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1

Singh, Shailendra, and Som Prakash. "Politics, democracy and the media: Case studies in Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.863.

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This article looks at three South Pacific Island nations—Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands—in terms of some landmark changes occurring in their political arenas. Fiji, beset by racial and political problems culminating in three coups, is experimenting with a multiracial, multiparty cabinet that could be emulated by other multiethnic countries. Tonga, a Polynesian monarchy, has recently seen an unprecedented number of protest marches against the ruling elite, the death of its King, and is in experiencing palpable democratic changes. In the Solomons, the strong desire for a fairer political system was manifested in the 2006 riots in Honiara. It caught the Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) napping and brought into question the sufficiency and focus of Australia’s intervention policy in the country. The media has been a key player in these events. Regularly accused of adding fuel to fire in its coverage of crises, the media faces constant government pressure in all three countries. This article argues that rather than the media, the sources of discontent and instability are self-serving leaders clinging to outdated political systems. The authors believe political reform, not media control, is needed.
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2

Mashingaidze, Terence M. "Beyond the Kariba Dam Induced Displacements: The Zimbabwean Tonga’s Struggles for Restitution, 1990s–2000s." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 3 (2013): 381–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02003003.

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The colonial Southern Rhodesian government displaced the minority Tonga people from the ecologically rich Zambezi River plains due to the construction of the World Bank funded hydroelectric power generating Kariba Dam in the late 1950s. The dislocated communities were resettled in the adjoining uplands of Binga District where they did not access the electricity and waters of the Kariba Dam as well as the wild animal resources in the safaris and national game parks abutting their new villages. This state regulated decoupling from the local natural resource asset base generated a politicised sense of entitlement to those resources spearheaded by a generational cohort of educated Tonga activists that emerged in the 1990s. Besides everyday realities of socio-economic marginalisation, these activists also drew inspiration from the prevailing global discourses of indigeneity and anti-dam politics to form organisations such as Binga Development Association, Binga Catholic Commission for Peace and Justice, and Basilwizi Trust that coordinated local assertions for increased access to resources in the uplands and around the Kariba waterscape. Through these emerging networks of solidarity, I argue, the Tonga activists constructed and deployed persuasive claims for the exigency of rehabilitating their embattled people’s deprived post-relocation livelihoods. These Tonga articulations and actions reveal how marginalised ethno-class categories within countries align their claims for increased access to local resources and general socio-economic empowerment to national and international activism and discourses.
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3

Cliggett, Lisa. "Access, Alienation, and the Production of Chronic Liminality: Sixty Years of Frontier Settlement in a Zambian Park Buffer Zone." Human Organization 73, no. 2 (May 1, 2014): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.73.2.2327j3162561461v.

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This article examines several decades of cyclical shifts in the political ecology of a Zambian national park buffer zone, where Gwembe Tonga migrants have pioneered land for ambitious livelihood dreams, while repeatedly encountering challenges from the government, development programs, and host populations. The buffer zone is a marginal space where people, land, and animals come together at different moments in time and in different constellations, never definitively secure, and never definitively exiled. In the confusion of recurring cycles of access and alienation, pockets of power form, including governmental and non-governmental organizations that arrive, temporarily create new social elites and then depart. These cycles of access and alienation have normalized socioecological uncertainty and instability, that is, a state of "chronic liminality" that has led to ongoing vulnerability for the region's people and ecosystems. The results are acute socioeconomic differentiation, alarming outbursts of violence, and visible changes in land cover. The article draws on ethnographic and geospatial data collected in the Zambian field site from 1995-2010 and also on the longitudinal Gwembe Tonga Research Project data.
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4

Cochrane, Thandeka. "The politics of literature in Malawi: Filemon Chirwa, Nthanu za Chitonga and the battle for the Atonga tribal council." Africa 92, no. 5 (November 2022): 819–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197202200064x.

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AbstractIn 1932, as Nyasaland (present-day Malawi) was heading to indirect rule, a small vocal community in the north of the country resisted the colonial government’s attempts to assign them a Native Authority. Instead, they proposed their own form of government: a council of thirty-two mafumu (chiefs) who would make decisions on an egalitarian basis, the Atonga tribal council. The champion of this alternative form of governance was a Tonga intellectual named Filemon K. Chirwa. At the height of the political manoeuvring to institute the Atonga tribal council, Filemon wrote and published his only book: Nthanu za Chitonga (Folktales in Chitonga). This article argues that this book was – and still is – an important piece of political literature. Through an exploration of the context of the creation of the Atonga tribal council, it sets out the stakes that were at play in the construction of local traditions and customs, and then shows how the book was part of a project of producing an image of these. It then explores the ‘afterlife’ of the book, as it became a symbolic force in contemporary village communities, not only articulating the sense of political marginalization experienced, but also capturing a new form of political agency. The article concludes by suggesting that Filemon Chirwa’s collection of stories is an astounding example of the deeply political role that folktale literature can play within colonial and (post)colonial Africa.
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5

Lee, Helen. "CEDAW Smokescreens: Gender Politics in Contemporary Tonga." Contemporary Pacific 29, no. 1 (2017): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2017.0003.

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6

Vikilani, Sione Fatanitavake. "Media freedom and state control in Tonga." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i2.1035.

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The Tongan Constitution guarantees free speech and media freedom but this guarantee has often been misunderstood and misinterpreted by the media industry, the government and politicians alike. Freedom of speech was integrated into the Constitution from the beginning in 1875. However, as history has shown, this freedom has often been altered to silence opposition and critics’ voices. As early as 1882, the Tongan media had their first confrontation with the government and in 2003 saw a parallel incident unfolding. This article examines the influence of state control on the media in Tonga through an analysis of two case studies from different eras in Tongan history: the Niuvakai newspaper in 1882 and the Taimi ‘o Tonga newspaper in 2003.
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7

Panapasa, Geraldine, and Shailendra Singh. "Pacific media under siege: A review of the PINA Summit 2018." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 24, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v24i2.460.

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The rapidly-changing technology and transforming political situation across the Pacific have seen a noticeable shift towards harsher media legislation as governments facing unprecedented scrutiny try to contain the fallout from social media, citizen journalism and fake news. These developments were at the heart of the discussions at the Pacific Islands Media Association’s PINA 2018 Summit in Nuku’alofa, Tonga, in May. The biannual event is the largest gathering of Pacific Islands journalists to contemplate issues of mutual concern, formulate collective responses and chart the way forward. This article reviews this year’s meeting, where discussions centred around the opportunities and challenges of the expanding social media sphere, as well as taking a fresh look at some perennial problems, such as corruption, political pressure and gender violence.
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8

Robie, David. "REVIEW: Noted: Democracy and the price of silence." Pacific Journalism Review 18, no. 1 (May 31, 2012): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v18i1.305.

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Review of: Shoot the messenger: The report on the Nuku'alofa reconstruction project and why the government of Tonga dumped it, By Teena Brown Pulu. Auckland and Nuku'alofa: Taimi Publishers. Investigative journalism is critical to good governance in evolving South Pacific democracies, particularly the youngest, Tonga, which embarked on the biggest democratic reforms in a century in 2010. This is the view of Auckland Tongan anthropologist, social commentator and now author of a suppressed-then-exposed report about post-riots urban development.
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9

Besnier, Niko. "Sluts and superwomen: The politics of gender liminality in urban Tonga*." Ethnos 62, no. 1-2 (January 1997): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.1997.9981542.

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10

James, Kerry. "Changing Their Minds: Tradition and Politics in Contemporary Fiji and Tonga (review)." Contemporary Pacific 12, no. 1 (2000): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2000.0016.

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11

Veatupu, Loma, Viliami Puloka, Moira Smith, Christina McKerchar, and Louise Signal. "Me’akai in Tonga: Exploring the Nature and Context of the Food Tongan Children Eat in Ha’apai Using Wearable Cameras." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 10 (May 14, 2019): 1681. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16101681.

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Unhealthy food consumption is a key driver of the global pandemic in non-communicable diseases (NCDs). The Government of Tonga has prioritised NCD prevention due to the very high rates of NCDs in the Kingdom. This research examines the nature and context of the me’akai (food) consumed by Tongan children in Ha’apai using wearable cameras. Thirty-six randomly selected 11-year-old children used wearable cameras to record their lives for three days, as part of the wider Kids’Cam Tonga project. Images were analysed to assess the participants’ food consumption according to a new data analysis protocol for Tonga. Core foods were defined as including breads and cereals, fresh fruit, vegetables, meat and alternatives, and staple vegetables. Non-core food types included confectionery, unhealthy snack foods, edible ices, and processed meat. Tongan researchers led the research in partnership with the Government of Tonga. Overall, children were observed to have consumed a mean of 4.5 (95% CI 3.3, 6.7) non-core and 2.3 (95% CI 1.8, 2.9) core foods per 10 h day, excluding mixed meals. Unhealthy snack foods, confectionary, and cookies, cakes, and desserts were the most commonly consumed non-core foods, and fresh fruit was the most frequently consumed core food. Snacking was the most frequent eating episode observed, with children snacking on non-core foods four times a day (95% confidence interval (CI) 2.5 to 6.2) compared to 1.8 (95% CI 1.3 to 2.6) core food snacks per day. Most commonly, children were observed eating at home, at school, and on the road while out walking. The most common sources of food were the home, other children, and the supermarket. On average, children consumed one purchased product per day, almost all (90%) of which were non-core. Children were also observed eating an average of just less than one mixed meal per day. Less than half (45.2%) of all mixed meals observed were traditional foods. This research illustrates the presence, and likely dominance, of energy-dense nutrient-poor (EDNP) foods in the diet of these Tongan children. It highlights a transition from a traditional diet and suggests that these children live in an obesogenic environment, one that promotes obesity as a normal response to an abnormal environment. The findings support efforts by the Government of Tonga for the implementation of a healthy School Food Policy, junk food taxes, and initiatives to ban the importation of EDNP foods. This study has relevance for other Pacific Island nations and all nations concerned with addressing obesity and other diet-related NCDs.
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12

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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13

Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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14

Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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15

Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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16

Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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17

Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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18

Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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19

Dougan, Michael B., Diane D. Blair, and Jay Barth. "Arkansas Politics and Government." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40028075.

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20

Kirmanj, Sherko. "Islam, Politics and Government." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760701856382.

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21

Dempsey, D. J. "Distinguishing "Government" and "Politics"." Social Work 56, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/56.2.191-a.

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22

Dollinger, Marc J. "Politics, government, and business." Business Horizons 55, no. 5 (September 2012): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2012.03.005.

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23

Sika-Paotonu, Dianne, Kolinisiupeli Vaea, Lisiate Kilipeni ‘Ulufonua, Siale ‘Akau’ola, George Aho, Amelia Afuha’amango Tuipulotu, Seventeen Toumoua, Filimone Lilo, Latu Fotu, and Parry Guilford. "The utilization of ctDNA technology as an early diagnostic tool for Cancer detection in Tonga." Journal of Immunology 200, no. 1_Supplement (May 1, 2018): 120.38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4049/jimmunol.200.supp.120.38.

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Abstract Circulating tumour DNA (ctDNA) refers to small fragments of tumour DNA found in the blood circulation. These DNA fragments can be isolated and quantified to obtain data about a cancer’s size and progression. The possibility of utilizing a simple blood sample to allow early detection and monitoring of cancer growth is a highly desirable application for this ground breaking technology. Significant health inequalities exist for Pacific peoples with cancer living in New Zealand and in the Pacific region, where the burden of cancer remains a public health concern. The application of this simple ctDNA method of detecting and monitoring cancer to enhance the precision of early cancer diagnostics and surveillance to improve cancer health outcomes for Pacific peoples in Tonga was investigated. Consultation was sought with senior Government officials, Medical, Nursing, Health and Community research staff concerning the development and implementation of ctDNA as a diagnostic tool within the health care setting throughout Tonga. Preliminary assessment of the on-the-ground laboratory requirements needed for the implementation of the ctDNA technology was also undertaken. Strong support for the development of ctDNA as an early diagnostic tool within the clinical setting was expressed. A key feature of the ctDNA technology within this resource constrained environment was the anticipated detection of cancers at an earlier stage with a greater chance of being treatable given that most cancer presentations in Tonga are late. This work sought to explore and progress the implementation of ctDNA as an early cancer diagnostic tool within the Pacific setting, and remains a highly feasible early cancer detection tool within Tonga.
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24

U, Karuppathevan. "Politics of Valluvam." International Research Journal of Tamil 2, no. 3 (June 29, 2020): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt20318.

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The state that Valluvam insists depends on the rights of the people. To abolish slavery, demand good government otherwise to exclude. Valluvam adores good government and good king at the same time abhor the bad king, and throw such a tyrannical king away. Valluvam, which claims to be a superpower, says it will protect it from enemies. The Government and Government rule that Valluvam insists are not in the category of Monarchy, Force and republic Government. Whatever the type, the scepter government is the government that Valluvam insists. The essay for this study is in the context of Valluvam politics.
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Ika, Syahrir, Hadi Setiawan, and Sofia Arie Damayanty. "Evaluation of Indonesian Food Politics and Fiscal Politics Support." Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2016): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31685/kek.v19i1.15.

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The Indonesian Constitution mandates the government to keep the food sovereignty in terms of availability, affordability, and the fulfillment of adequate food consumption with safety, quality, and nutritionally balanced. In food politics, the government has a number of policies and programs to achieve food self-sufficiency such as the provision of agricultural land, fertilizer, pesticides, seeds, irrigation, farmers' education, and financing supports. In terms of fiscal policy, the government annually allocates funds to support food self-sufficiency programs. Unfortunetaly, Indonesia still in the stage of below achieving a food self-sufficiency; the government still imports some strategic foodstuffs such as rice, corn, soybeans, sugar, and meat. Low production of foodstuffs bring about a decrease in agricultural sector contribution to GDP. This article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of government policy on food and fiscal policy support. Using secondary data, the study tries to describe using the approach of 'The Context, Links, and Evidence Framework". The study concludes that although the government has a strong commitment to have food sovereignty, but still difficult to achieve food selfsufficiency and food security. Therefore the authors recommend a policy package which includes nine priority programs to be considered by the government.
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26

Denny, L. M. "Government and politics in Africa." International Affairs 61, no. 3 (1985): 546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618749.

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27

McTernan, Lucy. "Review: Scottish Government and Politics." Scottish Affairs 38 (First Serie, no. 1 (February 2002): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2002.0014.

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28

Christoph, James B., Andrew Gray, and William I. Jenkins. "Administrative Politics in British Government." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960909.

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29

Hopkins, Raymond F., and William Tordoff. "Government and Politics in Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, no. 2 (1994): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221048.

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30

Osaghae, Eghosa E., and William Tordoff. "Government and Politics in Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221101.

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31

Brown Pulu, Teena, and Richard Pamatatau. "Who’s Who in the Zoo: Tonga Election 2014." Te Kaharoa 8, no. 1 (January 19, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v8i1.20.

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This paper reflects on fieldwork Teena Brown Pulu and Richard Pamatatau conducted in Tonga on the people’s election and the nobles’ election of November 27th 2014. Who’s who in the zoo?[i] Ethnographically speaking we mean what did voters say of the leadership and government needed, and the country’s priorities for moving forward? Furthermore, how was Tongan “life, liberty and security” made sense of? (United Nations, 1948). With Democratic Party leader ‘Akilisi Pohiva elected prime minister for the 2014 to 2018 term of government, what was different now? Written by Teena Brown Pulu with Richard Pamatatau’s fieldwork notes woven in the text, the essay probes two critical interstices. Why do ethnic Tongans insist the authors can critique Tongan politics and society in ways they cannot for risk they will be rebuked by established canons exerting authority and control over citizens? Who then in Tonga can disrupt the taken for granted categories of class, culture, and politics, and who cannot? Endnotes [i] Who’s who in the zoo is Richard Pamatatau’s Master of Philosophy thesis title at Auckland University of Technology. Richard’s thesis investigates how New Zealand social pages in traditional media, e.g. the weekend pages of The New Zealand Herald newspaper, select, rank, and frame the who’s who of public celebrities.
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32

Brown Pulu, Teena. "Off the Deep End: Tonga's Continental Shelf Politics." Te Kaharoa 7, no. 1 (January 8, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v7i1.52.

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Tonga had gone off the deep end. It proposed to grow its ocean territory in length by 60 nautical miles southeast and southwest. Hardly anyone knew the particulars, apart from a select group of senior bureaucrats in the Government of Tonga persevering to make it happen. The Tongan public paid closer attention to who might come into government at the November 2014 election and whether any women would get voted into parliament. Local media had spoon fed this slant to the masses which uncritically they consumed as the top news feed. Alternatively, raising awareness about continental shelf politics failed to appear on the public information menu. Why should it matter to ordinary Joe Blog Tongan scratching out a living in a distressed economy? The story unfolds that Lord Ma’afu, the Minister for Lands, Environment, Climate Change, and Natural Resources entered office after the first partial submission on the outer limits of Tonga’s continental shelf had been prepared. His predecessor Lord Tuita tabled the document for consideration at the United Nations in April of 2010. Ma’afu was tasked with overseeing a second partial submission to acquire 60 nautical miles in the Lau-Colville Ridge, which he delivered to the United Nations headquarters in New York on April 23rd 2014. It would be weighed up the following year in 2015 (United Nations, 2014). This essay prods two pressure points. Firstly, how did securing Tonga’s continental shelf further than the 200 mile exclusive economic zone relate to deep sea mining? And secondly, what prompted Fiji’s 2005 objection to the International Seabed Authority about Tonga’s sovereign declaration over the Minerva Reefs? In the current geopolitical climate, how would the Tongan state navigate the ocean currents?
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Brown Pulu, Teena. "Geopolitical storymaking about Tonga and Fiji: How media fooled people to believe Ma'afu wanted Lau." Te Kaharoa 7, no. 1 (January 8, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v7i1.55.

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Just when Tongan Democratic Party leader ‘Akilisi Pohiva stumped the public by saying he admired Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama because “he has been able to make things happen and take development to the people,” the Government of Tonga’s Minister for Lands, Lord Ma’afu, came right out of the blue and trumped him (Tonga Daily News, 2014a, 2014b). Ma’afu topped Pohiva at causing public bamboozlement. By this, Pohiva was the progenitor of Tonga’s thirty year old pro-democracy movement. Why would he over romanticise about the former military commodore Frank Bainimarama, the hard-line originator of Fiji’s third coup to take place in a period of twenty eight years? Pohiva’s swinging politics from democracy in Tonga to an overthrow of democracy in Fiji baffled readers (Naidu, 2014; Graue, 2014). But Ma’afu took centre stage as the show stopper. Momentarily, people were gobsmacked and did not know what to make of him. Was Tonga’s Minister for Lands and Survey who was a senior noble in the Tu’ivakano cabinet courting mischief or dead serious? Fiji’s permanent secretary for foreign affairs Amena Yauvoli was certain, we “would just have to wait for the Tongan government’s proposal” (Tonga Daily News, 2014a). But as Tongan journalist Kalafi Moala put it, “they will be waiting for a very long time” on that geopolitical front (Moala, 2014). This essay explores the geopolitical storymaking about Tonga and Fiji instigated by Tonga Daily News publishing online that Lord Ma’afu had said, “In good faith I will propose to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Fiji that they can have Minerva Reef and we get Lau in return” (Tonga Daily News, 2014a). The very thought of drawing up a new map instantly ignited outrage from Fijian readers. How then, might Tonga and Fiji’s argument over ownership of the Minerva Reefs play out this time around? Could the region’s geopolitical atlas ever be imagined differently when its cartography was permanently cemented to the era of Western European colonial empire? When the media fooled people to believe Lord Ma’afu wanted the Lau Islands for the Minerva Reefs, what did this signal about how news sites can manoeuver shock advertising and manipulate what politicians say to up their ratings?
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Brown Pulu, Teena. "Forget China: No Shark Trade in Tonga. Yeah Right." Te Kaharoa 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v6i1.67.

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In the South Pacific winter of 2013, Michael Brassington reported from Tonga that “China is now the South Pacific’s most valued VIP.” The Australian journalist was interviewing Pesi Fonua, longstanding Tongan publisher who commented: “They are definitely calling the shots. Whatever they want they can negotiate or take it.” Referring to China, he ranked this regional power as a twenty first century precursor for South Seas debt, diplomacy, and indebtedness. By Fonua’s description China was the debt stress killer. In 2014, Tonga would start repaying Chinese soft loans worth 40% of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) spent on buildings, wharfs, bridges, roads. Ordinary people in this small island developing state were worried the government might default on loan payments. Then what would happen? Would China own Tonga? What have Pakeha New Zealanders’ perceptions of Pacific Islanders got to do with any of this? Reconfiguring South Pacific relations with China as a contending power sparked off anxiety for the United States, Australian, and New Zealand governments. The question was how did political unease shape strategies to control the region? For Tonga’s national affliction of debt distress, did New Zealand’s regional engagement consider how an age old attitude towards Pacific Islanders weighed down this country’s excess baggage carried over from the 19th and 20th centuries, nudging them closer to China?
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Brown Pulu, Teena. "Clash of civilisations: Tonga and the West." Te Kaharoa 7, no. 1 (January 8, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v7i1.54.

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The House thanks God that the king is still in good health, and the Monarch is still in control of the affairs of the country. We thank god for the assistance to Tonga from donor countries (Lord Lasike cited in Matangi Tonga, 2011). At the first 2011 session of Tonga’s legislative assembly on June 9th the House was busy thanking god for king and aid donors, a variation to king and country, the usual saying. Tongan journalist Pesi Fonua poked fun at the country’s lawmakers by translating the parliamentary minutes into English for publication on his media website. The original Hansard transcript in the Tongan language might not have been altogether amusing, but rather, standard convention for formally addressing the monarch. However, one question that Fonua brought to light was at this time in Tonga’s history when a more democratic government was said to have taken the helm, had the hierarchal structure really changed? Furthermore, why had “donor countries” crept into the state’s salutations to the king, and which countries were Tongan politicians thinking of – Western ones or China? (Matangi Tonga, 2011). Personifying a Western-centred view of Tonga’s political system, New Zealand researcher of constitutional law Guy Powles made a brash commentary to Radio Australia. As a Palangi (white, European) observer, Powles presumptuously displayed his over-confidence in giving advice to Tonga. Claiming the Tongan “constitution does need to be studied in detail,” he felt certain “there are areas there of what one might call unfinished business.” Specifically, “the original principle hasn’t been carried through, that is the devolution of executive authority” (Powles cited in Garrett, 2014). Powles was pointing at executive powers the monarch held onto compared to the ones which were handed over to the prime minister and the national executive by constitutional amendment in 2010. Did reasonable expectation surface among the Tongan public that in the near future, all of the King’s executive authority would be delegated to the state? Or could this be read as an explicit case of the Western ego fantasising that all Pacific Island states naturally desired to remake their civilizations and sovereignty in their likeness? This essay pokes the polemics and pragmatics of Tongan civilization enacted in modern times through a distinct set of cultural values. How has the tenacity of Tongan civilization in today’s globalized world run into trouble with Western development partners – New Zealand, Australia, and America – especially when it comes to Tonga’s foreign relations? (International Business Publications, 2011).
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Brown Pulu, Teena. "Minerals and Cucumbers in the Sea: International relations will transform the Tongan state." Te Kaharoa 7, no. 1 (January 8, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v7i1.57.

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Constitution law researcher Guy Powles, a Pakeha New Zealander residing in Australia was not optimistic accurate predictions on “the [Tonga] election which is coming up now in November” could be made (Garrett, 2014). “A man would be a fool to try to guess just where the balance will finish up,” he uttered to Jemima Garrett interviewing him for Radio Australia on April 30th 2014 (Garrett, 2014). Picturing the general election seven months away on November 27th 2014, Powles thought devolving the monarch’s executive powers to government by constitutional reform was Tonga’s priority. Whether it would end up an election issue deciding which way the public voted was a different story, and one he was not willing to take a punt on. While Tongans and non-Tongan observers focused attention on guessing who would get into parliament and have a chance at forming a government after votes had been casted in the November election, the trying political conditions the state functioned, floundered, and fell in, were overlooked. It was as if the Tongans and Palangi (white, European) commentators naively thought changing government would alter the internationally dictated circumstances a small island developing state was forced to work under.
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Brown Pulu, Teena. "Report went to court: Tonga's Parliamentary report on the Nuku'alofa Reconstruction." Te Kaharoa 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v6i1.66.

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Chief Justice Michael Dishington Scott signed a court order in the Supreme Court of Tonga on December the 4th 2012, signifying structural reform in the South Pacific Kingdom. Whether the Kingdom of Tonga was ready or not, clued-up on what a judicial review was or not, the legal process for initiating one to get a judge to review parliamentary procedure was underway. Dishington Scott’s Supreme Court order issued by the Nuku’alofa Registry “ordered that the application for leave to apply for Judicial Review is to be heard inter parties on 23 January, 2013 at 09:00 am in Court” (Supreme Court of Tonga, 2012). The application was made by Tonga’s former Prime Minister, Feleti Sevele, and a former Minister for Transport in his cabinet, Paul Karalus. The other party, meaning the people defending themselves against the application, were six men. They were named on the court order as “Samuela ‘Akilisi Pohiva, Lord Lasike now known as Hikule’o Havea, Lord Tu’i’afitu, Dr Sitiveni Halapua, Pohiva Tu’i’onetoa, and Posesi Bloomfield” (Supreme Court of Tonga, 2012). These men were contributors to the Report of the Parliamentary Select Committee: The Nuku’alofa Development Council/Corporation and the Reconstruction of Nuku’alofa Central Business District, dated 5 June 2012 (Parliamentary Select Committee, 2012). And it was this very report of 181 pages, which had brought about Sevele and Karalus’ joint application to the Supreme Court for a judicial review. Put simply, Sevele and Karalus wanted the report quashed. What compelled the Prime Minister of Tonga Lord Tu’ivakano to call for a parliamentary select committee headed by the opposition leader and deputy to write this report? What did it allege to prompt court action from Sevele and Karalus? If there was a judicial review of the parliamentary system governing how and why the report was carried out, then what constitutional principles might come under the court’s examination? At the 2010 general election, this small island developing state was applauded by New Zealand, Australia, and the United States of America for moving to a more democratic system of parliament and government. In 2013, what did the report that went to court indicate about political climate change and how key actors in the new system measured up?
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"The Effects Of Governmental Factors On Sustainable Technology Implementation Among Small And Medium Enterprises In Tonga." International Journal of Information Systems in the Service Sector 14, no. 1 (January 2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijisss.302881.

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This study intends to examine the effects of governmental factors on sustainable technology implementation (STI) among SMEs in the Kingdom of Tonga. These factors are crucial to investigate because many private institutions working for emerging markets have limited resources that delay implementing technologies, particularly sustainability-based technologies integrated with enterprise management. On the other hand, governments have the resources and power to affect STI significantly. Hence, the research investigates the role of government as an influential determinant in attaining efficient and effective implementation. This study uses the SEM-PLS and fsQCA methods to analyze the data gathered from 251 SMEs in Tonga. The findings show that government subsidies and policies significantly and positively affect firms' morals and attitudes regarding STI in Tonga. Also, perceived benefit and perceived cost significantly affect STI in Tongan SMEs. The research is an initial effort to examine such effects in the SMEs of a Pacific Island country.
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Brown Pulu, Teena. "Rethinking development in Tonga: Dialogues with Sefita Hao'uli, Kalafi Moala, and Melino Maka." Te Kaharoa 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v6i1.69.

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Acknowledging the work of the late Tongan professors, Futa Helu and Epeli Hau’ofa, this is the first in a series of four articles. Teena Brown Pulu revisits Helu’s criticism of development in Tonga by framing interview conversations with Sefita Hao’uli, Kalafi Moala and Melino Maka in a Hau’ofa-styled narrative that draws on satire and tongue-in-cheek prodding as a form of criticism. This is Tongan storytelling with a critical edge which will leave the reader much clearer about the convoluted circumstances and unpredictable politics driving development and democracy in the Kingdom of Tonga.
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Brown Pulu, Teena, and Richard Pamatatau. "Fieldwork journals on Tonga’s 2014 election: What is funny about that?" Te Kaharoa 8, no. 1 (January 19, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v8i1.26.

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This essay presents selected passages from the fieldwork journals of Teena Brown Pulu and Richard Pamatatau on Tonga’s 2014 election. Staged on November 27th, here was the second general election under an amended constitution intended to bring about a more democratic system of parliament and government. Woven together are interrelated factors which field researchers like us – academics who craft their written studies on encounters, observations, and conversations gathered from a specific people and place – experience and live through in day-to-day work. Highlighted in this paper are our reflections and recollections as Richard, a journalism academic, and Teena, an anthropologist, researching in the field while fielding a political climate of ordinary folks’ frustration. By this, Tongan people saw the nineteenth century class-system instituted in the 1875 constitution was fixed to the modified political structure introduced in 2010. Therefore, the thread interlacing our journal excerpts to an analysis of what is taking hold in Tongan political life is satire and wit, and how humour is manoeuvred to criticise and critique power and authority.
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Brown Pulu, Teena. "Disaster politics: Cyclone politicking and electioneering in the Kingdom of Tonga." Te Kaharoa 7, no. 1 (January 8, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v7i1.47.

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Entering the new year of 2014 the Kingdom of Tonga had enough to worry about; a local economy choking to near death and a finance minister sacked and replaced in a political spectacle leaving the public baffled over what went wrong between him and the Prime Minister (Fayle, 2014; Lopeti, 2014c; Fonua, 2014b). People uttered they looked forward to the end of year election tentatively set for Thursday November 27th. The 2010 register of around forty thousand voters had increased at the 2014 intake by four thousand, mostly voters who had turned the age of suffrage at twenty one years old. The chorus call from the masses was simple, vote them out. Then Cyclone Ian struck on Saturday 11 January 2014 aggravating Tonga’s money shortage. Journalist Pesi Fonua wrote “the impact on the Tongan economy of the cyclone and the salary rise for civil servants at this point of time is a matter of great concern” (Fonua, 2014a). He was right. The state and taxpayers could not afford economic recovery from Tonga’s cruellest cyclone, a symptom of climate change, let alone paying for a 5% rise in the cost of living allowance for public servants. As the national debt distress sore became inflamed the Public Service Association decided it was the right time to fight cabinet for a 22% living allowance rise because 5% was not enough (Lopeti, 2014a). This essay asks a pointed question. Leading up to the general election of November 2014, how was cyclone politicking being manoeuvred to sway the way people would vote?
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42

"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 2 (June 1996): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693564.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693595.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 1 (March 1996): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693626.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 3 (September 1996): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693671.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 3-4 (September 2000): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1008-1.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 1-2 (March 2000): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1039-7.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 1 (March 2001): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1008-9.

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"Politics and Government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 2 (June 2001): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1032-9.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 31, no. 1 (March 2002): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-002-1008-4.

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