. Artiklen er at forstå som en foreløbig arbejdsrapport.Det er formålet med det anførte forskningsprojekt at fremstille de mangesidede påvirkninger, der er udg.et fra den grundtvigske folkehøjskole med henblik på at kunne overføre historiske erfaringer på aktuelle udfordringer.Nødvendigheden af at foretage en omfattende historisk undersøgelse fremgår af, at Grundtvig-receptionen i Tyskland ofte har fundet sted på en afkortet måde. Den kulturelle omformning blev undertiden til en deformering. Dette har vist sig f.eks. ved fejlagtige eller ufuldstændige informationer, tilspidsede eller afsvækkede pointer, fortegning af bestemte forhold og positioner, hvis ikke resultatet endog blev fremstillinger og vurderinger, der beroede på forkerte skøn eller ensidige interesser.Redegørelsen for resultaterne sker i to dele: Den første del behandler et tidsrum af den undersøgte udvikling (fra begyndelsen af 1860’eme til .rene 1910-20), der for størstedelens vedkommende allerede er analyseret i arbejdet med projektet.I denne del drøftes de tidlige dele af den tyske Grundtvig-reception med henblik på voksenpædagogikken.Mens den første del er en generel oversigt, undersøges i den anden en enkelt problemkreds, nemlig spørgsmålet om, hvorvidt frihedstankene hos Grundtvig er blevet overtaget i den tyske højskolebevægelse. Netop dette aspekt forekommer relevant, eftersom det i Grundtvigs virkningshistorie i Danmark hører ulæseligt med; hvilket imidlertid ikke på samme m.de kan siges at være tilfældet i Tyskland.Den tidslige ramme udvides i denne forbindelse med de perioder, der omfatter Weimar-republikken og nationalsocialismen, samtidig med at også virkningerne for Grundtvig-forståelsen i efterkrigsperioden inddrages.Sammenfattende kan det siges om den ældste tilegnelse af Grundtvig i den tyske højskoletradition indtil ca. 1910, at den gradvist bevægede sig frem mod et første højdepunkt i tilegnelsen af skole- og folkeoplysningsmanden Grundtvig. For så vidt man overvejer grundene til den i begyndelsen kun tøvende, for en stor del også af forbehold prægede Grundtvig-reception, er det vigtigt at pege på det anspændte politiske forhold mellem Tyskland og Danmark, navnlig i forbindelse med krigene 1848-51 og 1864, der stod i vejen for en uhindret folkelig vekselvirkning mellem de to lande. Dernæst bør nævnes andre hindringer, der har deres oprindelse i Grundtvigs person og forfatterskab; der tænkes i denne forbindelse ikke mindst på Grundtvigs uforbeholdne og brysk formulerede afvisning, rettet mod det tryk, han fornemmede fra den mægtige nabostat i syd, et tryk der ytrede sig både politisk, kulturelt og videnskabeligt.Efter "kejsertiden" i Tyskland kan man iagttage en stigende interesse for den grundtvigske folkehøjskole, næret af forskellige motiver, som f.eks. af en flugtpræget bevægelse i retning af "kultur og natur" (noget der generelt kan observeres angående receptionen af skandinavisk litteratur i denne periode); men også ud fra håbet om at kunne anvende den danske folkehøjskole som middel til at læse sociale problemer, særlig på landet. Den danske folkehøjskole bliver således betragtet som et egnet instrument for velfærdsinitiativer i Tyskland. Hertil knyttes forskellige bestræbelser på at fremme folkelig dannelse, sat i værk af liberale, nationalliberale og socialt engagerede enkeltpersoner og grupperinger. Endelig retter nogle deres håb mod et forventet bidrag til at bringe den tyske økonomiske udvikling videre, særligt inden for landbruget. Tillige betragtedes den grundtvigske højskole som middel til åndelig velfærd, for at højne den almene dannelse og den politiske bevidsthed.I den anden del står drøftelsen af et bestemt punkt i centrum, nemlig spårgsmålet om, hvorvidt Grundtvigs grundliggende ideer om frihed er blevet bemærket i den tyske voksenuddannelse op gennem .rene. Følgende bliver tydeligt i denne sammenhæng: I Tyskland, hvor demokratiseringen - i modsætning til Danmark - var kendetegnet af stærke brud, var der kun i begrænset omfang baggrund og bevidsthed for Grundtvigs frihedssyn og den demokratiserende effekt af den Grundtvigske højskole. Denne forskelligartede baggrund i de to lande omfatter en ambivalent holdning efter 1848 og i kejserårene, en delvist ligegyldig holdning i Weimar-republikken og sidst en total fortrængning, om ikke ligefrem frontstilling imod dette aspekt af skoletanken i det nazistiske Tyskland. I den tyske højskoletraditions begreb om det folkelige var der i Weimar-republikken ringe, og under nazismen slet ingen sans for den impuls til frihed og demokrati, som findes i de grundtvigske ideer om folkeoplysning. Dette kulminerede under nazismen i et begreb om det folkelige, der var tænkt ud fra de skæbnesvangre forestillinger om "Blut und Boden" (blod og jord) og raceideologien. En delvis benyttelse af samme ord (f.eks. "Volkheit") i Weimar-republikken og under nazismen, selv om der mentes noget helt forskelligt, har skadet de grundtvigske ideer i Tyskland og generelt medvirket til den ugunstige udvikling for en tilegnelse af Grundtvig i Tyskland.Alt i alt kan man konstatere, at forståelsen af Grundtvig fremviser et langt mere uensartet billede end hidtil antaget. Tilegnelsen rækker fra tilslutning, evt. forbundet med forsøg på at se bort fra modsigelser eller på en manipulerende m.de at oplæse disse, til den utilslørede afstandtagen. Der kan således på ingen m.de tales om en generel tendens i retning af at grundtvigske oplysningstanker for en almen betragtning skulle være blevet taget til indtægt af systemet i det nazistiske Tyskland.Hvad endelig efterkrigsperioden angår med den i begyndelsen tilbageholdende tilegnelse af Grundtvig, har det sikkert spillet en rolle, at bestemte begreber som folkelighed, det folkelige, men også nation eller folk var brændemærket af nationalsocialismen og derfor udløste afværgemanøvrer. Endvidere har det bidraget hertil, at der efter krigen har fundet et generationsskifte sted i den tyske folkehøjskolebevægelse. De, der var optaget af disse tanker i Weimar-republikken, var kun i begrænset omfang til rådighed og med dem er traditioner og teoretiske overvejelser gået tabt.

Hvordan skal udviklingen af en omsorgspolitik på hjemmehjælperfeltet tolkes? Som empowerment eller som disempowerment? Er italesættelse bedre end tavshed? Diskursanalysen af professionalisme, omsorg og køn diskuterer udviklingen af omsorgsarbejdet i perioden 1943-1995.

I artikkelen studeres nasjonale føringer for formulering av læringsutbyttebeskrivelser for fagskoler. Formålet med studien er å vise hvilke konsekvenser disse føringene får for lokalt arbeid med utvikling av studieplaner for yrker som forutsetter fysiske ferdigheter.
 I studien er det anvendt to metoder. Den ene er kvalitativ tekstanalyse av relevante nasjonale styrings- og veiledningsdokumenter, og av originallitteratur om Blooms taksonomi. Den andre metoden er feltsamtaler med personale som utvikler studieplan for toårig fagskole i Brann, redning og samfunnssikkerhet.
 Et av studiens funn er at nasjonale utdanningsmyndigheter kan ha tolket Blooms taksonomi på en uhensiktsmessig måte. Dette kan ha medført en unødvendig kompleksitet i kriterier for formulering av læringsutbyttebeskrivelser. Dette kan også ha medført at tyngdepunktet av lærings-utbyttebeskrivelser er på kognitive ferdigheter, på bekostning av psykomotoriske ferdigheter, også i utdanninger for yrker som forutsetter fysisk arbeid.

Mange moralske og etiske værdier er tillagt sport fordi det er regelbaseret (e.g., Anderson & Crutchley, 1990). Som en konsekvens af dette bliver sport ofte set som en slags kropsliggørelse af etisk opførsel (McFee, 1998). Denne idealistiske tilskrivelse af moralsk mening til sport hedder sport ethos (Kuchler, 1969). Ofte bliver termerne ”moral” og ”etik” brugt som synonymer da de begge beskriver handling som tolkes som enten ”rigtig” eller ”forkert”. Moral betegner en persons principper og bliver derved fuldt af individet selv. Et individs moralske koder er oftest stabilt og konsistent på tværs af kontekster, men kan ændres hvis en person har en radikal ændring i personlige overbevisninger og/eller værdier. Etik er eksterne standarder, givet af institutioner, grupper eller en kultur som individet hører til. Etik er meget konsistent i en given kontekst, men kan variere meget fra kontekst til kontekst. I dag bruges etik ofte om systematisk undersøgelse af moral. I denne artikel vil vi diskutere moralsk udvikling i sport, relevansen af moralsk ræsonnement for anti-doping forbyggelse, og vi vil præsentere nye resultater fra et træningsprogram målrettet at øge unge atleters moralske ræsonnement for at forebygge doping.
 
 Nøgleord: Etik, moral, etisk træning, træning af moral, doping

Som en del av det overordna prosjektet Klart lovspråk er det gjort en leseundersøkelse av fire innbyggerretta lover for å finne ut hvordan ulike lesere tolker og bruker lovtekster. Ved å intervjue profesjonelle brukere og innbyggere som berøres av lovenes virkeområde, får man vite hvordan ulike grupper forstår innholdet. Undersøkelsen viser blant annet at mange ord og uttrykk i lovene er vanskelige å forstå, og at setnings- og tekststrukturen oppleves som tung. En slik leseundersøkelse er en metode som kan benyttes på alle typer tekster for å få tilgang til hvordan ulike lesere oppfatter dem. SummaryUnderstanding the language of the law can be challenging. As a part of the national ‘Klart lovspråk’ project, a group of researchers inquired into the participants’ general experience of legal texts, their ability to make sense of excerpts together, and their ability to reflect upon the social meaning-making processes of the interview session. A key finding from the study was that archaic words and expressions, long sentences and poor text structure were obstacles to comprehension. Another finding was that professional users rely primarily on text-based meaning-making strategies, attempting to make meaning by consulting other texts. Most citizens, however, make meaning through social strategies, e.g. by asking friends, relatives or public officials for legal advice. This method of studying reading comprehension can also be applied to all types of texts to ascertain how people perceive them.

Could we also imagine a language in which a person could write down or give vocal expression to his inner experiences -- his feelings, moods, and the rest -- for his private use? Well, can't we do so in our ordinary language? -- But that is not what I mean. The individual words of this language are to refer to what can only be known to the person speaking; to his immediate private sensations. So another person cannot understand the language. -- Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations par. 243 I will be using 'audience' in two ways in the following essay: as a phenomenon that produces and is produced by media technologies (readers, hearers, viewers, Internet-users), and as something, audiens, that is essential to language itself, something without which language cannot be. I shall do so in specific references to invented languages. Who, then, are the 'consumers' of invented languages? In referring to invented languages, I am not talking about speakers of Esperanto or Occidental; I am not concerned with the invention of international auxiliary languages. These projects, already well-debated, have roots that go back at least as far as the 17th-century language philosophers who were at pains to undo the damage of Babel and restore a common language to the world. While Esperanto never became what it intended to be, it at least has readers and speakers. I am also not even talking about speakers of Klingon or Quenya. These privately invented languages have had the good fortune to be attached to popular invented cultures, and to media with enough money and publicity to generate a multitude of fans. Rather, I am talking about a phenomenon on the Internet and in a well- populated listserv whereby a number of people from all over the globe have discovered each other on-line. They all have a passion for what Jeffrey Schnapp calls uglossia ('no-language', after utopia, 'no-place'). Umberto Eco calls it 'technical insanity' or glottomania. Linguist Marina Yaguello calls language inventors fous du langage ('language lunatics') in her book of the same title. Jeffrey Henning prefers the term 'model language' in his on-line newsletter: 'miniaturized versions that provide the essence of something'. On CONLANG, people call themselves conlangers (from 'constructed language') and what they do conlanging. By forming this list, they have created a media audience for themselves, in the first sense of the term, and also literally in the second sense, as a number of them are setting up soundbytes on their elaborately illustrated and explicated Webpages. Originally devoted to advocates for international auxiliary languages, CONLANG started out about eight years ago, and as members joined who were less interested in the politics than in the hobby of language invention, the list has become almost solely the domain of the latter, whereas the 'auxlangers', as they are called, have moved to another list. An important distinguishing feature of 'conlangers' is that, unlike the 'auxlangers', there is no sustained hope that their languages will have a wide-body of hearers or users. They may wish it, but they do not advocate for it, and as a consequence their languages are free to be a lot weirder, whereas the auxlangs tend to strive for regularity and useability. CONLANG is populated by highschool, college, and graduate students; linguists; computer programmers; housewives; librarians; professors; and other users worldwide. The old debate about whether the Internet has become the 'global village' that Marshall McLuhan predicted, or whether it threatens to atomise communication 'into ever smaller worlds where enthusiasms mutate into obsessions', as Jeff Salamon warns, seems especially relevant to a study of CONLANG whose members indulge in an invention that by its very nature excludes the casual listener-in. And yet the audio-visual capacities of the Internet, along with its speed and efficiency of communication, have made it the ideal forum for conlangers. Prior to the Web, how were fellow inventors to know that others were doing -- in secret? J.R.R. Tolkien has been lauded as a rare exception in the world of invention, but would his elaborate linguistic creations have become so famous had he not published The Lord of the Rings and its Appendix? Poignantly, he tells in "A Secret Vice" about accidentally overhearing another army recruit say aloud: 'Yes! I think I shall express the accusative by a prefix!'. Obviously, silent others besides Tolkien were inventing languages, but they did not have the means provided by the Internet to discover one another except by chance. Tolkien speaks of the 'shyness' and 'shame' attached to this pursuit, where 'higher developments are locked in secret places'. It can win no prizes, he says, nor make birthday presents for aunts. His choice of title ("A Secret Vice") echoes a Victorian phrase for the closet, and conlangers have frequently compared conlanging to homosexuality, both being what conservative opinion expects one to grow out of after puberty. The number of gay men on the list has been wondered at as more than coincidental. In a survey I conducted in October 1998, many of the contributors to CONLANG felt that the list put them in touch with an audience that provided them with intellectual and emotional feedback. Their interests were misunderstood by parents, spouses, lovers, and employers alike, and had to be kept under wraps. Most of those I surveyed said that they had been inventing a language well before they had heard of the list; that they had conceived of what they were doing as unique or peculiar, until discovery of CONLANG; and that other people's Websites astounded them with the pervasive fascination of this pursuit. There are two ways to look at it: conlanging, as Henning writes, may be as common and as humanly creative as any kind of model-making, i.e., dollhouses, model trains, role-playing, or even the constructed cultures with city plans and maps in fantasy novels such as Terry Pratchett's Discworld. The Web is merely a means to bring enthusiasts together. Or it may provide a site that, with the impetus of competition and showmanship, encourages inutile and obsessive activity. Take your pick. From Hildegard von Bingen's Lingua Ignota to Dante's Inferno and the babbling Nimrod to John Dee's Enochian and on, invented languages have smacked of religious ecstacy, necromancy, pathology, and the demonic. Twin speech, or 'pathological idioglossia', was dramatised by Jodie Foster in Nell. Hannah Green's 'Language of Yr' was the invention of her schizophrenic protagonist in I Never Promised You a Rose Garden. Language itself is the centre of furious theoretical debate. Despite the inventive 'deformities' it is put to in poetry, punning, jest, singing, and lying, human language, our most 'natural' of technologies, is a social machine, used by multitudes and expected to get things done. It is expected of language that it be understood and that it have not only hearers but also answerers. All human production is founded on this assumption. A language without an audience of other speakers is no language. 'Why aren't you concentrating on real languages?' continues to be the most stinging criticism. Audience is essential to Wittgenstein's remark quoted at the beginning of this essay. Wittgenstein posits his 'private languages theory' as a kind of impossibility: all natural languages, because they exist by consensus, can only refer to private experience externally. Hence, a truly private language, devoted to naming 'feelings and moods' which the subject has never heard about or shared with others, is impossible among socialised speakers who are called upon to define subjective experience in public terms. His is a critique of solipsism, a charge often directed at language inventors. But very few conlangers that I have encountered are making private languages in Wittgenstein's sense, because most of them are interested in investing their private words with public meaning, even when they are doing it privately. For them, it is audience, deeply desireable, that has been impossible until now. Writing well before the development of CONLANG, Yaguello takes the stance that inventing a language is an act of madness. 'Just look at the lunatic in love with language', she writes: sitting in his book-lined study, he collects great piles of information, he collates and classifies it, he makes lists and fills card indexes. He is in the clutches of a denominatory delirium, of a taxonomic madness. He has to name everything, but before being able to name, he has to recognize and classify concepts, to enclose the whole Universe in a system of notation: produce enumerations, hierarchies, and paradigms. She is of course describing John Wilkins, whose Real Character and Universal Language in 1668 was an attempt to make each syllable of his every invented word denote its placement in a logical scheme of classification. 'A lunatic ambition', Yaguello pronounces, because it missed the essential quality of language: that its signs are arbitrary, practical, and changeable, so as to admit neologism and cultural difference. But Yaguello denounces auxiliary language makers in general as amateurs 'in love with language and with languages, and ignorant of the science of language'. Her example of 'feminine' invention comes from Helene Smith, the medium who claimed to be channeling Martian (badly disguised French). One conlanger noted that Yaguello's chapter entitled 'In Defence of Natural Languages' reminded him of the US Federal 'Defense of Marriage Act', whereby the institution of heterosexual marriage is 'defended' from homosexual marriage. Let homosexuals marry or lunatics invent language, and both marriage and English (or French) will come crashing to the ground. Schnapp praises Yaguello's work for being the most comprehensive examination of the phenomenon to date, but neither he nor she addresses linguist Suzette Haden Elgin's creative work on Láadan, a language designed for women, or even Quenya or Klingon -- languages that have acquired at least an audience of readers. Schnapp is less condemnatory than Yaguello, and interested in seeing language inventors as the 'philologists of imaginary worlds', 'nos semblables, nos frères, nos soeurs' -- after all. Like Yaguello, he is given to some generalities: imaginary languages are 'infantile': 'the result is always [my emphasis] an "impoverishment" of the natural languages in question: reduced to a limited set of open vowels [he means "open syllables"], prone to syllabic reduplication and to excessive syntactical parallelisms and symmetries'. To be sure, conlangs will never replicate the detail and history of a real language, but to call them 'impoverishments of the natural languages' seems as strange as calling dollhouses 'impoverishments of actual houses'. Why this perception of threat or diminishment? The critical, academic "audience" for language invention has come largely from non-language inventors and it is woefully uninformed. It is this audience that conlangers dislike the most: the outsiders who cannot understand what they are doing and who belittle it. The field, then, is open to re-examination, and the recent phenomenon of conlanging is evidence that the art of inventing languages is neither lunatic nor infantile. But if one is not Tolkien or a linguist supported by the fans of Star Trek, how does one justify the worthwhile nature of one's art? Is it even art if it has an audience of one ... its artist? Conlanging remains a highly specialised and technical pursuit that is, in the end, deeply subjective. Model builders and map-makers can expect their consumers to enjoy their products without having to participate in the minutia of their building. Not so the conlanger, whose consumer must internalise it, and who must understand and absorb complex linguistic concepts. It is different in the world of music. The Cocteau Twins, Bobby McFerrin in his Circle Songs, Lisa Gerrard in Duality, and the new group Ekova in Heaven's Dust all use 'nonsense' words set to music -- either to make songs that sound like exotic languages or to convey a kind of melodic glossolalia. Knowing the words is not important to their hearers, but few conlangers yet have that outlet, and must rely on text and graphs to give a sense of their language's structure. To this end, then, these are unheard, unaudienced languages, existing mostly on screen. A few conlangers have set their languages to music and recorded them. What they are doing, however, is decidedly different from the extempore of McFerrin. Their words mean something, and are carefully worked out lexically and grammatically. So What Are These Conlangs Like? On CONLANG and their links to Websites you will find information on almost every kind of no-language imaginable. Some sites are text only; some are lavishly illustrated, like the pages for Denden, or they feature a huge inventory of RealAudio and MP3 files, like The Kolagian Languages, or the songs of Teonaht. Some have elaborate scripts that the newest developments in fontography have been able to showcase. Some, like Tokana and Amman-Iar, are the result of decades of work and are immensely sophisticated. Valdyan has a Website with almost as much information about the 'conculture' as the conlang. Many are a posteriori languages, that is, variations on natural languages, like Brithenig (a mixture of the features of Brythonic and Romance languages); others are a priori -- starting from scratch -- like Elet Anta. Many conlangers strive to make their languages as different from European paradigms as possible. If imaginary languages are bricolages, as Schnapp writes, then conlangers are now looking to Tagalog, Basque, Georgian, Malagasay, and Aztec for ideas, instead of to Welsh, Finnish, and Hebrew, languages Tolkien drew upon for his Elvish. "Ergative" and "trigger" languages are often preferred to the "nominative" languages of Europe. Some people invent for sheer intellectual challenge; others for the beauty and sensuality of combining new and privately meaningful sounds. There are many calls for translation exercises, one of the most popular being 'The Tower of Babel' (Genesis 10: 1-9). The most recent innovation, and one that not only showcases these languages in all their variety but provides an incentive to learn another conlanger's conlang, is the Translation Relay Game: someone writes a short poem or composition in his or her language and sends it with linguistic information to someone else, who sends a translation with directions to the next in line all the way around again, like playing 'telephone'. The permutations that the Valdyan Starling Song went through give good evidence that these languages are not just relexes, or codes, of natural languages, but have their own linguistic, cultural, and poetic parameters of expression. They differ from real languages in one important respect that has bearing on my remarks about audience: very few conlangers have mastered their languages in the way one masters a native tongue. These creations are more like artefacts (several have compared it to poetry) than they are like languages. One does not live in a dollhouse. One does not normally think or speak in one's conlang, much less speak to another, except through a laborious process of translation. It remains to a longer cultural and sociolinguistic study (underway) to tease out the possibilities and problems of conlanging: why it is done, what does it satisfy, why so few women do it, what are its demographics, or whether it can be turned to pedagogical use in a 'hands-on', high- participation study of language. In this respect, CONLANG is one of the 'coolest' of on-line media. Only time will show what direction conlanging and attitudes towards it will take as the Internet becomes more powerful and widely used. Will the Internet democratise, and eventually make banal, a pursuit that has until now been painted with the romantic brush of lunacy and secrecy? (You can currently download LangMaker, invented by Jeff Henning, to help you construct your own language.) Or will it do the opposite and make language and linguistics -- so often avoided by students or reduced in university programs -- inventive and cutting edge? (The inventor of Tokana has used in-class language invention as a means to study language typology.) Now that we have it, the Internet at least provides conlangers with a place to hang their logodaedalic tapestries, and the technology for some of them to be heard. References Von Bingen, Hildegard. Lingua Ignota, or Wörterbuch der unbekannten Sprache. Eds. Marie-Louise Portmann and Alois Odermatt. Basel: Verlag Basler Hildegard-Gesellschaft, 1986. Eco, Umberto. The Search for the Perfect Language. Trans. James Fentress. Oxford, England, and Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1995, 1997. Elgin, Suzette Haden. A First Dictionary and Grammar of Láadan. Madison, WI: Society for the Furtherance and Study of Fantasy and Science- Fiction, 1985. Henning, Jeffrey. Model Languages: The Newsletter Discussing Newly Imagined Words for Newly Imagined Worlds. <http://www.Langmaker.com/ml00.htm>. Kennaway, Richard. Some Internet Resources Relating to Constructed Languages. <http://www.sys.uea.ac.uk/jrk/conlang.php>. (The most comprehensive list (with links) of invented languages on the Internet.) Laycock, Donald C. The Complete Enochian Dictionary: A Dictionary of the Angelic Language as Revealed to Dr. John Dee and Edward Kelley. York Beach, Maine: Samuel Weiser, 1994. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media. Reprinted. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 1994. Salamon, Jeff. "Revenge of the Fanboys." Village Voice 13 Sep., 1994. Schnapp, Jeffrey. "Virgin Words: Hildegard of Bingen's Lingua Ignota and the Development of Imaginary Languages Ancient and Modern." Exemplaria 3.2 (1991): 267-98. Tolkien, J.R.R. "A Secret Vice." The Monsters and the Critics and Other Essays. Ed. Christopher Tolkien. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984. 198-223. Wilkins, John. An Essay Towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language. Presented to the Royal Society of England in 1668. Wittgenstein, Ludwig. Philosophical Investigations. 3rd ed. Trans. G.E.M. Anscombe. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1958. Yaguello, Marina. Lunatic Lovers of Language: Imaginary Languages and Their Inventors. Trans. Catherine Slater. (Les fous du langage. 1985.) London: The Athlone Press, 1991. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Sarah L. Higley. "Audience, Uglossia, and CONLANG: Inventing Languages on the Internet." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.1 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/languages.php>. Chicago style: Sarah L. Higley, "Audience, Uglossia, and CONLANG: Inventing Languages on the Internet," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 1 (2000), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/languages.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Sarah L. Higley. (2000) Audience, Uglossia, and CONLANG: Inventing Languages on the Internet. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(1). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/languages.php> ([your date of access]).

Artikkelens tema er hegemoniske diskurser i Generell del av læreplanen (GD) og i ny formålsparagraf. Kulturarv, kulturer og verdier er viktige innganger til analyse av norskhets- og mangfolds-diskurser i disse styringsdokumentene. Jeg undersøker spesifikt hvilken hierarkisk ordning av verdier og kulturer som kommer til uttrykk i GD og i ny formålsparagraf, og hvilken tilnærming til nasjonal identitet og mangfold som følger av dette. Artikkelen undersøker også dokumentenes bruk av begrepene “kristne” og “humanistiske” verdier og utforsker hvordan disse forstås i forhold til hverandre og til andre tradisjoners verdier, og videre hvordan de knyttes til forståelsen av nasjonal identitet. Innledningsvis kommenterer jeg identitetsdanning i postmoderne kulturkomplekse samfunn ved å knytte sammen Skeies analyse av tre ulike typer pluralitet med mangfolds-diskursene «multikulturalisme» og «kulturell kompleksitet». Norskhets- og mangfolds-diskursene som kommer til uttrykk i læreplanen tolkes i lys av to samfunnsanalyser: Gullestads analyse av norsk samfunnsdebatt («det nasjonale fellesskapet» og «likhetens skillelinjer») og Slagstads analyse av religion og nasjonsbygging. Siden vekten ligger på diskurser i de skriftlige dokumentene, sett ut fra ideologiske strømninger i samfunnet, er det den ideologiske og den formelle læreplan (Goodlad) som er i fokus. Min undersøkelse viser at GD, liksom formålsparagrafen, gjenspeiler den nasjonale diskursen om forestilt likhet og forestilt fellesskap, der likhetens skillelinjer går mellom majoritetens norske «vi» på den ene siden, for hvem «kristne og humanistiske verdier» tenkes å utgjøre en symbiose, og språklige og kulturelle minoriteter på den andre. Denne forståelsen utfordres av den hegemoniske samfunnsforskningen, som forstår mangfold ut fra kulturell kompleksitet.

Artikkelen tar utgangspunkt i tre observasjoner av en gutt på fire år som bruker iPad på fritiden. Den søker å synliggjøre de strategiene dette barnet velger for å skaffe seg tilgang til ulike medietekster, hvordan han leser og tolker dem, og den undersøker eventuelle spor av kritisk refleksjon hos barnet over disse tekstene. Teoretisk sett hviler den på en forståelse av mediekompetanse som en parallell prosess til utvikling av lese- og skrivekyndighet (literacy), og medieopplevelsene omtales som viktige møter med tekst. Artikkelen undersøker hvordan å lese medietekster kan legge et grunnlag for å utvikle en utvidet tekstkompetanse eller mediekompetanse. Konklusjonen legger vekt på motivasjon og lekenhet som barns primære inngang til medietekstene og som et grunnlag for å utvikle mediekompetanse (media literacy). The article is based on three observations of a four-year-old boy who uses the iPad in his spare time. It demonstrates the strategies that this boy applies to gain access to various media texts, and how he reads and interprets them. It also seeks to examine traces of critical reflection that he may demonstrate in relation to these texts. Theoretically, it rests on an understanding of media literacy as a parallel process to the development of literacy, and it seeks to demonstrate how reading media texts can create an important starting point for the development of media literacy. The Kindergarten practitioner’s role and opportunities to develop children's media literacy within a kindergarten context is a focus towards the end of the article. In conclusion, I argue that motivation and playfulness are important approaches to media texts and create an important foundation for the development of media literacy

Introduction -- Making Sense of the (Virtual) World Computer games are never "just games". Computer games are models of reality and if they were not, we would never be able to understand them. Models serve three functions; they capture important, critical features of that which is to be represented while ignoring the irrelevant, they are appropriate for the person and they are appropriate for the task -- thereby enhancing the ability to make judgements and discover relevant regularities and structures (Norman 1993). Despite the inherently unvisualisable nature of computer code -- the flexible material of which all software constructs are built -- computer code is still the most "salient" ingredient in computer games. Less salient are those assumptions that are "built into" the software. By filtering out those parts of reality that are deemed irrelevant or unnecessary, different sorts of assumptions, different sorts of bias are automatically built into the software, reified in the very computer code (Friedman 1995, Friedman and Nissenbaum 1997). Here I will analyse some of the built-in structures that constitute the fabric of a special sort of game, a MUD. A MUD is an Internet-accessible "multi-participant, user-extensible virtual reality whose user interface is entirely textual" (Curtis, 1992). The specific MUD in question is a nine-year old Swedish-language adventure MUD called SvenskMUD ("SwedishMUD") that is run by Lysator, the academic computer club at Linköping University, Sweden. I have done field studies of SvenskMUD over a period of three and a half years (Pargman, forthcoming 2000). How is the SvenskMUD adventure world structured and what are the rules that are built into the fabric of this computer game? I will describe some of the ways in which danger and death, good and evil, courage, rewards and wealth are handled in the game. I will conclude the paper with a short analysis of the purpose of configuring the player according to those structures. Revocable Deaths Characters (personae/avatars) in SvenskMUD can be divided into two categories, players and magicians. Making a career as a player to a large part involves solving quests and killing "monsters" in the game. The magicians are all ex-players who have "graduated" and gone beyond playing the game of SvenskMUD. They have become the administrators, managers and programmers of SvenskMUD. A watchful eye is kept on the magicians by "God", the creator, owner and ultimate custodian of SvenskMUD. My own first battle in the game, in a sunlit graveyard with a small mouse, is an example of a bit-sized danger suitable for newcomers, or "newbies". I correctly guessed that the mouse was a suitably weak opponent for my newborn character, but still had to "tickle" the mouse on its belly (a euphemism for hitting it without much force) 50 times before I managed to kill it. Other parts of this epic battle included 45 failed attempts of mine to "tickle" the mouse, 39 successful "tickles" of the mouse and finally a wild chase around the graveyard before I caught up with the mouse, cornered it and managed to kill it and end the fight. Although I was successful in my endeavour, I was also more than half dead after my run-in with the mouse and had to spend quite some time engaged in more peaceful occupations before I was completely healed. It was only later that I learned that you can improve your odds considerably by using weapons and armour when you fight... Should a SvenskMUD player fail in his (or less often, her) risky and adventurous career and die, that does not constitute an insurmountable problem. Should such a thing pass, the player's ghost only has to find the way back to a church in one of the villages. In the church, the player is reincarnated, albeit with some loss of game-related abilities and experience. The way the unfortunate event of an occasional death is handled is part of the meta-rules of SvenskMUD. The meta-rules are the implicit, underlying rules that represent the values, practices and concerns that shape the frame from which the "ordinary" specific rules operate. Meta-rules are part of the "world view that directs the game action and represents the implicit philosophy or ideals by which the world operates" (Fine 1983, 76). Despite the adventure setting with all its hints of medieval lawlessness and unknown dangers lurking, SvenskMUD is in fact a very caring and forgiving environment. The ultimate proof of SvenskMUD's forgiveness is the revocable character of death itself. Fair Dangers Another SvenskMUD meta-rule is that dangers (and death) should be "fair". This fairness is extended so as to warn players explicitly of dangers. Before a dangerous monster is encountered, the player receives plenty of warnings: You are standing in the dark woods. You feel a little afraid. East of you is a small dark lake in the woods. There are three visible ways from here: east, north and south. It would be foolish to direct my character to go east in this situation without being adequately prepared for encountering and taking on something dangerous in battle. Those preparations should include a readiness to flee if the expected danger proves to be superior. If, in the example above, a player willingly and knowingly directs a character to walk east, that player has to face the consequences of this action. But if another player is very cautious and has no reason to suspect a deadly danger lurking behind the corner, it is not considered "fair" if that player's character dies or is hurt in such a way that it results in damage that has far-reaching consequences within the game. The dangerous monsters that roam the SvenskMUD world are restricted to roam only "dangerous" areas and it is considered good manners to warn players in some way when they enter such an area. Part of learning how to play SvenskMUD successfully becomes a matter of understanding different cues, such as the transition from a safe area to a dangerous one, or the different levels of danger signalled by different situations. Should they not know it in advance, players quickly learn that it is not advisable to enter the "Valley of Ultimate Evil" unless they have reached a very high level in the game and are prepared to take on any dangers that come their way. As with all other meta-rules, both players and magicians internalise this rule to such an extent that it becomes unquestionable and any transgression (such as a dangerous monster roaming around in a village, killing newbie characters who happen to stray its way) would immediately render complaints from players and corresponding actions on behalf of the magicians to rectify the situation. Meta-Rules as "Folk Ideas" Fine (1983, 76-8) enumerates four meta-rules that Dundes (1971) has described and applies them to the fantasy role-playing games he has studied. Dundes's term for these meta-rules is "folk ideas" and they reflect existing North American (and Western European) cultural beliefs. Fine shows that these folk ideas capture core beliefs or central values of the fantasy role-playing games he studied. Three of Dundes's four folk ideas are also directly applicable to SvenskMUD. Unlimited Wealth The first folk idea is the principle of unlimited good. There is no end to growth or wealth. For that reason, treasure found in a dungeon doesn't need a rationale for being there. This folk idea is related to the modernist concept of constant, unlimited progress. "Some referees even 'restock' their dungeons when players have found a particular treasure so that the next time someone enters that room (and kills the dragon or other beasties guarding it) they, too, will be rewarded" (Fine 1983, 76). To restock all treasures and reawaken all killed monsters at regular intervals is standard procedure in SvenskMUD and all other adventure MUDs. The technical term is that the game "resets". The reason why a MUD resets at regular intervals is that, while the MUD itself is finite, there is no end to the number of players who want their share of treasures and other goodies. The handbook for SvenskMUD magicians contains "design guidelines" for creating quests: You have to invent a small story about your quest. The typical scenario is that someone needs help with something. It is good if you can get the story together in such a way that it is possible to explain why it can be solved several times, since the quest will be solved, once for each prospective magician. Perhaps a small spectacle a short while after (while the player is pondering the reward) that in some way restore things in such a way that it can be solved again. (Tolke 1993, my translation) Good and Evil The second folk idea is that the world is a battleground between good and evil. In fantasy literature or a role-playing game there is often no in-between and very seldom any doubt whether someone encountered is good or evil, as "referees often express the alignment [moral character] of nonplayer characters through stereotyped facial features or symbolic colours" (Fine 1983, 77). "Good and evil" certainly exists as a structuring resource for the SvenskMUD world, but interestingly the players are not able to be described discretely in these terms. As distinct from role-playing games, a SvenskMUD player is not created with different alignments (good, evil or neutral). All players are instead neutral and they acquire an alignment as they go along, playing SvenskMUD -- the game. If a player kills a lot of mice and cute rabbits, that player will turn first wicked and then evil. If a player instead kills trolls and orcs, that player first turns good and then saint-like. Despite the potential fluidity of alignment in SvenskMUD, some players cultivate an aura of being good or evil and position themselves in opposition to each other. This is most apparent with two of the guilds (associations) in SvenskMUD, the Necromancer's guild and the Light order's guild. Courage Begets Rewards The third folk idea is the importance of courage. Dangers and death operate in a "fair" way, as should treasures and rewards. The SvenskMUD world is structured both so as not to harm or kill players "needlessly", and in such a way that it conveys the message "no guts, no glory" to the players. In different places in the MUD (usually close to a church, where new players start), there are "easy" areas with bit-sized dangers and rewards for beginners. My battle with the mouse was an example of such a danger/reward. A small coin or an empty bottle that can be returned for a small finder's fee are examples of other bit-sized rewards: The third folk idea is the importance of courage. Dangers and death operate in a "fair" way, as should treasures and rewards. The SvenskMUD world is structured both so as not to harm or kill players "needlessly", and in such a way that it conveys the message "no guts, no glory" to the players. In different places in the MUD (usually close to a church, where new players start), there are "easy" areas with bit-sized dangers and rewards for beginners. My battle with the mouse was an example of such a danger/reward. A small coin or an empty bottle that can be returned for a small finder's fee are examples of other bit-sized rewards: More experienced characters gain experience points (xps) and rise in levels only by seeking out and overcoming danger and "there is a positive correlation between the danger in a setting and its payoff in treasure" (Fine 1983, 78). Just as it would be "unfair" to die without adequate warning, so would it be (perceived to be) grossly unfair to seek out and overcome dangerous monsters or situations without being adequately rewarded. And conversely, it would be perceived to be unfair if someone "stumbled over the treasure" without having deserved it, i.e. if someone was rewarded without having performed an appropriately difficult task. Taken from the information on etiquette in an adventure MUD, Reid's quote is a good example of this: It's really bad form to steal someone else's kill. Someone has been working on the Cosmicly Invulnerable Utterly Unstoppable Massively Powerful Space Demon for ages, leaves to get healed, and in the interim, some dweeb comes along and whacks the Demon and gets all it's [sic] stuff and tons of xps [experience points]. This really sucks as the other person has spent lots of time and money in expectation of the benefits from killing the monster. The graceful thing to do is to give em [sic] all the stuff from the corpse and compensation for the money spent on healing. This is still a profit to you as you got all the xps and spent practically no time killing it. (Reid 1999, 122, my emphasis) The User Illusion An important objective of the magicians in SvenskMUD is to describe everything that a player experiences in the SvenskMUD world in game-related terms. The game is regarded as a stage where the players are supposed to see only what is in front of, but not behind the scenes. A consistent use of game-related terms and game-related explanations support the suspension of disbelief and engrossment in the SvenskMUD fantasy world. The main activity of the MUD users should be to enter into the game and guide their characters through a fascinating (and, as much as possible and on its own terms, believable) fantasy world. The guiding principle is therefore that the player should never be reminded of the fact that the SvenskMUD world is not for real, that SvenskMUD is only a game or a computer program. From this perspective, the worst thing players can encounter in SvenskMUD is a breakdown of the user illusion, a situation that instantly transports a person from the SvenskMUD world and leaves that person sitting in front of a computer screen. Error messages, e.g. the feared "you have encountered a bug [in the program]", are an example of this. If a magician decides to change the SvenskMUD world, that magician is supposed to do the very best to explain the change by using game-related jargon. This is reminiscent of the advice to "work within the system": "wherever possible, things that can be done within the framework of the experiential level should be. The result will be smoother operation and greater harmony among the user community" (Morningstar and Farmer 1991, 294). If for some reason a shop has to be moved from one village to another, a satisfactory explanation must be given, e.g. a fire occurring in the old shop or the old shop being closed due to competition (perhaps from the "new", relocated shop). Explanations that involve supernatural forces or magic are also fine in a fantasy world. Explanations that remind the player of the fact that the SvenskMUD world is not for real ("I moved the shop to Eriksros, because all magicians decided that it would be so much better to have it there"), or even worse, that SvenskMUD is a computer program ("I moved the program shop.c to another catalogue in the file structure") are to be avoided at all costs. Part of socialising magicians becomes teaching them to express themselves in this way even when they know better about the machinations of SvenskMud. There are several examples of ingenious and imaginative ways to render difficult-to-explain phenomena understandable in game-related terms: There was a simple problem that appeared at times that made the computer [that SvenskMUD runs on] run a little slower, and as time went by the problem got worse. I could fix the problem easily when I saw it and I did that at times. After I had fixed the problem the game went noticeably faster for the players that were logged in. For those occasions, I made up a message and displayed it to everyone who was in the system: "Linus reaches into the nether regions and cranks a little faster". (Interview with Linus Tolke, "God" in SvenskMUD) When a monster is killed in the game, it rots away (disappears) after a while. However, originally, weapons and armour that the monster wielded did not disappear; a lucky player could find valuable objects and take them without having "deserved" them. This specific characteristic of the game was deemed to be a problem, not least because it furthered a virtual inflation in the game that tended to decrease the value of "honestly" collected weapons and loot. The problem was discussed at a meeting of the SvenskMUD magicians that I attended. It was decided that when a monster is killed and the character that killed it does not take the loot, the loot should disappear ("rot") together with the monster. But how should this be explained to the players in a suitable way if they approach a magician to complain about the change, a change that in their opinion was for the worse? At the meeting it was suggested that from now on, all weapons and shields were forged with a cheaper, weaker metal. Not only would objects of this metal "rot" away together with the monster that wielded them, but it was also suggested that all weapons in the whole game should in fact be worn down as time goes by. (Not to worry, new ones appear in all the pre-designated places every time the game resets.) Conclusion -- Configuring the Player SvenskMUD can easily be perceived as a "blooming buzzing confusion" for a new player and my own first explorations in SvenskMUD often left me confused even as I was led from one enlightenment to the next. Not everyone feels inclined to take up the challenge to make sense of a world where you have to learn everything anew, including how to walk and how to talk. On the other hand, in the game world, much is settled for the best, and a crack in a subterranean cave is always exactly big enough to squeeze through... The process of becoming part of the community of SvenskMUD players is inexorably connected to learning to become an expert in the activities of that community, i.e. of playing SvenskMUD (Wenger 1998). A player who wants to program in SvenskMUD (thereby altering the fabric of the virtual world) will acquire many of the relevant concepts before actually becoming a magician, just by playing and exploring the game of SvenskMUD. Even if the user illusion succeeds in always hiding the computer code from the player, the whole SvenskMUD world constitutes a reflection of that underlying computer code. An implicit understanding of the computer code is developed through extended use of SvenskMUD. The relationship between the SvenskMUD world and the underlying computer code is in this sense analogous to the relationship between the lived-in world and the rules of physics that govern the world. All around us children "prepare themselves" to learn the subject of physics in school by throwing balls up in the air (gravity) and by pulling carts or sledges (friction). By playing SvenskMUD, a player will become accustomed to many of the concepts that govern the SvenskMUD world and will come to understand the goals, symbols, procedures and values of SvenskMUD. This process bears many similarities to the "primary socialisation" of a child into a member of society, a socialisation that serves "to make appear as necessity what is in fact a bundle of contingencies" (Berger and Luckmann 1966, 155). This is the purpose of configuring the player and it is intimately connected to the re-growth of SvenskMUD magicians and the survival of SvenskMUD itself over time. However, it is not the only possible outcome of the SvenskMUD socialisation process. The traditional function of trials and quests in fantasy literature is to teach the hero, usually through a number of external or internal encounters with evil or doubt, to make the right, moral choices. By excelling at these tests, the protagonist shows his or her worthiness and by extension also stresses and perhaps imputes these values in the reader (Dalquist et al. 1991). Adventure MUDs could thus socialise adolescents and reinforce common moral values in society; "the fantasy hero is the perfectly socialised and exemplary subject of a society" (53, my translation). My point here is not that SvenskMUD differs from other adventure MUDs. I would imagine that most of my observations are general to adventure MUDs and that many are applicable also to other computer games. My purpose here has rather been to present a perspective on how an adventure MUD is structured, to trace the meaning of that structure beyond the game itself and to suggest a purpose behind that organisation. I encourage others to question built-in bias and underlying assumptions of computer games (and other systems) in future studies. References Berger, P., and T. Luckmann. The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. London: Penguin, 1966. Curtis, P. "MUDding: Social Phenomena in Text-Based Virtual Realities." High Noon on the Electronic Frontier. Ed. P. Ludlow. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 1996. 13 Oct. 2000 <http://www.ibiblio.org/pub/academic/computer-science/virtual-reality/communications/papers/muds/muds/Mudding-Social-Phenomena.txt>. Dalquist, U., T. Lööv, and F. Miegel. "Trollkarlens lärlingar: Fantasykulturen och manlig identitetsutveckling [The Wizard's Apprentices: Fantasy Culture and Male Identity Development]." Att förstå ungdom [Understanding Youth]. Ed. A. Löfgren and M. Norell. Stockholm/Stehag: Brutus Östlings Bokförlag Symposion, 1991. Dundes, A. "Folk Ideas as Units of World View." Toward New Perspectives in Folklore. Ed. A. Paredes and R. Bauman. Austin: U of Texas P, 1971. Fine, G.A. Shared Fantasy: Role-Playing Games as Social Worlds. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1983. Friedman, B. and H. Nissenbaum. "Bias in Computer Systems." Human Values and the Design of Computer Technology. Ed. B. Friedman. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1997. Friedman, T. "Making Sense of Software: Computer Games and Interactive Textuality." Cybersociety: Computer-Mediated Communication and Community. Ed. S. Jones. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1995. Morningstar, C. and F. R. Farmer. "The Lessons of Lucasfilm's Habitat." Cyberspace: The First Steps. Ed. M. Benedikt. Cambridge: MA, MIT P, 1991. 13 Oct. 2000 <http://www.communities.com/company/papers/lessons.php>. Norman, D. Things That Make Us Smart: Defending Human Attributes in the Age of the Machine. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1993. Pargman, D. "Code Begets Community: On Social and Technical Aspects of Managing a Virtual Community." Ph.D. dissertation. Dept. of Communication Studies, Linköping University, Sweden, forthcoming, December 2000. Reid, E. "Hierarchy and Power: Social Control in Cyberspace." Communities in Cyberspace. Ed. M. Smith and P. Kollock. London, England: Routledge, 1999. Tolke, L. Handbok för SvenskMudmagiker: ett hjälpmedel för byggarna i SvenskMUD [Handbook for SvenskMudmagicians: An Aid for the Builders in SvenskMUD]. Printed and distributed by the author in a limited edition, 1993. Wenger, E. Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning and Identity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1998. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Daniel Pargman. "The Fabric of Virtual Reality -- Courage, Rewards and Death in an Adventure MUD." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.5 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/mud.php>. Chicago style: Daniel Pargman, "The Fabric of Virtual Reality -- Courage, Rewards and Death in an Adventure MUD," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 5 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/mud.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Daniel Pargman. (2000) The Fabric of Virtual Reality -- Courage, Rewards and Death in an Adventure MUD. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(5). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0010/mud.php> ([your date of access]).

Introduction Food has always been an essential component of daily life. Today, thinking about food is a much more complicated pursuit than planning the next meal, with food studies scholars devoting their efforts to researching “anything pertaining to food and eating, from how food is grown to when and how it is eaten, to who eats it and with whom, and the nutritional quality” (Duran and MacDonald 234). This is in addition to the work undertaken by an increasingly wide variety of popular culture researchers who explore all aspects of food (Risson and Brien 3): including food advertising, food packaging, food on television, and food in popular fiction. In creating stories, from those works that quickly disappear from bookstore shelves to those that become entrenched in the literary canon, writers use food to communicate the everyday and to explore a vast range of ideas from cultural background to social standing, and also use food to provide perspectives “into the cultural and historical uniqueness of a given social group” (Piatti-Farnell 80). For example in Oliver Twist (1838) by Charles Dickens, the central character challenges the class system when: “Child as he was, he was desperate with hunger and reckless with misery. He rose from the table, and advancing basin and spoon in hand, to the master, said, somewhat alarmed at his own temerity–‘Please, sir, I want some more’” (11). Scarlett O’Hara in Margaret Mitchell’s Gone with the Wind (1936) makes a similar point, a little more dramatically, when she declares: “As God is my witness, I’m never going to be hungry again” (419). Food can also take us into the depths of another culture: places that many of us will only ever read about. Food is also used to provide insight into a character’s state of mind. In Nora Ephron’s Heartburn (1983) an item as simple as boiled bread tells a reader so much more about Rachel Samstat than her preferred bakery items: “So we got married and I got pregnant and I gave up my New York apartment and moved to Washington. Talk about mistakes [...] there I was, trying to hold up my end in a city where you can’t even buy a decent bagel” (34). There are three ways in which writers can deal with food within their work. Firstly, food can be totally ignored. This approach is sometimes taken despite food being such a standard feature of storytelling that its absence, be it a lonely meal at home, elegant canapés at an impressively catered cocktail party, or a cheap sandwich collected from a local café, is an obvious omission. Food can also add realism to a story, with many authors putting as much effort into conjuring the smell, taste, and texture of food as they do into providing a backstory and a purpose for their characters. In recent years, a third way has emerged with some writers placing such importance upon food in fiction that the line that divides the cookbook and the novel has become distorted. This article looks at cookbooks and cookery in popular fiction with a particular focus on crime novels. Recipes: Ingredients and Preparation Food in fiction has been employed, with great success, to help characters cope with grief; giving them the reassurance that only comes through the familiarity of the kitchen and the concentration required to fulfil routine tasks: to chop and dice, to mix, to sift and roll, to bake, broil, grill, steam, and fry. Such grief can come from the breakdown of a relationship as seen in Nora Ephron’s Heartburn (1983). An autobiography under the guise of fiction, this novel is the first-person story of a cookbook author, a description that irritates the narrator as she feels her works “aren’t merely cookbooks” (95). She is, however, grateful she was not described as “a distraught, rejected, pregnant cookbook author whose husband was in love with a giantess” (95). As the collapse of the marriage is described, her favourite recipes are shared: Bacon Hash; Four Minute Eggs; Toasted Almonds; Lima Beans with Pears; Linguine Alla Cecca; Pot Roast; three types of Potatoes; Sorrel Soup; desserts including Bread Pudding, Cheesecake, Key Lime Pie and Peach Pie; and a Vinaigrette, all in an effort to reassert her personal skills and thus personal value. Grief can also result from loss of hope and the realisation that a life long dreamed of will never be realised. Like Water for Chocolate (1989), by Laura Esquivel, is the magical realist tale of Tita De La Garza who, as the youngest daughter, is forbidden to marry as she must take care of her mother, a woman who: “Unquestionably, when it came to dividing, dismantling, dismembering, desolating, detaching, dispossessing, destroying or dominating […] was a pro” (87). Tita’s life lurches from one painful, unjust episode to the next; the only emotional stability she has comes from the kitchen, and from her cooking of a series of dishes: Christmas Rolls; Chabela Wedding Cake; Quail in Rose Petal Sauce; Turkey Mole; Northern-style Chorizo; Oxtail Soup; Champandongo; Chocolate and Three Kings’s Day Bread; Cream Fritters; and Beans with Chilli Tezcucana-style. This is a series of culinary-based activities that attempts to superimpose normalcy on a life that is far from the everyday. Grief is most commonly associated with death. Undertaking the selection, preparation and presentation of meals in novels dealing with bereavement is both a functional and symbolic act: life must go on for those left behind but it must go on in a very different way. Thus, novels that use food to deal with loss are particularly important because they can “make non-cooks believe they can cook, and for frequent cooks, affirm what they already know: that cooking heals” (Baltazar online). In Angelina’s Bachelors (2011) by Brian O’Reilly, Angelina D’Angelo believes “cooking was not just about food. It was about character” (2). By the end of the first chapter the young woman’s husband is dead and she is in the kitchen looking for solace, and survival, in cookery. In The Kitchen Daughter (2011) by Jael McHenry, Ginny Selvaggio is struggling to cope with the death of her parents and the friends and relations who crowd her home after the funeral. Like Angelina, Ginny retreats to the kitchen. There are, of course, exceptions. In Ntozake Shange’s Sassafrass, Cypress & Indigo (1982), cooking celebrates, comforts, and seduces (Calta). This story of three sisters from South Carolina is told through diary entries, narrative, letters, poetry, songs, and spells. Recipes are also found throughout the text: Turkey; Marmalade; Rice; Spinach; Crabmeat; Fish; Sweetbread; Duck; Lamb; and, Asparagus. Anthony Capella’s The Food of Love (2004), a modern retelling of the classic tale of Cyrano de Bergerac, is about the beautiful Laura, a waiter masquerading as a top chef Tommaso, and the talented Bruno who, “thick-set, heavy, and slightly awkward” (21), covers for Tommaso’s incompetency in the kitchen as he, too, falls for Laura. The novel contains recipes and contains considerable information about food: Take fusilli […] People say this pasta was designed by Leonardo da Vinci himself. The spiral fins carry the biggest amount of sauce relative to the surface area, you see? But it only works with a thick, heavy sauce that can cling to the grooves. Conchiglie, on the other hand, is like a shell, so it holds a thin, liquid sauce inside it perfectly (17). Recipes: Dishing Up Death Crime fiction is a genre with a long history of focusing on food; from the theft of food in the novels of the nineteenth century to the utilisation of many different types of food such as chocolate, marmalade, and sweet omelettes to administer poison (Berkeley, Christie, Sayers), the latter vehicle for arsenic receiving much attention in Harriet Vane’s trial in Dorothy L. Sayers’s Strong Poison (1930). The Judge, in summing up the case, states to the members of the jury: “Four eggs were brought to the table in their shells, and Mr Urquhart broke them one by one into a bowl, adding sugar from a sifter [...he then] cooked the omelette in a chafing dish, filled it with hot jam” (14). Prior to what Timothy Taylor has described as the “pre-foodie era” the crime fiction genre was “littered with corpses whose last breaths smelled oddly sweet, or bitter, or of almonds” (online). Of course not all murders are committed in such a subtle fashion. In Roald Dahl’s Lamb to the Slaughter (1953), Mary Maloney murders her policeman husband, clubbing him over the head with a frozen leg of lamb. The meat is roasting nicely when her husband’s colleagues arrive to investigate his death, the lamb is offered and consumed: the murder weapon now beyond the recovery of investigators. Recent years have also seen more and more crime fiction writers present a central protagonist working within the food industry, drawing connections between the skills required for food preparation and those needed to catch a murderer. Working with cooks or crooks, or both, requires planning and people skills in addition to creative thinking, dedication, reliability, stamina, and a willingness to take risks. Kent Carroll insists that “food and mysteries just go together” (Carroll in Calta), with crime fiction website Stop, You’re Killing Me! listing, at the time of writing, over 85 culinary-based crime fiction series, there is certainly sufficient evidence to support his claim. Of the numerous works available that focus on food there are many series that go beyond featuring food and beverages, to present recipes as well as the solving of crimes. These include: the Candy Holliday Murder Mysteries by B. B. Haywood; the Coffeehouse Mysteries by Cleo Coyle; the Hannah Swensen Mysteries by Joanne Fluke; the Hemlock Falls Mysteries by Claudia Bishop; the Memphis BBQ Mysteries by Riley Adams; the Piece of Cake Mysteries by Jacklyn Brady; the Tea Shop Mysteries by Laura Childs; and, the White House Chef Mysteries by Julie Hyzy. The vast majority of offerings within this female dominated sub-genre that has been labelled “Crime and Dine” (Collins online) are American, both in origin and setting. A significant contribution to this increasingly popular formula is, however, from an Australian author Kerry Greenwood. Food features within her famed Phryne Fisher Series with recipes included in A Question of Death (2007). Recipes also form part of Greenwood’s food-themed collection of short crime stories Recipes for Crime (1995), written with Jenny Pausacker. These nine stories, each one imitating the style of one of crime fiction’s greatest contributors (from Agatha Christie to Raymond Chandler), allow readers to simultaneously access mysteries and recipes. 2004 saw the first publication of Earthly Delights and the introduction of her character, Corinna Chapman. This series follows the adventures of a woman who gave up a career as an accountant to open her own bakery in Melbourne. Corinna also investigates the occasional murder. Recipes can be found at the end of each of these books with the Corinna Chapman Recipe Book (nd), filled with instructions for baking bread, muffins and tea cakes in addition to recipes for main courses such as risotto, goulash, and “Chicken with Pineapple 1971 Style”, available from the publisher’s website. Recipes: Integration and Segregation In Heartburn (1983), Rachel acknowledges that presenting a work of fiction and a collection of recipes within a single volume can present challenges, observing: “I see that I haven’t managed to work in any recipes for a while. It’s hard to work in recipes when you’re moving the plot forward” (99). How Rachel tells her story is, however, a reflection of how she undertakes her work, with her own cookbooks being, she admits, more narration than instruction: “The cookbooks I write do well. They’re very personal and chatty–they’re cookbooks in an almost incidental way. I write chapters about friends or relatives or trips or experiences, and work in the recipes peripherally” (17). Some authors integrate detailed recipes into their narratives through description and dialogue. An excellent example of this approach can be found in the Coffeehouse Mystery Series by Cleo Coyle, in the novel On What Grounds (2003). When the central protagonist is being questioned by police, Clare Cosi’s answers are interrupted by a flashback scene and instructions on how to make Greek coffee: Three ounces of water and one very heaped teaspoon of dark roast coffee per serving. (I used half Italian roast, and half Maracaibo––a lovely Venezuelan coffee, named after the country’s major port; rich in flavour, with delicate wine overtones.) / Water and finely ground beans both go into the ibrik together. The water is then brought to a boil over medium heat (37). This provides insight into Clare’s character; that, when under pressure, she focuses her mind on what she firmly believes to be true – not the information that she is doubtful of or a situation that she is struggling to understand. Yet breaking up the action within a novel in this way–particularly within crime fiction, a genre that is predominantly dependant upon generating tension and building the pacing of the plotting to the climax–is an unusual but ultimately successful style of writing. Inquiry and instruction are comfortable bedfellows; as the central protagonists within these works discover whodunit, the readers discover who committed murder as well as a little bit more about one of the world’s most popular beverages, thus highlighting how cookbooks and novels both serve to entertain and to educate. Many authors will save their recipes, serving them up at the end of a story. This can be seen in Julie Hyzy’s White House Chef Mystery novels, the cover of each volume in the series boasts that it “includes Recipes for a Complete Presidential Menu!” These menus, with detailed ingredients lists, instructions for cooking and options for serving, are segregated from the stories and appear at the end of each work. Yet other writers will deploy a hybrid approach such as the one seen in Like Water for Chocolate (1989), where the ingredients are listed at the commencement of each chapter and the preparation for the recipes form part of the narrative. This method of integration is also deployed in The Kitchen Daughter (2011), which sees most of the chapters introduced with a recipe card, those chapters then going on to deal with action in the kitchen. Using recipes as chapter breaks is a structure that has, very recently, been adopted by Australian celebrity chef, food writer, and, now fiction author, Ed Halmagyi, in his new work, which is both cookbook and novel, The Food Clock: A Year of Cooking Seasonally (2012). As people exchange recipes in reality, so too do fictional characters. The Recipe Club (2009), by Andrea Israel and Nancy Garfinkel, is the story of two friends, Lilly Stone and Valerie Rudman, which is structured as an epistolary novel. As they exchange feelings, ideas and news in their correspondence, they also exchange recipes: over eighty of them throughout the novel in e-mails and letters. In The Food of Love (2004), written messages between two of the main characters are also used to share recipes. In addition, readers are able to post their own recipes, inspired by this book and other works by Anthony Capella, on the author’s website. From Page to Plate Some readers are contributing to the burgeoning food tourism market by seeking out the meals from the pages of their favourite novels in bars, cafés, and restaurants around the world, expanding the idea of “map as menu” (Spang 79). In Shannon McKenna Schmidt’s and Joni Rendon’s guide to literary tourism, Novel Destinations (2009), there is an entire section, “Eat Your Words: Literary Places to Sip and Sup”, dedicated to beverages and food. The listings include details for John’s Grill, in San Francisco, which still has on the menu Sam Spade’s Lamb Chops, served with baked potato and sliced tomatoes: a meal enjoyed by author Dashiell Hammett and subsequently consumed by his well-known protagonist in The Maltese Falcon (193), and the Café de la Paix, in Paris, frequented by Ian Fleming’s James Bond because “the food was good enough and it amused him to watch the people” (197). Those wanting to follow in the footsteps of writers can go to Harry’s Bar, in Venice, where the likes of Marcel Proust, Sinclair Lewis, Somerset Maugham, Ernest Hemingway, and Truman Capote have all enjoyed a drink (195) or The Eagle and Child, in Oxford, which hosted the regular meetings of the Inklings––a group which included C.S. Lewis and J.R.R. Tolkien––in the wood-panelled Rabbit Room (203). A number of eateries have developed their own literary themes such as the Peacocks Tearooms, in Cambridgeshire, which blends their own teas. Readers who are also tea drinkers can indulge in the Sherlock Holmes (Earl Grey with Lapsang Souchong) and the Doctor Watson (Keemun and Darjeeling with Lapsang Souchong). Alternatively, readers may prefer to side with the criminal mind and indulge in the Moriarty (Black Chai with Star Anise, Pepper, Cinnamon, and Fennel) (Peacocks). The Moat Bar and Café, in Melbourne, situated in the basement of the State Library of Victoria, caters “to the whimsy and fantasy of the fiction housed above” and even runs a book exchange program (The Moat). For those readers who are unable, or unwilling, to travel the globe in search of such savoury and sweet treats there is a wide variety of locally-based literary lunches and other meals, that bring together popular authors and wonderful food, routinely organised by book sellers, literature societies, and publishing houses. There are also many cookbooks now easily obtainable that make it possible to re-create fictional food at home. One of the many examples available is The Book Lover’s Cookbook (2003) by Shaunda Kennedy Wenger and Janet Kay Jensen, a work containing over three hundred pages of: Breakfasts; Main & Side Dishes; Soups; Salads; Appetizers, Breads & Other Finger Foods; Desserts; and Cookies & Other Sweets based on the pages of children’s books, literary classics, popular fiction, plays, poetry, and proverbs. If crime fiction is your preferred genre then you can turn to Jean Evans’s The Crime Lover’s Cookbook (2007), which features short stories in between the pages of recipes. There is also Estérelle Payany’s Recipe for Murder (2010) a beautifully illustrated volume that presents detailed instructions for Pigs in a Blanket based on the Big Bad Wolf’s appearance in The Three Little Pigs (44–7), and Roast Beef with Truffled Mashed Potatoes, which acknowledges Patrick Bateman’s fondness for fine dining in Bret Easton Ellis’s American Psycho (124–7). Conclusion Cookbooks and many popular fiction novels are reflections of each other in terms of creativity, function, and structure. In some instances the two forms are so closely entwined that a single volume will concurrently share a narrative while providing information about, and instruction, on cookery. Indeed, cooking in books is becoming so popular that the line that traditionally separated cookbooks from other types of books, such as romance or crime novels, is becoming increasingly distorted. The separation between food and fiction is further blurred by food tourism and how people strive to experience some of the foods found within fictional works at bars, cafés, and restaurants around the world or, create such experiences in their own homes using fiction-themed recipe books. Food has always been acknowledged as essential for life; books have long been acknowledged as food for thought and food for the soul. 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