Journal articles on the topic 'Too many mouths'

There are lots of dangers lurking when you're not quite two, The hard and sharp and point of things attack and jump at you. Lions open up their mouths and let out toothy roars, While little fingers seem to seek the hinges on the doors. Electric outlets, matches, stoves are no-nos and so hot. Table corners are head high, watch out! The coffee pot! If you eat too many raisins, you'll get a tummy ache, While Dad or Mommy's shouting can really make you shake. Don't run out into the street! You'll get hit by a car! The lightening and the thunder — it isn't very far. There's bathtub drains and toilet bowls with noisy, gurgling flushes, Awaiting there to swallow you, to get you in their clutches. There's vacuum cleaner monsters, electric plugs and such, And if you can't equilibrate, it really is too much.

Habitat utilization was determined in summer 1986 by sampling 54 sites of nine habitat types: main channels, backwaters, braids, channel edges, and sloughs in the river; and beaver ponds, terrace tributaries, tributary mouths, and upland sloughs on the valley floor. Physical characteristics were measured at all sites, and all habitats except main channels (current too swift for rearing salmon) were seined to determine fish density. Sockeye (Oncorhynchus nerka) averaged 23 fish/100 m2, nearly twice the density of coho (O. kisutch) and four times that of chinook (O. tshawytscha), 14 and 6 fish/100 m2, respectively. Sockeye were age 0, 27–84 mm fork length (FL), and most abundant in upland sloughs, beaver ponds, and tributary mouths. Coho were ages 0 and 1, 33–132 mm FL, and most abundant in beaver ponds and upland sloughs. Chinook were age 0, 40–93 mm FL, and more abundant than the other species in habitats with faster currents (1–20 cm/s), particularly channel edges. Each species was absent from about one-quarter of the seining sites of each habitat type. Thus, the lower Taku River provides important summer habitat for juvenile salmon, but many suitable areas were unoccupied, possibly because of their distance from spawning areas and poor access for colonizing fish.

In order to protect the southwestern part of the Netherlands against inundation by storm surges, the "Delta project" has been undertaken. This entails the closure of three large sea arms situated between Western Scheldt and Rotterdam Waterway and will bring about radical changes in the tidal movement and stormflood levels of the estuaries and tidal rivers. The contours of the project are shown in fig. 1. It includes three big dams to be built in the mouths of Eastern Scheldt, Brouwershavense Gat and Haringvliet, as well as two smaller ones to be constructed further inland. An idea of the extent of these works may be gained by knowing the tidal volumes of the estuaries: Veerse Gat 2.5.109 cu. ft; Grevelingen 4.109 cu. ft? Haringvliet 9.109 cu. ft; Brouwershavense Gat 12,5.109 cu. ft and Eastern Scheldt 39>.109 ou.ft. The waters of the Delta area will then be divided into two separate basins by means of a dam in the Volkerak. The southern basin will be entirely cut off from the sea, becoming a fresh water lake. The northern, comprising the mouths of the Rhine and the Meuse will remain in communication with the sea, because the Rotterdam Waterway must stay open to shipping. Consequently, the tides and storm surges will still be able to penetrate inland via this mouth, but they can cause high water levels in the Waterway only; in the rest of the basin their effect will be considerably weakened. In the situation at present, however, the upland flow of the rivers Rhine and Meuse is mainly into the Haringvliet estuary and not the Rotterdam Waterway. As the Haringvliet estuary will be closed, large sluices are to be built in the enclosure dam as a substitute for the existing free discharge of the river water.
 Until this project is completed the inhabitants of the area which it will affect are insufficiently safe against storm surges. It is, of course, always possible that floods too high for existing dike systems will occur, but in the present situation the risk is too great. This was demonstrated in February 1953 when the southwestern part of the Netherlands was suddenly hit by an exceptionally high storm surge which caused many dike breaches and vast inundation. The occurrence of a similar surge or a higher one may be estimated as once in two hundred and fifty years, as an average, which is much too high. After the realization of the Deltaplan and the heightening of the dikes of Western Scheldt, Rotterdam Waterway and the northern parts of the country, the dikes are safe tip to very high storm surges of which the occurrence is smaller than once in ten thousand years, or in other words there is only one procent chance in hundred years that a major inundation will occur.

Many subjects perceive venous blood collection as too invasive, and thus moving to better-accepted procedures for leukocytes collection might be crucial in human biomonitoring studies (e.g., biomonitoring of occupational or residential exposure to genotoxins) management. In this context, primary DNA damage was assessed in buccal lymphocytes (BLs), fresh whole venous, and capillary blood leukocytes, and compared with that in peripheral blood lymphocytes (PBLs)—the most frequently used cells—in 15 young subjects. Mouthwashes were collected after the volunteers rinsed their mouths with normal saline, and BLs were isolated by density gradient centrifugation. Blood samples were collected by venipuncture or by lancet. Anthropometric and lifestyle information was obtained by the administration of a structured questionnaire. As shown in the Bland-Altman plots, the level of agreement between BLs and PBLs lied within the accepted range, we thus enrolled a wider population (n = 54) to assess baseline DNA damage in BLs. In these cells, mean values of tail length (µm), tail intensity (%), and tail moment were 25.7 ± 0.9, 6.7 ± 0.4 and 1.0 ± 0.1, respectively. No significant association was observed between sex and smoking habit with any of the DNA damage parameters. Conversely, underweight subjects displayed significantly higher genomic instability compared with normal weight group (p < 0.05). In conclusion, we successfully managed to set up and update a non-invasive and well-accepted procedure for the isolation of BLs from saliva that could be useful in upcoming biomonitoring studies.

Coastal and marine sedimentary archives are sometimes used as indicators of changes in continental sediment production and fluvial sediment transport, but rivers crossing coastal plains may not be efficient conveyors of sediment to the coast. Where this is the case, changes in continental sediment dynamics are not evident at the river mouth. Stream power is typically low and accommodation space high in coastal plain river reaches, resulting in extensive alluvial storage upstream of estuaries and correspondingly low sediment loads at the river mouth. In some cases there is a net loss of sediment in lower coastal plain reaches, so that sediment input from upstream exceeds yield at the river mouth. The lowermost sediment sampling stations on many rivers are too far upstream of the coast to represent lower coastal plain sediment fluxes, and thus tend to overestimate sediment yields. Sediment which does reach the river mouth is often trapped in estuaries and deltas. Assessment of sediment flux from coastal plain rivers is also confounded by the deceptively simple question of the location of the mouth of the river. On low-gradient coastal plains and shelves, the location of the river mouth may have varied by hundreds of kilometers due to sea-level change. The mouth may also differ substantially according to whether it is defined based on channel morphology, network morphology, hydrographic or hydrochemical criteria, elevation of the channel relative to sea level, or the locus of deposition. Further, while direct continent-to-ocean flux may be very low at current sea-level stands, sediment stored in estuaries and lower coastal plain alluvium (including deltas) may eventually become part of the marine sedimentary package. The role of accommodation space in coastal plain alluvial sediment storage has been emphasized in previous work, but low transport capacity controlled largely by slope is also a crucial factor, as we illustrate with examples from Texas.

Finds of metalwork always raise the question of why they were deposited: a smith's collection, a concealed hoard or a votive offering? Findspots in water suggest offerings, since they would be awkward to retrieve. But understanding the context of deposition means knowing the prehistoric environment. The Fenland area of England has many Bronze Age sites, and deposits of metalwork and a well-mapped ancient environment too. Putting all three together the authors begin to assemble a grammar of deposition: swords and rapiers in rivers, some mixed collections placed in still water and others on once-dry land with burnt mounds.

e19555 Background: Nowadays, communication about alternative medicines and biologic therapies is very intense. Anyone can find information, more or less scientific, on internet, television or magazines. Therefore, patients treated with chemotherapy may use many complementary medicines. The purpose of our study is to do a summary of the use of those alternative therapies by our patients in order to evaluate the potential risk of interference with their antitumor treatment. Methods: We carried out a prospective study among patients in the day care unit. During an interview, they were asking for any biological treatment or non-drug alternative medicine used concurrently with the chemotherapy. We found out: antitumor agent, complementary and alternative medicine used, aim of this use (prevention, antitumor action, wellbeing), means of access, person who advised them. Results: 100 patients were interviewed (average = 63 years old, half-and-half men and women). 38% used complementary and alternative medicines: 45% of whom used homeopathy, 39% food supplements, 37% herbal medicine, 29% non-drug alternative medicine (acupuncture, magnetic healer, meditation…). 29% of them associate more than 3 medicines. 61% of patients using herbal medicine, heard about it by word of mouth (friends and family); and 75% buy it by internet or by phone. Most of them are looking for wellbeing. 31% of patients using food supplements, looking for well being too, learnt it by word of mouth; 48% buy it in pharmacy, 40% on internet or by phone. 90% of patients using homeopathy were advised by their pharmacist or attending physician, mostly to prevent chemotherapy side effects. 95% buy it in pharmacy. Conclusions: A lot of patients are concerned by complementary and alternative medicines; and in too many case, they are advised by non-medical people. This survey shows the importance for oncologist to know exactly what kind of treatment their patients are using. Indeed, at least 16 of those patients associate medicines which reduce the antitumor agent’s activity. The survey will continue in other oncologic units.

Abstract The poet Wendy Cope gained a huge reputation in the early 1980s mainly for a series of witty and incisive parodies, often under the name of her desperate fictional poète maudit Jake Strugnell, and these poems were collected, along with others, in her hugely successful and influential debut collection, Making Cocoa for Kingsley Amis, which appeared in 1986. This book sold almost 200,000 copies, but has been the subject of a very small body of criticism. Many of her contemporary poet-critics were dismissive: in one contemporary review, Peter Riley epitomized a not uncommon reaction when he claimed that no ‘poetic import can be claimed for the book’, and railed against ‘a new audience for poetry, one which must be presumed to have previously fought shy of it as too difficult or too deep’. Certainly, Making Cocoa for Kingsley Amis is not a work of avant garde complexity, but Cope’s debut is not as cosily complacent as such critics indicate. It is in fact highly allusive and resistant to orthodoxies – and was a thorn in the side of the literary and cultural establishment into which she was instantly propelled. This essay assesses the ways in which Cope’s debut collection takes an ambivalent, nuanced, and parodic response to British institutions, and to the orthodoxies of the male-dominated literary world she was entering.

AbstractIt is a recognized fact that the majority of the many drawings produced in the 16th and 17th centuries have been lost. It is quite likely that a great deal of these lost drawings were the work of aspiring artists, done for practice during their training. Written sources, so-called 'Tekenboeken' and pictures of studios give us some idea of what such drawing exercises looked like. Series of eyes, noses, mouths, hands and feet, etc. served as preliminary exercices. Although these were recognized as very difficult assignments, their great advantage was that a single glance, even that of the young draughtsman himself, could establish whether the task had been done well, because 'mistakes are generally evident and can be seen and judged by everybody: for who is so dull and blind as not to notice whether someone has a deformed face, a twisted hand or a crooked foot?' (note 8). One duly wonders at the total absence of such drawings in Gerard Ter Borch senior's large collection of work by his sons Gerard junior, Harmen and Mozes. Apparently Ter Borch père was more selective than assumed by Alison Kettering in her introduction to the catalogue of the Ter Borch estate. Of the earliest drawings done by the young pupils in their first years, he seems to have concentrated on preserving drawings done from life and the young artists' own invention. As for drawings after prints, only copies of complete compositions were apparently worth saving. One could surmise that such practice drawings were executed on carriers which could be erased or re-used in some other way. The making of such carriers from box or palm wood and also from parchment is described in Cennino Cennini's 'Il Libro dell'Arte' (ca. 1400). The replaceable primer that was applied to such carriers consisted of ground white bone-ash mixed with saliva. According to Cennini, parchment 'tavolette' were also used by merchants to do their calculations on. The use of such parchment tablets is moreover confirmed by an early 16th-century recipe from Bavaria. The question arises as to whether erasable carriers were only used by beginners, as Cennini's text suggests, or by fully developed artists as well. This might provide a possible explanation for the total or virtually total absence of drawings in the oeuvres of some artists. Another question is how long this type of carrier remained in use. Research was sidetracked by the frequent occurrence of young artists drawing on blocklike boards or planks, notably on title-pages of 17th-century books of drawing models. In 16th-century iconography such boards appear to indicate the term 'usus' or 'practice'. They also refer to a Pliny text according to which drawing on boxwood boards was a fixed item in the education of well-born Greek children. The depiction of young draughtsmen with such drawing boards may therefore not represent actual studio practice but allude to the aspired high status of drawing and of the art of painting in general. The very nature of erasable carriers means that traces of them are rare. Those boards that have survived (Meder had published a number) are not acknowledged as such apart from the wax tablets intended for re-use in Classical Antiquity, and in the Middle Ages too. There are sporadic references in written sources. Karel van Mander, for instance, uses the term 'Tafelet' twice, the first time in connection with Albrecht Dürer who - significantly in this context is said to have portrayed Joachim Patinier on a slate (the ideal erasable carrier) 'or a tafelet'. Van Mander subsequently mentions a 'tafelet' in his biography of Goltzius, who was asked to do a portrait on a 'tafelet' in preparation for a print. The very strong likelihood that the term 'tafelet' was used to indicate a carrier suitable for re-use is endorsed by a recipe by Theodore de Mayerne (ca. 1630), who suggests two ways of making a 'tablet à papier' for writing on with a metal stylus: strong and well glued paper is spread with a paste of ground bone-ash, not mixed with saliva this time but with a weak gum solution. To prepare the tablet for re-use it could be cleaned with a wet brush. When the paper had suffered too much from this repeated treatment, it could be varnished, according to de Mayerne, after which it could be written on again with a pen, washed off again etc. Although de Mayerne recommends this 'tablet à papier' for practising writing, no distinction was made between carriers for writing and drawing (cf. Cennini above). We shall probably never know to what extent erasable carriers were used, but the foregoing remarks may shed a fresh light on a group of works of art, drawings with silver or other metal styluses on prepared parchment or paper. Instead of resorting to one of the highly specialized and expensive drawing methods which are often cited, for example in connection with Rembrandt's portrait of Saskia in Berlin with silver stylus on prepared parchment, such drawings may have been done on tablets which were not intended to be preserved. Goltzius' portraits with metal stylus as a rule were executed as drawings which served solely as the basis for a print. From a text in P. C. Hooft's Warenar (1616) we learn, that a 'tafelet' or 'taflet' was a booklet used as a scrap book and habitually carried in the pocket. A few of such booklets have survived. One is a booklet with fourteen prepared paper pages which belonged to Adriaen van der Wcrff. In it, writing with a silver stylus, he kept a record of the number of days he spent on his paintings. The first four pages of the book were prepared for re-use. The traces of earlier inscriptions can still be vaguely discerned under the new layer of primer. A second tafelet - originally containing twelve pages - was identified in the collection of the Rijksprentenkabinet (note 41). It was used around 1590 by a young painter who practised in it by copying fragments of prints.

AbstractWithin amateur musical circles in Benin, one is told that if a male blows too hard into a brass instrument his testicles might swell up, fall off, or even run away. Concerned parents warn their children against ‘blowing’ brass instruments, telling stories of inguinal hernias and infertility, and many maintain that male brass players must take preventative measures. Accompanying this unease about blowing out is a complementary concern with breathing in, and the possible inhalation of micro-organisms or poison through the mouth. Engaging with this anxiety of blowing, this article takes seriously my interlocutors’ concern with the consequences of playing brass instruments on their bodies. My main argument is that understandings of the precarious nature of breath are at the core of musicians’ experiences of anxiety. My exploration of the relation between breath, anxiety and the body supports a common phenomenology of breathing across cultures, and serves to advance breath as an important site of meaning making.

Purpose Crowdfunding offers a popular means to raise donations online from many contributors. Open calls for contributions involve another actor too, namely, the internet platform that maintains the two-sided market. This paper aims to examine the effect of this intermediary on contributors’ willingness to participate in crowdfunding projects. Design/methodology/approach An online survey measures the relative effect of contributors’ attitudes towards the crowdfunding platform on two key behaviours: willingness to share word-of-mouth and willingness to participate in a project. Findings Using the theoretical framework of a two-sided market, the empirical study reveals that attitudes towards a crowdfunding platform moderate contributors’ willingness to participate due to several risk factors that affect the platform’s perceived usefulness and ease of use. These factors have negative influences on attitude towards the platform, which reduces support for the project. The effects are stronger for willingness to participate than for word-of-mouth intentions. Research limitations/implications Declarative measures and a focus on the utilitarian dimensions of contributor participation limit the external validity of the findings. Practical implications With the results of this study, internet platforms can find ways to improve the attitudes of potential contributors. Project creators can use the findings to adapt their communication campaigns and reduce inhibitions that keep contributors from using platforms. Originality/value This study advances marketing and crowdfunding literature by highlighting the potential dark side of a platform that functions as an intermediary in a two-sided market.

Social media offers a powerful way to promote and engage the consumer. However, there are too many information circulating on social media nowadays. This situation makes the consumers feel uncertain with the validity of information they find on social media. There are more than two million Facebook users globally, meaning that the platform still has big potential as an effective promotion tool. In this study, Social word of mouth (sWOM) theory is seen as a solution to reduce the uncertainty on the social media. Then, the dual-process theory is adapted to build the conceptual framework, which includes several variables including comment involvement, quality of comment, comment trust-ability, as well as uncertainty reduction. Item scales are adopted by the prior study and the questionnaire is composed with a back-translation technique. The collected data is tested using smart-PLS. Then the results are analyzed to observe both theoretical and managerial impact. The findings of the study suggest that all of the proposed variables have significant effect on the uncertainty reduction.

ABSTRACTThe food and water we consume are often contaminated with a range of chemicals and heavy metals, such as lead, cadmium, arsenic, chromium, and mercury, that are associated with numerous diseases. Although heavy-metal exposure and contamination are not a recent phenomenon, the concentration of metals and the exposure to populations remain major issues despite efforts at remediation. The ability to prevent and manage this problem is still a subject of much debate, with many technologies ineffective and others too expensive for practical large-scale use, especially for developing nations where major pollution occurs. This has led researchers to seek alternative solutions for decontaminating environmental sites and humans themselves. A number of environmental microorganisms have long been known for their ability to bind metals, but less well appreciated are human gastrointestinal bacteria. Species such asLactobacillus, present in the human mouth, gut, and vagina and in fermented foods, have the ability to bind and detoxify some of these substances. This review examines the current understanding of detoxication mechanisms of lactobacilli and how, in the future, humans and animals might benefit from these organisms in remediating environmental contamination of food.

Background: Cancer of head and neck is sixth most common malignancy worldwide https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/27245686 . ∼90% are squamous cell carcinomas [HNSCC]. Of H&N sites, mouth is most common [∼300,373 cases pa, cf oropharynx ∼142,387; larynx ∼156,877; nasopharynx 86,691]. Across south Asia, cancer of lip & mouth [oral cancer: OSCC] is a serious public health problem. In many, it is the most common cancer among men, 5th/6th in women, second overall. Five year survival rates are < 50%. Treatment is devastating. It is difficult to get authorities and public to recognize the problem: this is not a “glamorous” cancer. Yet we know the major causes so most disease is preventable. In south Asia, the major causes are tobacco - mostly chewed, areca [erroneously called betel] nut, mostly as component of betel quid, and heavy alcohol use in a background of diets lacking adequate antioxidant vitamins/minerals. To this is added the global epidemic of human papillomavirus [HPV]-driven nonkeratinising squamous epithelial head/neck cancer, particularly in lymphoid tissues of Waldyer's ring. Though data vary by country, high-risk [hr]HPVs are likely associated with up to 30% of OSCC too. We need detailed local information, especially as hrHPV-driven SCC respond well to radio/chemotherapy. Next-generation molecular methods are now examining roles for fungi and bacterial consortia. Across Asia, most OSCC arise from long-standing changes in oral mucosa: oral potentially malignant disorders [OPMD]. Leukoplakia is commonest, though with lowest risk. Risk is greater in red or mixed red/white lesions. Oral submucous fibrosis is prevalent and devastating. It has a high rate of malignant transformation and causes immense suffering: burning mouth, taste disturbances and severe sclerosis of soft tissues resulting in restricted mouth opening. The major etiology is areca nut. There is genetic and inherited propensity: very young children encouraged to chew areca can be seriously affected. There are no truly successful treatments, be it surgery to relieve trismus, physiotherapy to improve mouth opening and dietary supplements with numerous antioxidants, most commonly curcumin. Strategy: Primary prevention is possible. Improve diet; no tobacco; no areca nut [we need a WHO Framework Convention on areca]: to nip in the bud a serious epidemic of HPV-related cancers, sexual hygiene and widespread vaccination of girls - in my opinion also of boys. Public education is key. Legal controls on tobacco, areca & alcohol are needed - a tremendous challenge especially for areca, given the ancient cultural importance of this masticatory in myriad forms. It is time for effective action. Outcomes: In India and Sri Lanka we have made great progress with public awareness and with regulations on advertising and sale of smokeless tobacco and some areca products. Southeast Asia lags behind. HPV vaccination requires greater uptake across the region. What was learned: Both top-down and bottom-up approaches are needed.

abstractThe issue of how abstract concepts are represented is widely debated. However, evidence is controversial, also because different criteria were used to select abstract concepts – for example, imageability and abstractness were equated. In addition, for many years abstract concepts have been considered as a unitary whole. Our work aims to address these two limitations. We asked participants to evaluate 425 abstract concepts on 15 dimensions: abstractness, concreteness, imageability, context availability, Body-Object-Interaction, Modality of Acquisition, Age of Acquisition, Perceptual modality strength, Metacognition, Social metacognition, Interoception, Emotionality, Social valence, Hand and Mouth activation. Results showed that conceiving concepts only in terms of concreteness/abstractness is too simplified. More abstract concepts are typically acquired later and through the linguistic modality and are characterized by high scores in social metacognition (feeling that others can help us in understanding word meaning), while concrete concepts obtain high scores in Body-Object-Interaction, imageability, and context availability. A cluster analysis indicated four kinds of abstract concepts: philosophical-spiritual (e.g., value), self-sociality (e.g., politeness), emotive/inner states (e.g., anger), and physical, spatio-temporal, and quantitative concepts (e.g., reflex). Overall, results support multiple representation views indicating that sensorimotor, inner, linguistic, and social experience have different weights in characterizing different kinds of abstract concepts.

Evliya Çelebi is known to historians as an observer of public buildings, such as mosques, medreses and city walls, as a valuable source on languages and dialects and, much too rarely, as an artist of narration. Commerce was not his main area of interest, though when describing Anatolian towns, he paid due attention to covered and open-air markets, to khans and sometimes even to shops. As a member of the Ottoman upper class, he could finance his travels by minor official appointments and did not need to trade—or if he did occasionally engage in buying and selling, he did not discuss these activities in his travel book. But things were somewhat different when at the age of approximately sixty, he undertook the pilgrimage to Mecca. In the caravan from Damascus to Mecca and in the return caravan to Cairo, Evliya did not hold an official position, which means that he had to find his own mounts, equipment and supplies. In the sixteenth century, prominent (vacibûrreayet) personages had sometimes been offered mounts by the Ottoman administration, but by the year 1081/1670-71, when Evliya journeyed to Mecca, grants-in-aid of this kind only covered part of the expenses (Faroqhi, 1990, p. 60). Therefore Evliya acted in the same way as many less prominent pilgrims had done over the centuries, and engaged in trade as a sideline. After the pilgrimage had been completed, he visited Jiddah for the express purpose of buying some bales of coffee, which he proposed to resell in Cairo (Evliya, p. 796).

SUMMARYIn this paper, a control approach called Artificial Neural Tissue (ANT) is applied to multirobot excavation for lunar base preparation tasks including clearing landing pads and burying of habitat modules. We show for the first time, a team of autonomous robots excavating a terrain to match a given three-dimensional (3D) blueprint. Constructing mounds around landing pads will provide physical shielding from debris during launch/landing. Burying a human habitat modules under 0.5 m of lunar regolith is expected to provide both radiation shielding and maintain temperatures of −25 °C. This minimizes base life-support complexity and reduces launch mass. ANT is compelling for a lunar mission because it does not require a team of astronauts for excavation and it requires minimal supervision. The robot teams are shown to autonomously interpret blueprints, excavate and prepare sites for a lunar base. Because little pre-programmed knowledge is provided, the controllers discover creative techniques. ANT evolves techniques such as slot-dozing that would otherwise require excavation experts. This is critical in making an excavation mission feasible when it is prohibitively expensive to send astronauts. The controllers evolve elaborate negotiation behaviors to work in close quarters. These and other techniques such as concurrent evolution of the controller and team size are shown to tackle problem of antagonism, when too many robots interfere reducing the overall efficiency or worse, resulting in gridlock. Although many challenges remain with this technology, our work shows a compelling pathway for field testing this approach.

Purpose – This paper aims to propose a novel method to predict and alleviate feature fatigue. Many products now are loaded with an extensive number of features. Adding more features to one product generally makes the product more attractive on the one hand but, on the other hand, may result in increasing difficulty to use the product. This phenomenon is called “feature fatigue”, which will lead to dissatisfaction and negative word-of-mouth (WOM). Feature fatigue will damage the brand’s long-term profit, and ultimately decrease the manufacturer’s customer equity. Thus, a problem of balancing the benefit of increasing “attractiveness” with the cost of decreasing “usability” exists. Design/methodology/approach – A novel method based on the Bass model is proposed to predict and alleviate feature fatigue. Product capability, usability and WOM effects are integrated into the Bass model to predict the impacts of adding features on customer equity in product development, thus helping designers alleviate feature fatigue. A case study of mobile phone development based on survey data is presented to illustrate and validate the proposed method. Findings – The results of the case study demonstrate that adding more features indeed increases initial sales; however, adding too many features ultimately decreases customer equity due to usability problems. There is an optimal feature combination a product should include to balance product capability with usability. The proposed method makes a trade-off between initial sales and long-term profits to maximize customer equity. Originality/value – The proposed method can help designers predict the impacts of adding features on customer equity in the early stages of product development. It can provide decision supports for designers to decide what features should be added to maximize customer equity, thus alleviating feature fatigue.

This article is divided into four sections. In the first, Fr. Arkadiusz Baron describes shortly the reception of Chrysostom’s writings in the ancient world in the East and in the West. It is surprising that the “Golden Mouth” and his homilies have triggered so many difficulties from the very beginning until the present. In the past, in the East, a growing conflict with the Severian of Gabbala and other bishops became the main obstacle to the reception of Chrysostom’s preaching. In 403, at the so-called council at the oak, Chrysostom was condemned and exiled. One of many false accusations charged him with being too merciful toward sinners who were recidivists.In the West, Anian of Celedo, Pelagius’ friend, translated Chrysostom’s homilies (especially on Matthew) into Latin. Pelagianism was condemned and Chrysostom was suspected to be semi-Pelagian. The oldest and most integral Latin version of Chrysostom’s homilies on record date back from the twelfth century. In the fifteenth century pope Nicholaus V asked for a new translation.Similarly in Poland, Chrysostom was not too lucky. In Polish, only about 15 per cent of his homilies are available. Among the translators are J. Wujek, A. Załęski and J. Krystyniacki from the eighteenth century, and T. Sinko, W. Kania, A. Baron and J. Iluk from the twentieth century. Some of them are historians and philologists, but not theologians. This is a problem of the existing Polish translations: we need a good theological, biblical and homiletical elaboration of Chrysostom’s homilies.Homilies on Matthew were preached in 390 in Antioch when Chrysostom was already well-known. Chrysostom’s homilies are the first and one of the best ancient commentaries to this Gospel. He is the only man who in the first millennium of Christianity explained the Acts of the Apostles, and he is the only one in Christianity to do this in the form of homilies.The centre of the Jesus’ Gospel according to Chrysostom is the person of Jesus. The prime purpose of Matthew’s Gospel is to reveal the unconditional love of God for each human being. Homilies on Matthew are completely apolitical. Chrysostom never even mentions governors or political situations. Similarly, he does not speak about ecclesiastical canons of councils of Antioch from the fourth century. He is only interested in how to explain the best way to all the listeners the Good News that Jesus has brought on earth.At the end, Fr. Baron gives some examples of Chrysostom’s exegesis: Mt 12: 33-37; 10: 32; 28: 1-3 and Homily on Matthew 85, 3-4.

In a recent paper it was suggested that results published by Kammerer (1911) on the midwife toad could be explained by epigenetics (Vargas et al., 2016). We show that data thought to be fitting are based on untested assumptions about the underlying genetic mechanisms. We cite recent studies on the genetics of life history traits, in particular egg-size and number, to show that these assumptions are not realistic. We review aspects of Kammerer’s experimental results on the midwife toad for which there are no plausible mechanisms, i.e. toads switching from land-breeding to water-breeding in response to an increase in temperature, eggs becoming resistant to moulds within a few generations, the gradual development of nuptial pads, heterochronous changes in the development of water-born larvae, and conclude that Kammerer cannot have obtained the results he claims. We argue that natural selection would not have favoured a change in reproductive mode and the loss of parental care and that an epigenetic master switch, affecting many different traits simultaneously, would have either eroded during more than 15 million years of land-breeding and/or would have disappeared by natural selection against it. Finally, we show that Kammerer's data are remarkably close to the invoked Mendelian ratio and too good to be genuine. We conclude that Kammerer’s data are fictitious and that Vargas et al. (2016) have used non-existing data in search of support for a role of epigenetics in neo-Lamarckian evolution.

ABSTRAK COVID-19 atau Corona Virus Diesease-19 adalah sebuah penyakit terbaru di tahun 2019 yang disebabkan oleh Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2). Covid-19 melanda banyak Negara di dunia termasuk Indonesia. Pandemi Covid-19 tidak hanya merupakan masalah nasional dalam suatu negara, tapi sudah merupakan masalah global. Covid-19 berawal dari daerah Wuhan Cina. Penyebaran Covid -19 yang begitu cepat dan beresiko kematian. Penularannya diduga melalui aerosol pada daerah mulut, mata dan hidung. Covid-19 berdampak kepada kehidupan sosial dan melemahnya ekonomi masyarakat yang kemudian mempengaruhi pelayanan publik. Permasalahan yang disoroti adalah bagaimana dampak pandemi Covid-19 terhadap pelayanan publik dan upaya penanggulangan wabah COVID-19.. Tujuan dari kegiatan ini adalah untuk meningkatkan pengetahuan tentang pentingnya melakukan isolasi mandiri untuk memutus rantai penyebaran COVID-19 di lingkungan masyarakat. Metode yang digunakan dalam kegiatan ini yaitu penyuluhan kepada ibu-ibu kader di wilayah kerja Puskesmas Kedaton tentang pentingnya menjalani protokol kesehatan dan melakukan isolasi mandiri di rumah sebagai tindakan preventif untuk memutus rantai penyebaran COVID-19. Pelaksanaan kegiatan oleh mahasiswa FK Malahayati kelompok 13 CHOP dan pihak puskesmas kedaton dan dilaksanakan pada tanggal 19 Desember 2020. Hasil dari kegiatan ini adalah meningkatnya pengetahuan kader tentang pentingnya penerapan protokol kesehatan di masa pandemi COVID-19 ini sehingga penyuluhan ini berdampak baik dan efektif. Kata Kunci : Edukasi, Kesehatan, Covid ABSTRACT COVID-19 or Corona Virus Disease 19 is a new illness in 2019 caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2). Covid-19 hit many countries in the world including Indonesia. The Covid-19 outbreak is not only a national problem in a country but already a global problem. Covid -19 originated in the Wuhan area of China. The spread of Covid-19 is so fast and deadly, transmission through physical contact is transmitted by the aerosol through the mouth, eyes, and nose. Covid-19 has an impact on social life and the weakening of the people's economy. The issue of how the impact of the Covid-19 outbreak on public services and efforts to overcome the Covid-19 outbreak. The Problem that followed is about how’s the impact of the outbreak affects public service. The purpose of this activity is to increase the knowledge about how too important it do self-isolation to cut off the transmission of COVID-19 in the social community. The method that used in this activity is counseling the cadres in the puskesmas kedaton her territory about how too important to do self-isolation to cut off the transmission of COVID-19 in the social community. The activity was assisted by the students of the medical faculty of Malahayati University especially group 13 CHOP and staff of puskesmas kedaton and was held on December 19, 2020. The results of this activity are increased knowledge of the cadres about how too important to do self-isolation to cut off the transmission of COVID-19 in the social community so that can be concluded this counseling worked so well and effectively. Keywords: Education, Health, Covid

Dental and mouth problems, especially caries, frequently happen to 60-90% school children aged between 5-14 years. Caries happens because children tend to like sweet food, which carries the potential of causing dental caries. Children love candies. If children consume too much sweets and rarely brush their teeth, they will get caries. Sweets are considered as a cariogenic compound, because sweets cause caries. This research aims to determine the correlation between age and frequency of consuming cariogenic food and dental caries incidence among children at ‘Al Huda’ Islamic Elementary School, Karangnongko, Maguwoharjo, Depok, Sleman, Yogyakarta. This is a quantitative non experimental research which used an analytic correlative method with a cross sectional design. The samples for this research were first to fifth graders of both A and B classes, there were 72 respondents selected as samples. The samples were selected using a stratified random sampling method. Data for this research were collected by means of questionnaires and observation sheets. The data collected were analyzed using Mann-Whitney u test and chi-square test. The statistical test on the correlation between age and dental caries incidence showed p-value = 0.043 < 0.05. Whereas the statistical test on the correlation between cariogenic food consumption and dental caries incidence showed p-value 0.620 > 0.05. There was a significant correlation between age and dental caries incidence among children at ‘Al Huda’ Islamic Elementary School, Karangnongko, Maguwoharjo, Depok, Sleman, Yogyakarta, and there was no significant correlation between frequency of consuming cariogenic food and dental caries incidence among children at ‘Al Huda’ Islamic Elementary School, Karangnongko, Maguwoharjo, Depok, Sleman, and Yogyakarta. Future researchers are expected to be able to examine other variables that affect dental caries in children such as heredity, race, chemical elements, saliva, oral microorganisms, plaques, and microorganisms as well as research in a wider population.

In his provocative polemic“The New Hedonism,” Grant Allen mounts a passionate defense offin-de-siècleaestheticism by proposing a modern ethic – the titular “new hedonism,” which he borrows from Oscar Wilde's novelThe Picture of Dorian Gray(1890, rev. 1891) – that fully synthesizes aestheticism's insights with up-to-date scientific knowledge. At first glance, Allen seems an unexpected ally for Wilde, in part because few literary historians have explored the link between the two contemporaries. Many modern-day scholars of Allen's work (including Peter Morton, Bernard Lightman, William Greenslade, and Terence Rodgers) have tended to focus on his popular science writing, his elaborations on Herbert Spencer's evolutionary theories, and his controversial “New Woman” novelsThe Woman Who Did(1895) andThe Type-Writer Girl(1897). Those who do connect Allen and Wilde, such as Nick Freeman, often draw the relationship into focus through the two writers’ shared interest in libertarian socialism rather than their overlapping philosophical and aesthetic concerns (111–28). Yet, as we can begin to see in the epigraphs, the association that Allen made between evolutionary progress and the “beautifying of life” echoes one of the most significant claims of Wilde's earlier, dialogic essay, “The Critic as Artist.” “Aesthetics,” Wilde's speaker, Gilbert, enthuses, “like sexual selection, make life lovely and wonderful, fill it with new forms, and give it progress, and variety and change” (“The Critic as Artist” 204). Allen's survey of human evolutionary history reminds him, too, that our cultural and artistic achievements are all that lift us “above the beasts that perish” (382). For both writers, then, aestheticism's commitment to beauty, “self-development,” and the emancipated pursuit of pleasure entails potentially sweeping consequences for the future evolution of humankind. Allen's vocal support for Wilde – which Allen expressed privately in letters as well as publicly in his 1891 article “The Celt in English Art” – was not simply a convenient political alliance, but an integral part of Allen's complete program for sociocultural improvement.

Introduction: Glanzmann thrombasthenia (GT) is a rare bleeding disorder (~1:1,000,000) caused by impaired function of platelet glycoprotein IIb/IIIa responsible for aggregation. This novel survey was designed to identify the burden of GT through better understanding of the management of the disorder and its psychosocial impact on patients and caregivers. Methods: Participants were recruited via a rare disease specialty recruiter from Comprehensive Health Education Services. Data were collected from January 31 through March 12, 2019, via a moderator-assisted online survey. On average, the survey was completed within 45 minutes. Information regarding demographics, diagnosis, treatment history, and quality of life was collected. Results: In total, 45 respondents (24 patients and 21 caregivers; 58% female) completed the survey. Many patients were born with significant bruising (76%) or bled extensively during circumcision (47%). As a result of their early symptoms, more than 50% of those surveyed were diagnosed prior to their first birthday. For others, the average time between experiencing initial symptoms and visiting a specialist was just over 1 year and to diagnosis was just over 2 years (average age, 2.6 years, range <1-38 years). Misdiagnosis with von Willebrand disease was common. Approximately 50% of patients experienced 1 bleed every day, and 13% reported over 500 bleeds per year; Most bleeds were skin bruises and mouth bleeds, but patients also reported joint/muscle and gastrointestinal bleeds. Only 24% of respondents reported being treated at a hemophilia treatment center; 71% reported visiting their hematologist regularly. The most common treatment for bleeds was antifibrinolytics (82%), followed by recombinant activated factor VII (rFVIIa; 42%). In addition, 73% reported receiving platelets and blood transfusions in the past year. Approximately 25% reported receiving more than 20 transfusions in their lifetime. Overall, 38% of patients reported having experienced refractoriness to platelets and 32% antibodies to platelets; notably, only these patients reported receiving treatment with rFVIIa. Many feared uncontrolled bleeding due to refractoriness or antibodies to platelets and stated that their health care providers (HCPs) were too quick to treat bleeds with platelets. Many female patients struggled to find a gynecologist with some knowledge of the management of menstruation, pregnancy, and childbirth in patients with GT; 11% of respondents reported menstrual bleeding that required hospitalization and/or emergency treatment. The majority (74%) of female patients reported taking hormonal contraceptives to prevent regular menstruation; some patients not taking hormones required monthly platelet transfusions. Fifty-eight percent of patients reported issues with excessive bleeding at school as children; 38% reported missing school days and 33% were bullied during childhood. In addition, 38% of adult patients and 24% of caregivers had missed work as a result of GT, and 21% of adult patients reported that their employer did not take their condition seriously. Many respondents (65%) were satisfied with the level of support they receive from their significant other, and 76% were satisfied with the level of support they receive from their friends. Conclusions: Many patients with GT are identified early in life owing to a severe phenotype, but diagnosis remains somewhat difficult. Patients with GT experience frequent bleeding episodes, commonly as bruises and nosebleeds, with 31% experiencing more than 100 bleeds per year. Additional support from outside the GT patient community is needed. Patients desire additional education for themselves and their HCPs, especially around menstruation, childbearing, and treatment options. Disclosures Duncan: Novo Nordisk Inc: Consultancy. Kellum:Novo Nordisk Inc: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Takeda: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Speakers Bureau. Jain:Bioverativ/Sanofi: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Novo Nordisk Inc: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Bayer: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; CSL Behring: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Octapharma: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Takeda/Shire: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BPL: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Peltier:Novo Nordisk Inc: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Cooper:Novo Nordisk Inc.: Employment. Saad:Novo Nordisk Inc: Employment.

ABSTRACT Background: oromaxillofacial surgical procedures present a unique set of problems both for the surgeon and for the anesthesist. achieving dental occlusion is one of the fundamental aims of most oromaxillofacial procedures. oral intubation precludes this surgical prerequisite of checking dental occlusion. having the tube in the field of surgery is often disturbing for the surgeon too, especially in the patient for whom skull base surgery is planned. nasotracheal intubation is usually contraindicated in the presence of nasal bone fractures seen either in isolation or as a component of le fort fractures. we utilized submental endotracheal intubation in such situations and the experience has been very satisfying.materials and methods: the technique has been used in 20 patients with maxillofacial injuries and those requiring le fort i approach with or without maxillary swing for skull base tumors. initial oral intubation is done with a flexo-metallic tube. a small 1.5 cm incision is given in the submental region and a blunt tunnel is created in the floor of the mouth staying close to the lingual surface of mandible and a small opening is made in the mucosa. the tracheal end of tube is stabilized with magil′s forceps, and the proximal end is brought out through submental incision by using a blunt hemostat taking care not to injure the pilot balloon. at the end of procedure extubation is done through submental location only.results: the technique of submental intubation was used in a series of twenty patients from january 2005 to date. there were fifteen male patients and five female patients with a mean age of twenty seven years (range 10 to 52). seven patients had le fort i osteotomy as part of the approach for skull base surgery. twelve patients had midfacial fractures at the le fort ii level, of which 8 patients in addition had naso-ethomoidal fractures and 10 patients an associated fracture mandible. twelve patients were extubated in the theatre. eight patients had delayed extubation in the post-operative ward between 1 and 3 days postoperatively.conclusion: in conclusion, the submental intubation technique has proved to be a simple solution for many a difficult problem one would encounter during oromaxillofacial surgical procedures. it provides a safe and reliable route for the endotracheal tube during intubation while staying clear of the surgical field and permitting the checking of the dental occlusion, all without causing any significant morbidity for the patient. its usefulness both in the emergency setting and for elective procedures has been proved. the simplicity of the technique with no specialized equipment or technical expertise required makes it especially advantageous. this technique therefore, when used in appropriate cases, allows both the surgeon and the anesthetist deliver a better quality of patient care.

The purpose of this study is to determine and analyze the influence of STIKOM InterStudi promotion strategy to increase brand equity. The concept of promotional strategy according to Lamb, Hair, McDaniel (2001: 146), is a plan for optimal use of elements of advertising, public relations, personal sales and sales promotion ". Brand equity, according to David A. Aaker (1991), is "a series of brand assets and liabilities associated with a brand, its name and symbol, which add or subtract the value of a product or service to the company and / or its customer ". Aaker's definition implies that brand equity can be valuable to the company (company-based brand equity) and to the customer (customer-based brand equity). The approach used in this research is quantitative. The method used is explanative, and the type of research is survey. The population of this study are STIKOM InterStudi students as many as 1154 students and 92 sample students referring to Taro Yamane formula with Purposive Sampling technique. The data are processed by using SPSS 20.0 with Factor Analysis Menu, Alpha Cronbach, Descriptive Statistics and Inferential Statistics then presented in frequency table, mean value and regression analysis. Technique of data collecting done in primary and secondary. Primarily conducted through observation, questionnaire distribution, interview. While the secondary is done through literature and documentation. To analyze the data used Mixed Methods (Mixed Methods). Mixed method research is a good design to use if we try to base on the strength of both quantitative and qualitative data. The design of a mixed methods research design is a procedure for collecting, analyzing, "and mixing" quantitative and qualitative methods in a study or series of studies to understand the research problem (Cresswell & Plano Clark, 2011). The results showed that the promotional strategy undertaken by STIKOM InterStudi had an effect on increasing Brand Equity, but the effect was too low, only 14.3%. While the rest, as much as 85.7% influenced by other factors not examined in this study. Dimensions that have a significant influence in Brand Equity improvement are the dimensions of Word of Mouth (X2), while the other two dimensions: Advertising (X1) and Digital Advertising (X3), partially have no significant effect on Brand Equity STIKOM InterStudi. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah Untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis pengaruh strategi promosi STIKOM InterStudi terhadap peningkatan ekuitas merek. Konsep strategi promosi menurut Lamb, Hair, McDaniel (2001 : 146), adalah rencana untuk penggunaan yang optimal dari elemen-elemen periklanan, hubungan masyarakat, penjualan pribadi dan promosi penjualan”. Sedangkan Brand equity menurut David A. Aaker (1991) adalah “serangkaian asset dan kewajiban (liabilities) merek yang terkait dengan sebuah merek, nama dan simbolnya, yang menambah atau mengurangi nilai yang diberikan sebuah produk atau jasa kepada perusahaan dan /atau pelanggan perusahaan tersebut”. Definisi Aaker menyiratkan bahwa brand equity bisa bernilai bagi perusahaan (company based brand equity) dan bagi konsumen (customer-based brand equity). Pendekatan yang diguanakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kuantitatif. Metode yang digunakan eksplanatif, dan jenis penelitiannya adalah survey. Populasi penelitian ini adalah siswa STIKOM InterStudi sebanyak 1154 siswa dan 92 sampel siswa mengacu pada formula Taro Yamane dengan teknik Purposive Sampling. Data yang diolah dengan menggunakan SPSS 20.0 dengan Factor Analysis Menu, Alpha Cronbach, Statistik Deskriptif dan Statistik Inferensial kemudian disajikan pada tabel frekuensi, nilai mean dan analisis regresi. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan secara primer dan sekunder. Secara primer dilakukan melalui observasi, penyebaran kuesioner, wawancara. Sedangkan secara sekunder dilakukan melalui kepustakaan dan dokumentasi. Untuk menganalisis data digunakan Metode Campuran (Mixed Methods). Penelitian metode campuran adalah suatu rancangan yang baik untuk digunakan jika kita mencoba mendasarkan pada kekuatan data kuantitatif maupun kualitatif. Rancangan penelitian metode campuran (mixed methods research design) adalah suatu prosedur untuk mengumpulkan, menganalisis, “dan mencampur” metode kuantitatif dan kualitatif dalam suatu penelitian atau serangkaian penelitian untuk memahami permasalahan penelitian (Cresswell & Plano Clark, 2011). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa strategi promosi yang dilakukan oleh STIKOM InterStudi berpengaruh dalam meningkatkan Brand Equity, namun pengaruhnya terlalu rendah, hanya memiliki 14,3%. Sedangkan sisanya, sebanyak 85,7% dipengaruhi oleh faktor lain yang tidak diteliti dalam penelitian ini. Dimensi yang memiliki pengaruh signifikan dalam peningkatan Brand Equity adalah dimensi Word of Mouth (X2), sedangkan dua dimensi lainnya: Periklanan (X1) dan Digital Advertising (X3), secara parsial tidak berpengaruh signifikan dalam peningkatan Brand Equity STIKOM InterStudi.

AbstractAs was the case with silversmiths (Note 3), many more cabinet-makers were wcrking in Amsterdam during the second half of the 18th century than in any other city in the Dutch Republic, the names of 195 of them being now known as opposed to 57 in The Hague and 32 in Rotterdam (Note 2). Most of those 195 names have been culled from the few surviving documents of the Guild of St. Joseph in Amsterdam, to which the cabinet-makers belonged (Note 4), supplemented by other sources, such as printed registers of craftsmen and shopkeepers (Note 6). Another important source is the newspaper the Amsterdamsche Courant with its advertisements placed by craftsmen themselves, with notices of sales, bankruptcies, lotteries and annual fairs and with advertisements concerning subsidiary or related trades. Since these advertisements were directed at the consumer, they often contain stylistic descriptions such as are not found elsewhere. Moreover, they aford valuable clues to archival material. Hence an investigation of all the advertisements from the years 1751-1800 has formed the basis for a study of Amsterdam cabinet-making, some results of which are presented here. Such a study is doomed largely to remain theoretical. The records can hardly ever be linked with surviving pieces, as these are virtually always anonymous since Amsterdam cabinet-makers were not required to stamp or sign their work. Moreover, only a few pieces of Dutch 18th-century furniture have a known provenance, so that it is only rarely possible to link a piece with a bill or another document and identify its maker. Thus it is not yet possible to form a reliable picture of a local Amsterdam style, let alone embark on attributions to individual makers (Note 8). In this light special importance may be attached to two commodes of the third quarter of the century which are exceptional in that they bear a signature, that of Andries Bongen (Figs. 1, 2, Notes 10, 11). These commodes, being entirely French-inspired, illustrate a specific and little-known aspect of Amsterdam cabinet-making. French furniture was so sought after in Amsterdam at that period that in 1771 a strict ban was imposed on its importation in order to protect local cabinet-makers (Note 12). It had begun to be imitated even before that and the commodes by Bongen exemplify this development. Andries Bongen, who was probably born in Geldern, south of Cleves and just east of the border of the Dutch Republic, is first recorded in Amsterdam in May 1763 on his marriage to Willemina, daughter of the smith Lambert van der Beek. He registered as a citizen on 5 July 1763 and became a master cabinet-maker some time between March 1763 and March 1764 (Note 19), so that, accordirtg to the Guild regulations, he must previously have trained for two years under an Amsterdam master (Note 20). At the time of his marriage he was living in St. Jorisstraat, but by the end of 1766 he had moved to Spui and between 1769 and 1771 he moved again, to Muiderpleinlje. When he and his wife made their will in 1772, their possessions were worth something under 8000 guilders (Note 23). This suggests that the business was quite flourishing, which seems to be confirmed by the fact that Bongen received a commission from the city of Amsterdam in 1771. Two more pieces were made for the city in 1786 and 1789, but in the latter year Bongen was declared bankrupt. The inventory of his possessions drawn up then (see Appeytdix) shows how parlous his conditions had become, his goods being valued at only 300 guilders. The reference to a shop indicates that Bongen sold his own furniture, although he had no stock to speak of at that point. The mention of eight work-benches, however, sugests that his output had previously been quite large. This is confirmed by the extent of his debts, notably that to the timber merchant Jan van Mekeren (Note 27). Other creditors included 'Rudolfeus Eyk', who probably supplied iron trelliszvork for bookcases and the like (Note 28), and the glass merchants Boswel en Zonen (Note 29) No debtors are listed and the only customer who can tentatively be identified is a 'Heer Hasselaar' who might be Pieter Cornelis Hasselaer (1720-95), several times burgomaster of Amsterdam between 1773 and 1794 (Note 30). Bongen died three years after his bankruptcy, at which time he was living in Nieuwe Looiersstraat. He appears to have continued working as a cabiytet-maker up to his death and his widow probably carried on the business until her own death in 1808, but nothing is known of this later period. The clearest insight into the character of part of Bongen's output is aforded by the advertisement he placed in the Amsterdamsehe Courant of 4 December 1766, describing three pieces of furniture 'in the French manner'. This is the first announcement by an 18th-century Amsterdam cabinet-maker of work in the French style. Bongen mentions two commodes decorated with floral marquetry, a technique which had flourished in Amsterdam in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Note 34), but which had largely fallen into disuse on the advent around 1715 of a more sober type of furniture with plain walnut veneers on the English model (Note 36). In France a form of floral marquetry reappeared in the 1740s, being further developed in the following decade under the influence of Jean-François Oeben (1721-63). From the late 1750s there are indications of the presence of pieces of French marquetry furniture in the new style in Amsterdam (Notes 42, 43). The earliest explicit description of floral marquetry appears in a sale catalogue of 5 June 1765 (Note 44), while in another of 25 March 1766 (Note 46) many French pieces are detailed. Obviously, then, Bongen was endeavouring to capture a share, of this new market. The reappearance of elaborate marquetry on Amsterdam-made furniture was the result of a desire to emulate the French examples. The two commodes described in Bongen's advertisement can be identified with the one now in Amsterdam (Fig.2) and the one sold in London in 1947 (Fig.1). The latter still had more of its original mounts at the time nf the sale (Fig. 4) and the two probably formed a pair originally. The unusual fact that they are signed indicates that Bongen intended them to serve as show-pieces to demonstrate his skill at the beginning of his career (cf. Note 51, for another craftsman from abroad who began his career in Amsterdam by similarly advertising a spectacular piece). The commode in Amsterdam, with all its original mounts, demonstrates most clearly how close Bongen came to French prototypes, although his work has many personal traits nonetheless. In the marquetry the vase on a plinth on the front and the composition of the bouquets on the sides are notable (Fig.5), as are the large, full-blown blooms. The carcase, made entirely of oak, is remarkably well constructed and has a heavy, solid character. The commodes are outstanding for the complete integration of the marquetry and the mounts, in the manner of the finesl French furniture. The mounts presenl a problem, as it is not clear where they were made. They do not appear to be French or English, but one hesitates to attribute them to Amsterdam, as it is clear from documentary material that ornamental furniture-mounts were hardly ever made there in the second half of the 18th century. The mounts advertised by Ernst Meyrink in 1752 (Note 53) were probably still of the plain variety of the early part of the century and there is no further mention of mounts made in Amsterdam in the Amsterdamsche Courant. Once, in 1768, the silversmith J. H. Strixner placed an advertisement which refers to their gilding (Note 55). There is virtually no indication either of French mounts being imported and there is little Dutch furniture of this period that bears mounts which are indisputably French. In contrast to this, a large number of advertisements from as early as 1735 show that many mounts were imported from England, while among English manufacturers who came to sell their wares in Amsterdam were Robert Marshall of London (Note 60), James Scott (Note 61), William Tottie of Rotterdam (Note 62), whose business was continued after his death by Klaas Pieter Sent (Note 64), and H. Jelloly, again of Rotterdam (Notes 66, 67). It seems surprising that in a period when the French style reigned supreme so many mounts were imported from England, but the English manufacturers, mainly working in Birmingham, produced many mounts in the French style, probably often directed expressly at foreign markets. On the two commodes by Bongen only the corner mounts and the handles are of types found in the trade-catalogues of the English manufacturers (Figs. 7, 8, Notes 65, 70). The corner mounts are of a common type also found on French furniture (Note 71), so they doubtless copy a French model. The remaining mounts, however, are the ones which are so well integrated with the marquetry and these are not found elsewhere. Recently a third commode signed by Bongen has come to light, of similar character to the first two (Fig.3). Here all the mounts are of types found in the catalogues (Figs.7-10, Note 72). Apparently Bongen could not, or did not choose to, obtain the special mounts any more, although he clearly wanted to follow the same design (Fig. 6). This third commode was undoubtedly made somewhal later than the other two. The marquetry on it is the best preserved and it is possible to see how Bongen enlivened it with fine engraving. Because this piece is less exceptional, it also allows us to attribute some unsigned pieces to Bongen on the basis of their closeness to it, namely a commode sold in London in 1962 (Fig.11, Note 73) and two smaller, simpler commodes, which may originally have formed a pair, one sold in London in 1967 (Fig.12, Nole 74) and the other in a Dutch private collection (Figs.13, 14). The first one has a highly original marquetry decoration of a basket of flowers falling down. On the sides of this piece, and on the front of the two smaller ones, are bouquets tied with ribbons. These were doubtless influenced by contemporary engravings, but no direct models have been identified. The construction of the commode in the Netherlands tallies completely with tltat of the signed example in Amsterdam. The mounts are probably all English, although they have not all been found in English catalogues (Fig.15, Note 76). A seventh commode attributable to Bongen was sold in Switzerland in 1956 (Fig.16, Note 77). It is unusual in that walnut is employed as the background for the floral marquetry, something virtually unknown in Paris, but not uncommon on German work of French inspiration (Note 78). That commodes constitute the largest group among the furniture in the French style attributable to Bongen should cause no surprise, for the commode was the most sought after of all the pieces produced by the ébénistes not only in France, but all over Europe. Two other pieces which reveal Bongen's hand are two tables which look like side-tables, but which have fold-out tops to transform them into card-tables, a type seldom found in France, but common in England and the Netherlands (Note 80). One is at Bowhill in Scotland (Figs.17, 19, 20), the other was sold in London in 1972 (Fig.18, Note 79). The corner mounts on the Bowhill table, which probably also graced the other one originally, are the same as those on the two small commodes, while the handles are again to be found in an English catalogue (Fig.21, Note 81). What sounds like a similar card-table was sold at auction in Amsterdam in 1772 (Note 82). In Bongen's advertisement of 1766 mention is also made of a secretaire, this being the first appearance of this term in the Amsterdamsche Courant and Bongen finding it necessary to define it. No secretaire is known that can be attributed to him. A medal-cabinet in the form of a secretaire in Leiden (Figs.22, 23) hasfloral marquetry somewhat reminiscent of his work, but lacking its elegance, liveliness and equilibrium. Here the floral marquetry is combined with trompe l'oeil cubes and an interlaced border, early Neo-Classical elements which were first employed in France in the 1750s, so that this piece represents a later stage than those attributable to Bongen, which are all in a pure Louis xvstyle. Virtually identical in form to the medal-cabinet is a secretaire decorated solely with floral marquetry (Fig. 24, Note 87). This also appears not to be by Bongen, but both pieces may have been made under his influence. The picture we can form of Bongen's work on the basis of the signed commodes is clearly incomplete. His secretaire was decorated with '4 Children representing Trade', an exceptionally modern and original idea in 1766 even by French standards (Note 88). His ambitions in marquetry obviously wentfar beyondflowers, but no piece has yet beenfound which evinces this, nor is anything known of the Neo-Classical work which he may have produced after this style was introduced in Amsterdam around 1770. Bongen may perhaps have been the first Amsterdam cabinet-maker to produce marquetry furniture in the French style, but he was not to remain the only one. In 1771 and 1772 furniture in both the Dutch and French mode was advertised for sale at the Kistenmakerspand in Kalverstraat, where all furniture-makers belonging to the Guild of St. Joseph could sell their wares (Note 89). The 'French' pieces were probably decorated with marquetry. Only a small number of cabinet-makers are known to have worked in this style, however. They include Arnoldus Gerritsen of Rheestraat, who became a master in 1769 and sold his stock, including a 'small French inlaid Commode', in 1772, and Johan Jobst Swenebart (c.1747 - active up to 1806 or later), who became a master in 1774 and advertised in 1775 that he made 'all sorts of choice Cabinet- and Flower-works', the last term referring to furniture decorated with floral marquetry. Not only French types of furniture, but also traditional Dutch pieces were now decorated with French-inspired marquetry,for example a collector's cabinet advertised in 1775 by Johan Jacob Breytspraak (c.1739-95), who had become a master in 1769-70; a bureau-bookcase, a form introduced in the first half of the century probably under English influence (Note 100), exhibited in 1772 (Note 99); and a display cabinet for porcelain supplied, though not necessarily made, by Pieter Uylenburg en Zoon in 1775 (Notes 101, 102). Even long-case clocks were enriched with marquetry, witness the one advertised by the clock-maker J. H. Kühn in 1775 and another by him which was sold by auction in Edam in 1777 (Note 104). The latter was, like the bureau-bookcase exhibited in 1772, decorated with musical instruments, again a motif borrowed from France, where it was used increasingly from the 1760s onwards (Note 105). A clock signed by the Amsterdam clock-maker J. George Grüning also has a case with marquetry of musical instruments. This must date from about 1775-80, but its maker is unknown (Fig. 25, Notes 106, 107). All four of the Amsterdam cabinet-makers known to have done marquetry around 1770 came from Germany and all were then only recently established in Amsterdam. In fact half of the 144 Amsterdam cabinet-makers working in the second half of the 18th century whose origins it has been possible to trace came from Germany, so the German element was even stronger there than in Paris, where Germans comprised about a third of the ébénistes (Note 108) and where they had again played an important role in the revival of marquetry. None qf the four in Amsterdam was exclusively concerned with marquetry. Indeed, for some of them it may only have been a secondary aspect of their work. This was not true of Bongen, but he too made plain pieces, witness the four mahogany gueridons he made for the city of Amsterdam in 1771 or the two cupboards also made for the city in 1786 and 1789 (Notes 111, 112).No marquetry is listed in his inventory either. Perhaps fashions had changed by the time of his bankruptcy. Such scant knowledge as we have of Amsterdam cabinet-making between 1775 and 1785 certainly seems to suggest this. In the descriptions of the prizes for furraiture-lotteries, such as took place regularly from 1773 onwards (Note 114), marquetry is mentioned in 1773 and 1775 (Notes 115, 116), but after that there is no reference to itfor about tenyears. Nor is there any mention of marquetry in the very few cabinet-makers' advertisements of this period. When the clock-maker Kühn again advertised long-case clocks in 1777 and 1785, the cases were of carved mahogany (Notes 121, 122). Certainly in France the popularity of marquetry began to wane shortly before 1780 and developments in the Netherlands were probably influenced by this. Towards the end of the 1780s, however, pieces described as French and others decorated with 'inlaid work' again appear as prizes in lotteries, such as those organized by Johan Frederik Reinbregt (active 1785-95 or later), who came from Hanover (Note 128), and Swenebart. The latter advertised an inlaid mahogany secretaire in 1793 (Note 132) and similar pieces are listed in the announcement of the sale of the stock of Jean-Matthijs Chaisneux (c.1734-92), one of a small group of French upholsterers first mentioned in Amsterdam in the 1760s, who played an important part in the spread of French influence there (Note 134). In this later period, however, reference is only made to French furniture when English pieces are also mentioned, so a new juxtaposition is implied and 'French' need not mean richly decorated with marquetry as it did in the 1760s. In fact the marquetry of this period was probably of a much more modest character. A large number of pieces of Dutch furniture in the late Neo-Classical style are known, generally veneered with rosewood or mahogany, where the marquetry is confined to trophies, medallions on ribbons, geometric borders and suchlike. A sideboard in the Rijksmuseum is an exceptionally fine and elaborately decorated example of this light and elegant style (Fig. 26) None of this furniture is known for certain to have been made in Amsterdam, but two tobacco boxes with restrained marquetry decoration (Fig.27, Note 136) were made in Haarlem in 1789 by Johan Gottfried Fremming (c.1753-1832) of Leipzig, who had probably trained in Amsterdam and whose style will not have differed much from that current in the capital. Boxes of this type are mentioned in the 1789 inventory of the Amsterdam cabinet-maker Johan Christiaan Molle (c.1748-89) as the only pieces decorated with inlay (Note 138). In the 1792 inventory of Jacob Keesinger (active 1764-92) from Ziegenhain there are larger pieces of marquetry furniture as well (Note 139), but they are greatly in the minority, as is also the case with a sale of cabinet-makers' wares held in 1794 (Note 141), which included a book-case of the type in Fig.28 (Note 142). Similarly the 1795 inventory of Johan Jacob Breytspraak, one of the most important and prosperous cabinet-makers of the day, contains only a few marquetry pieces (Note 144). The 1793 inventory of Hendrik Melters (1720-93) lists tools and patterns for marquetry, but no pieces decorated with it (Note 145). Melters seems to have specialized in cases for long-case clocks, the Amsterdam clock-maker Rutgerus van Meurs (1738-1800) being one of his clients (Note 146). The cases of clocks signed by Van Meurs bear only simple marquetry motifs (Note 147). The Dutch late Neo-Classical furniture with restrained marquetry decoration has no equivalent in France; it is more reminiscent of English work (Note 148). The pattern-books of Hepplewhite and Sheraton undoubtedly found their way to the Dutch Republic and the 'English' furniture mentioned in Amsterdam sources from 1787 probably reflected their influence. However, the introduction of the late, restrained Neo-Classical style in furniture was not the result of English influence alone. Rather, the two countries witnessed a parallel development. In England, too, marquetry was re-introduced under French influence around 1760 and it gradually became much simpler during the last quarter of the century, French influences being amalgamated into a national style (Notes 150, 151). On the whole, the Frertch models were followed more closely in the Netherlands than in England. Even at the end of the century French proportions still very much influenced Dutch cabinet-making. Thus the typically Dutch late Neo-Classical style sprang from a combirtation of French and English influences. This makes it difficult to understand what exactly was meant by the distinction made between ;French' and 'English' furniture at this time. The sources offer few clues here and this is even true of the description of the sale of the stock of the only English cabinet-maker working in Amsterdam at this period, Joseph Bull of London, who was active between 1787 and 1792, when his goods were sold (Notes 155, 156).

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationships between five characteristics of social shoppers’ online reviews (the number of all reviews made by a reviewer, the number of friends of a reviewer, the review score, the number of review words, and images/photos) and the usefulness, funniness, and coolness to viewers for the restaurant businesses and the health and wellness businesses.Design/methodology/approachA sample of 1,114 online reviews of social shoppers was collected from Yelp.com. A zero-inflated Poisson regression was used due to a high number of zero votes in the dependent variables for usefulness, funniness, and coolness. The regression identified the review characteristics that are strongly associated with the number of usefulness, funniness, and coolness votes made by viewers.FindingsThe analysis shows that for the health and wellness businesses, all three dependent variables (usefulness, funniness, and coolness) have the number of reviews, the number of friends, and the number of words as significant independent variables. The results indicate that a reviewer who has more friends and is more experienced in giving reviews is likely to be more influential in generating a perceived value of the online review. The analysis also shows that all three dependent variables of the restaurant businesses have the number of words as a significant independent variable. It is found that there is a negative relationship between the review score and the usefulness votes for both restaurant businesses and health and wellness businesses. The effect of the review score on the coolness votes was not consistent.Research limitations/implicationsThis study is the first research attempt in understanding social shoppers’ online reviews and their usefulness, funniness, and coolness to viewers, and therefore makes significant contributions to research and practice. The comparison was made between restaurant businesses and health and wellness businesses. The result indicates that for the health and wellness businesses, managers need to pay attention to social shoppers with a high number of friends and high number of words in a review. It is also noted that it is necessary to analyze review characteristics separately for each business type. However, as is typical in many empirical studies, this study is not without limitations. While the author limited the analysis of social shoppers’ online reviews to the five characteristics, additional variables may influence the number of votes, too. This study is limited to social shoppers’ reviews and the findings may not be generalized to regular customers’ online reviews. Future research should also examine whether similar results can be obtained at other review sites such as TripAdvisor and Zagat.Originality/valueDespite the potential significance of social shoppers’ online reviews, the critical mass of empirical studies still lacks in this area. For a more comprehensive interpretation of review characteristics, this study develops hypotheses based on the literature review on electronic word of mouth and source credibility models and investigates the effect of the five review characteristics on the viewers’ perceived usefulness, funniness, and coolness. Unlike previous studies focused on a single business type, this study compares the results obtained for restaurant businesses and health and wellness businesses and demonstrates that viewers in each business type respond differently to social shoppers’ online reviews.

ABSTRACT Sedimentary logs form the foundation of many studies of ancient and modern sedimentary successions. In siliciclastic settings in particular, vertical grain-size trends are important records of past depositional processes and environments, so that they are recorded with care and are often central to final interpretations. It is rare for the actual grain size to play a similar role. Yet there is significant value in (i) digitizing sedimentary logs to produce statistical grain-size data and (ii) the deliberate study of grain size, a process described here as “grain-size bookkeeping.” To illustrate this, over 5.9 km of sedimentary logs have been digitized from the Miocene to Pliocene paleo–Orinoco delta, the Cretaceous Ferron Last Chance and Notom deltas, and the Jurassic Ravenscar Group. The digital data reveal how grain size partitions into distinct sedimentary facies, proximal-to-distal changes, changes related to stratigraphy and base level, and the overall grain size of paralic systems. It emerges that fluvio-distributary channels are the coarsest-grained sediment bodies in each of the studied systems. The coarsest material does not reach the shoreline, though the grain sizes of fluvio-distributary channels and shoreline sand bodies overlap, in accordance with the concept that the former feeds the later. By contrast, overbank sediments are relatively fine-grained, suggesting that, with the exception of channel belts, coarse sediment can largely bypass the delta plain. Grain-size changes occur across some key stratigraphic surfaces, but not consistently so. Channels in valleys are, on average, coarser than similar channels in unconfined systems, but, in the presented datasets, valleys do not contain the coarsest channels. The data have also allowed the analysis of down-system fining rates in ancient, sandy fluvio-distributary systems, with grain size being measured to decrease at rates ranging from 0.7 to 7.7 μm/km—values that compare favorably with modern rivers. Such large-scale trends are ornamented by, and link to, smaller-scale spatial changes associated with, for example, channel bars, crevasses, and mouth bars, and an initial dataset of associated fining rates has been collected. In general, very large systems (rivers) have low fining rates because of their great size, whereas the converse is true for small systems, especially if the grain size range is large. Consideration of downstream fining rates has led to the insight that avulsion initiates an unequal race to the shoreline. Suspended very fine sand and silt is likely to reach the shoreline with the avulsion flood waters, but bedload will advance far more slowly, perhaps too slowly to reach the shoreline before the river avulses again. Some avulsions may lead to notable temporal variations in the caliber of sediment supplied to shorelines. As expected, the largest system, the paleo-Orinoco, is the finest grained. The Ferron deltas have catchment areas 12 and 22 times smaller than the Orinoco, and are the coarsest grained. Remarkably, though their catchment areas differ by a factor of two, they have almost identical sand grain-size distributions. The data have also proved powerful in refining paleogeographic reconstructions, in particular suggesting “missing” depositional elements needed to complete local sediment routing systems. Careful tracking of grain size is also beneficial in that it is a key control on permeability, the description of which is crucial to the prediction of subsurface fluid flow.

Purpose. Experimental phonetics is a fundamental source of typological reconstructions. It provides plausible data on the phonetic processes progressing in a language, dialect, or subdialect. In this paper, we compare the results of MRI-investigation of the sound a (it being the most frequently used in the Turkic languages) in related though quite distant languages: Baraba-Tatar, Altai (Ust-Khan subdialect) and Bashkir (Eastern dialect). Thus, the purpose of our study is to distinguish the articulatory traits of the a-type sound in the Barabian, Altai and Bashkir languages under different positional and combinatory conditions as a result of somatic experimental-phonetic research. Magnetic-resonance imaging (MRI) of the vocal tunings was done from the native speakers of the three languages: Baraba-Tatar, Altai, and Bashkir. The static MRI images comprising a-type articulations were selected from the obtained database. The somatic analysis of the linguistic material was conducted in accordance with the technique practiced in the V. M. Nadelyayev’s Laboratory of Experimental-Phonetic Researches (IP SB RAS). Sound tomograms have been analyzed and interpreted, tomoschemes are presented for the visualization purpose. In total, 17 tomograms have been described. The authors have processed the linguistic and experimental material on three Turkic idioms and made a number of important conclusions. 1. A-type sound is realized in the back row words in the languages under consideration, which coincides with the supposition about Turkic vowel harmony suggested earlier. 2. In all languages under investigation the general tuning of the sound a is similar: it is central-back. But what makes it unique for every language is its additional characteristics. For example, in Barabian the phoneme /ʌ̇˘/ can be realized in pharyngealized, nasalized and labialized variants, while the Ust-Khan phoneme /ʌ̇/ is the most unified one (nonnasalized, rarely labialized and pharyngealized). The Eastern Bashkirian phoneme /ɤ̇/ resembles the Baraba-Tatar phoneme in many aspects. 3. The statement (based on the perceptive analysis) about the use of more open and in some senses more backward, laryngeal and even pharyngealized sound a in some sub-dialects of the Eastern dialect of Bashkir did not turn out to be correct. According to the experimental data, all eastern Bashkir tunings appear to be central-back strongly shifted forward, i.e. the tongue does not move backward too much. Regarding the mouth openness, all variants of the Eastern Bashkirian sound a are half narrow (the third level of openness), and in some cases they can even be said to be narrow (the second level). 4. Despite the territorial closeness of Altai (Ust-Khan sub-dialect) and Baraba-Tatar, the comparative analysis of the articulatory peculiarities of the vocal tunings under discussion revealed close correlation between Barabian and Eastern Bashkirian realizations of sound a. It might be accounted for by similar ways of their development (both of historical and immanent character) as well as by the literary Tatar language and its dialects influence on Baraba-Tatar (an intensive wave of immigrants from the Volga-Ural region into Baraba Steppe where Baraba-Tartars had been historically living was recorded in the beginning of the 20th century). To sum up, the further investigation of all vocal system units is necessary to make final conclusions about typological likelihood or diversity of the languages under consideration.

The New Zealand hospitality workforce is young; most are between 18 and 24 years old and attracted by the ease with which they can get work in a bar or restaurant. The work suits them; it is dynamic and easy to find, but many have no intention of staying in the industry. Hence, staff shortages and turnover are a constant problem for employers. However, the solution is not as difficult as one might imagine.
 This study identified why there are so few older workers in the New Zealand hotel industry after interviewing 44 managers and older workers in New Zealand hotels and looking at Human Resources (HR) policies, recruitment methods, and selection criteria. The hotel industry was found to be discriminatory towards older job seekers in both principle and practice, even though some companies’ policies appeared to address age discrimination. Interview data from the HR managers suggested older workers had the characteristics they were looking for, yet they were not specifically recruiting them.
 Recommendations arising from the study focus around changing attitudes at senior level so older workers are perceived as potential employees. Recruitment processes need to be checked to make sure they do not disadvantage older job seekers, and senior managers need to be objective and consider the skills, abilities, and attitudes of older job seekers. Either of these simple changes could be made through training or well-supported policy and would positively affect the age profile and turnover of the industry’s workforce.
 Practical suggestions also include using older workers to mentor younger workers to promote communication across an age diverse workforce and allowing older workers to demonstrate and share their knowledge and experience. Combining older and younger workers in work teams may also help remove barriers by allowing older workers to impart some of their values through frequent interactions and working towards a common work goal. In-house training programmes may also help educate staff at all levels about the benefits of diverse workgroups.
 Data from this and prior studies show that older people are ideal employees where good work attitudes [1] and well-developed soft skills [2] are important. Interestingly, prior research also shows that policy does not prevent discrimination, as it is too easily ignored. Recruitment methods such as ‘Seek’, Twitter, MyJobSpace.co.nz and word-of-mouth recruitment are discriminatory because they favour young people and act as barriers against the employment of older workers.
 Older recruits have much to offer, but in practice, their potential for employment is being restricted by recruiters’ attitudes, as managers’ views are more influential than policy. The challenge, therefore, is not so much in what needs to change, but how to make changes to reduce or eliminate discrimination in hotels against older job seekers.
 More information about this study is in the original article [3], which can be obtained from the authors.
 Corresponding author
 Jill is an Associate Professor at the Auckland University of Technology, where she studies a wide range of ethical issues in hospitality, such as sexual harassment, discrimination, and ethical food consumption. Prior to this, she worked in hospitality management, which included two roles as a General Manager. She currently teaches leadership to postgraduate students, and supervises student research projects.
 Jill Poulston can be contacted at: jill.poulston@aut.ac.nz
 References
 (1) Ng, T. W. H.; Feldman, D. C. The Relationships of Age with Job Attitudes: A Meta-analysis. Personnel Psychology 2010, 63(3), 677–718. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-6570.2010.01184.x
 (2) Sissons, P.; Jones, K. Lost in Transition?; The Work Foundation: Lancaster, U.K., 2012.
 (3) Poulston, J.; Jenkins, A. Barriers to the Employment of Older Hotel Workers in New Zealand. Journal of Human Resources in Hospitality & Tourism 2016, 15(1), 45–68.

The article discusses the earliest, mostly lost works known only through archival photographs, and the early preserved works by Rudolf Valdec (8 March 1872, Krapina – 1 February 1929, Zagreb) who, apart from RobertFrangeš-Mihanović, was Croatia’s first modern sculptor. These works were created upon Valdec’s return from studying at Vienna and Munich, in the period between 1896 to 1898, that is, prior to the exhibition CroatianSalon where they were displayed. The findings about his earliest, previously unknown, works have been gathered through research in archives and old journal articles which mention them. At the same time, Valdec’s early works are not only well-known but famous, for example the relief Love, the Sister of Death (Ljubav sestra smrti, 1897), Magdalena (1898) and Memento Mori (1898). These reliefs and sculptures in the round demonstrate Valdec’s skill in sculptoral modelling and provide evidence that he was a sculptor of good technical knowledge andcraftsmanship. They also show the thoroughness of his education at Vienna’s K. K. Kunstgewerbeschule des Österreichischen Museums für Kunst und Industrie where he studied under Professor August Kühne, and at the Königliche Bayerische Akademie der bildenden Künste in Munich where he was supervised by Professor Syrius Eberle. It is difficult to follow Rudolf Valdec’s continuity as a sculptor because his student works have not been preserved and neither have some of the earliest works he made when he returned to Zagreb. Only a small number of previously unknown or unpublished photographs have been found which show the works which have been irretrievably lost. These works of unknowndimensions were not signed and are therefore considered as preparatory studies for more large-scale works from the earliest phase of his career. These are the reliefs of Apollo made for the pediments of the Pavilion of the Arts (Umjetnički paviljon) at Zagreb which was designed by Floris Korb and Kálmán Giergl, the Hungarian historicist architects, to house the Croatian displays at the Millenial Exhibition at Budapest in 1896. A year later, in 1897, the iron frame of the pavilion was transported to Zagreb.The bid to carry out the work was won by the Viennese architects Herman Helmer and Ferdinand Fellner, but the actual construction was done by the Zagreb architects Leo Hönisberg and Julio Deutsch under thesupervision of the city’s engineer Milan Lenuci. Valdec was entrusted with the making of reliefs illustrating the hymn to Apollo (Apollo of Delphi, Apollo Pythoctonos, and Apollo Musagetes). These three bas-reliefs werenever affixed to the pediments of the Pavilion of the Arts because the City Council did not authorize the execution due to a lack of funds. However, they were displayed at the Millenial Exhibition at Budapest and the Croatian Salon in 1898, and contemporary critics praised them as successful works of the young Valdec. The first relief depicts the Apollo of Delphi (hymn to Apollo) holding a severed head in his raised left hand. The second relief depicts Apollo Musagetes next to a shoot of a laurel tree(the symbol of Daphne) with a lyre in his left hand. The third relief shows Apollo Pythoctonos who, in a dynamic movement, is stringing his silver bow and shooting an arrow into the gaping mouth of a fire-breathing dragon.In his youth, Valdec produced works which embodied fear, anxiety, pessimism, restlessness and bitterness, all corresponding to the general tendencies of the fin de siècle. In 1899 he made Pessimism (Pesimizam), a work only known through its mention in the press by the critic M. Nikolić. Many other youthful works from the period between 1885 to 1889 have also been lost. These were: Passion, Christ, and Love (Muka, Krist, and Ljubav, 1896-1896) which were displayed at the Millenial Exhibitionin Budapest, Altar of the Saviour (Spasiteljev žrtvenik), Lucifer, Per Aspera ad Astra, Kiss (Cjelov), Christ Salvator (Krist Salvator), Hymn to Apollo (Apolonova himna), Apollo Phoebus (Apolon Phoebus), Ridi Pagliaccio, and Jesus (Isus). Our research has yielded photographs of theworks Per Aspera ad Astra and Christ Salvator, both of 1898. All the work from his youthful phase is in the Art Nouveau style, in harmony with the dominant stylistic trends in Vienna, Munich and central Europe, which,unsurprisingly, attracted Valdec too. In his desire to express his feelings and spiritual condition, as can be seen in the works like Per Aspera ad Astra, Valdec reveals the stamp of the Art Nouveau symbolism.Although Valdec’s earliest and a number of his early works have mostly been lost, those that have been preserved are made of plaster and bronze (now at the Collection of Plaster Casts of the Croatian Academy ofArts and Sciences in Zagreb), and belong to the most significant works of Croatian modern sculpture. The works in question are the relief sculptures Love, the Sister of Death (1897), Memento Mori (1898) and Magdalena(1898). The relief Love, the Sister of Death represents the first example of symbolism and stylization which were a novelty in modern sculpture in Croatia. The relief of Magdalena is, regardless of the fierce criticism on account of its nudity published by the priest S. Korenić in Glas koncila, a master-piece not only because it represents an excellent nude but also because of the psychological and philosophical expression it radiates. It is one of the best reliefs in Croatian sculpture in general. The relief Memento Mori features the first and only example of Valdec’s self-portrait rendered in profile, in which he depicted himself as a fool. The busts of Plato (Platon) and Aristotle (Aristotel) are considered to be first portraitscommissioned by Iso Kršnjavi. They were made in 1898 and set up on the wings of the building which housed the seat of the Department of Theology and Teaching in 10 Opatička Street, at the head of which was Kršnjavi. Valdec made the busts of these two Greek philosophers in the style of Roman naturalistic portraits.

The university in Vilna (Lithuanian: Vilnius), now Vilniaus universitetas, founded in 1579 by Stefan Batory (Stephen Báthory), King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania, was a centre of Polish botany in 1780-1832 and 1919-1939. The Botanic Garden established by Jean-Emmanuel Gilibert (1741–1814) in 1781 (or, actually, from 1782) survived the loss of independence by Poland (1795), and a later closure of the University (1832), and it continued to function until 1842, when it was shut down by Russian authorities. After Poland had regained independence and the University was reopened as the Stefan Batory University (SBU), its Botanic Garden was established on a new location (1919, active since 1920). It survived as a Polish institution until 1939. After the Second World War, as a result of changed borders, it found itself in the Soviet Union, and from 1990 – in the Republic of Lithuania. A multidisciplinary research project has been recently launched with the aim to create a publication on the history of science at the Stefan Batory University. The botanical part of the project includes, among others, drafting the history of the Botanic Garden. Obtaining electronic copies of archival documents, e.g. annual reports written by the directors, enabled a more thorough analysis of the Garden’s history. Piotr Wiśniewski (1884–1971), a plant physiologist, nominated as Professor in the Department of General Botany on 1 June 1920, was the organiser and the first director of the Garden. He resigned from his post in October 1923, due to financial problems of the Garden. From October 1923 to April 1924, the management was run by the acting director, Edward Bekier (1883–1945), Professor in the Department of Physical Chemistry, Dean of the Faculty of Mathematics and Natural Sciences. For 13 subsequent years, i.e. from 1 May 1924 to 30 April 1937, the directorship of the Garden was held by Józef Trzebiński (1867–1941), a mycologist and one of the pioneers of phytopathology in Poland, Head of the Department of Botany II (Agricultural Botany), renamed in 1926 as the Department of Plant Taxonomy, and in 1937 – the Department of Taxonomy and Geography of Plants. From May 1937 to 1939, his successor as director was Franciszek Ksawery Skupieński (1888–1962), a researcher of slime moulds. Great credit for the development of the Garden is due to the Inspector, i.e. Chief Gardener, Konstanty Prószyński (Proszyński) (1859–1936) working there from 1919, through his official nomination in 1920, until his death. He was an amateur-naturalist, a former landowner, who had lost his property. Apart from the work on establishing and maintaining the Garden’s collection, as well as readying seeds for exchange, he published one mycological paper, and prepared a manuscript on fungi, illustrated by himself, containing descriptions of the new species. Unfortunately, this work was not published for lack of funds, and the prepared material was scattered. Some other illustrations of flowering plants drawn by Prószyński survived. There were some obstacles to the further development of the institution, namely substantially inadequate funds as well as too few members of the personnel (1–3 gardeners, and 1–3 seasonal workers). The area of the Garden, covering approx. 2 hectares was situated on the left bank of the Neris river (Polish: Wilia). It was located on sandy soils of a floodplain, and thus liable to flooding. These were the reasons for the decision taken in June 1939 to move the Garden to a new site but the outbreak of the Second World War stood in the way. Despite these disadvantageous conditions, the management succeeded in setting up sections of plants analogous to these established in other botanical gardens in Poland and throughout the world, i.e. general taxonomy (1922), native flora (1922), psammophilous plants (1922), cultivated plants (1924/1925), plant ecology (1927/1928), alpinarium (1927–1929), high-bog plants (1927–1929), and, additionally – in the 1920s – the arboretum, as well as sections of aquatic and bog plants. A glasshouse was erected in 1926–1929 to provide room for plants of warm and tropical zones. The groups representing the various types of vegetation illustrated the progress in ecology and phytosociology in the science of the period (e.g. in the ecology section, the Raunkiaer’s life forms were presented). The number of species grown increased over time, from 1,347 in 1923/1924 to approx. 2,800 in 1936/1937. Difficult weather conditions – the severe winter of 1928 as well as the snowless winter and the dry summer of 1933/34 contributed to the reduction of the collections. The ground collections, destroyed by flood in spring of 1931, were restored in subsequent years. Initially, the source of plant material was the wild plant species collected during field trips. Many specimens were also obtained from other botanical gardens, such as Warsaw and Cracow (Kraków). Beginning from 1923, printed catalogues of seeds offered for exchange were published (cf. the list on p. ... ). Owing to that, the Garden began to participate in the national and international plant exchange networks. From its inception, the collection of the Garden was used for teaching purposes, primarily to the students of the University, as well as for the botanical education of schoolchildren and the general public, particularly of the residents of Vilna. Scientific experiments on phytopathology were conducted on the Garden’s plots. After Vilna was incorporated into Lithuania in October 1939, the Lithuanian authorities shut down the Stefan Batory University, thus ending the history of the Polish Botanic Garden. Its area is now one of the sections of the Vilnius University Botanic Garden (“Vingis” section – Vilniaus universiteto botanikos sodas). In 1964, its area was extended to 7.35 hectares. In 1974, after establishing the new Botanic Garden in Kairenai to the east of Vilnius, the old Garden lost its significance. Nevertheless, it still serves the students and townspeople of Vilnius, and its collections of flowering plants are often used to decorate and grace the university halls during celebrations.

The Javanese War was the event of the greatest resistance of the Javanese against the colonial authorities. As the last form of 'old order' resistance, the Java War witnessed the disarmament of the southern central Java palaces when their territories in eastern countries were finally annexed (1830-1831) (Houben 1994: 17-72). At the end of the war, Dutch control of Java was still unchallenged. Their role only ended 112 years later (1830-1942). That, too, was in the hands of the Japan (March 9, 1942), disputing only one day with the day when Diponegoro entered the city of Magelang to conduct a "peace negotiation" (March 8-28, 1830) with De Kock (Carey 2014: 338).
 In the Java war, Javanese identity became a key factor in the enthusiasm of Diponegoro's supporters like Meiji Restoration in Japan. Besides upholding the dignity of the Islamic religion, restoration of Javanese values in particular was a key priority, which also encouraged enmity towards non-Javanese during the war, especially to the Netherlands. The alliance of knights (ksatria) and muslim students (santri) built by Diponegoro has inspired a five-year war that seeks social support that is very broad and unique with religious fervor. Even after the Java War, the Dutch regarded the holy war clothing as a symbol of subversion crime for Javanese aristocrats (Carey, 2017: 166). The last remnants of the Diponegaran family were removed from the palace. This means, the Dutch Colonial continued to try to separate the Diponegaran breed from the religious scholars (Ulama), keeping the remaining Diponegoro knights from the santri network scattered in various parts of Java.
 This paper will explore the network of Diponegoro ulama-santri (scholars-students), although many of the characters have already been mentioned. Also provides another perspective in reading differences of opinion and strategy from Diponegoro and Kyai Mojo along with a network of ulama-santri in building an Islamic Balad (region/city/land), which in essence has the same goal, namely to synergize Islam and the order of society, to construct an Islamic Nationality which was later in the hands of Hadratus Syekh Hasyim Asy'ari and other scholars succeeded in being built to uphold the Republic of Indonesia. Then, who continues the restoration of the glory of Islam in Java and connects with it outside Java? Of course it cannot be explained by exposing its descendants who for nearly a century were chased and lived in coincidence because they were hunted down by the Dutch Colonial.
 One thing that was instilled by Diponegoro was that he did not see any inherent conflict between the Javanese spiritual realm and its position as part of the world's Muslims, whose centers were in Hijaz (Saudi Arabia) and Ottoman Turkey. Therefore, it is not a coincidence that the ulama or the santri community then built a network in Haramain throughout the Ottoman Mufti in the Hijaz, which would later be known by the Javanese community (jama'ah al Jawiyyin) which led to the emergence of figures such as Hadratus Syekh Hasyim Asy’ari. The existence of Hasyim Asy'ari opened the veil of how his scientific network was connected with his struggle network to the paramilitary forces of the Diponegoro ulama-santri and knights also connected with other archipelago (nusantara) scholars, even worldwide, as well as connecting to sanad (scientific continuity) to previous scholars. Therefore, going through the network and sanad is very important to fade the awesome power of the spirit of Islam in building national values in Indonesia, which is different from the building of nationalism in Western countries. The spirit of Islam is inherited and maintained in the network and sanad of the scholars who succeeded in forming a unique Islamic character in Indonesia. The Diponegoro ulama network has become a crucial point in the progress of Nusantara's ulama-santri in caring for Islamic traditions in the nusantara and widespread throughout the Nusantara in mecca. Their works have become the main reference for learning systems in surau, pesantren and madrasa to date. The works are a historical legacy which is the mouth of cosmology of thought, the dynamics of knowledge and the accumulation of the culture of Jawi scholars and pesantren in this country.
 Tulisan ini akan mengeksplorasi jaringan ulama santri Diponegoro, meskipun dalam tokoh-tokohnya telah banyak disinggung. Juga memberikan perspektif lain dalam membaca perbedaan pendapat dan strategi dari Diponegoro dan Kyai Mojo berikut jejaring ulama santrinya dalam membangun Balad Islam, yang pada intinya memiliki tujuan sama, yaitu mensinergikan Islam dan tatanan masyarakat, mengkonstruk sebuah Islam Kebangsaan yang di kemudian hari di tangan Hadratus Syekh Hasyim Asy’ari dan para ulama lainya berhasil dibangun untuk menegakkan NKRI. Lantas, siapakah yang melanjutkan restorasi kejayaan Islam di Jawa dan mengkoneksikannya dengan luar Jawa? Tentu saja tidak dapat dijelaskan dengan mengungkap para keturunannya yang selama hampir seabad dikejar-kejar dan hidup dalam keterhimpitan karena diburu Kolonial Belanda.
 Satu hal yang ditanamkan Diponegoro adalah ia tidak melihat ada konflik yang melekat antara alam spiritual Jawa dan kedudukannya sebagai bagian dari umat Islam di dunia, yang pusat-pusatnyya berada di Hijaz (Arab Saudi) dan Turki Usmani. Oleh karena itu, bukan suatu kebetulan para ulama atau kalangan santri kemudian membangun jaringan di Haramain dalam penjuru para mufti Turki Usmani di Hijaz, yang nantinya dikenal komunitas Jawa (jama’ah al Jawiyyin) yang berujung munculnya tokoh seperti Hadratus Syekh Hasyim Asy’ari. Keberadaan Hasyim Asy’ari membuka tabir betapa jejaring keilmuannya bersambung dengan jejaring perjuangannya ke laskar para santri dan ksatria Diponegoro juga terhubung dengan ulama nusantara lainnya, bahkan telah mendunia, sekaligus menghubungkan pada sanad kepada ulama-ulama sebelumnya. Karena itu, menyusuri jejaring dan sanad tersebut sangat penting untuk mengudar kekuatan dahsyat dari spirit Islam dalam membangun nilai-nilai kebangsaan di Indonesia, yang berbeda dengan bangunan nasionalisme di negara-negara Barat. Spirit Islam itu terwariskan dan terjaga dalam jejaring dan sanad para ulama yang berhasil membentuk karakter keislaman yang khas di Nusantara. Jejaring ulama Diponegoro menjadi titik krusial kiprah ulama-santri Nusantara dalam merawat tradisi Islam di Nusantara dan menusantara di haramain. Karya-karya mereka menjadi referensi utama sistem pembelajaran di surau, pesantren dan madrasah hingga saat ini. Ulama Jawi menulis teks dengan menggunakan aksara Pegon, yakni beraksara Arab namun dengan bahasa Jawa. Kitab-kitab Pegon inilah yang menjadi tradisi pengetahuan dan formasi teks yang kokoh sebagai sistem komunikasi ulama untuk melawan kolonialisme. Kitab-kitab Pegon menjadi warisan sejarah yang menjadi muara kosmologi pemikiran, dinamika pengetahuan dan akumulasi kebudayaan ulama Jawi dan pesantren di negeri ini.

Receptor endocytosis is important for signal activation, transduction, and deactivation. However, how a receptor interprets conflicting signals to adjust cellular output is not clearly understood. Using genetic, cell biological, and pharmacological approaches, we report here that ERECTA-LIKE1 (ERL1), the major receptor restricting plant stomatal differentiation, undergoes dynamic subcellular behaviors in response to different EPIDERMAL PATTERNING FACTOR (EPF) peptides. Activation of ERL1 by EPF1 induces rapid ERL1 internalization via multivesicular bodies/late endosomes to vacuolar degradation, whereas ERL1 constitutively internalizes in the absence of EPF1. The co-receptor, TOO MANY MOUTHS is essential for ERL1 internalization induced by EPF1 but not by EPFL6. The peptide antagonist, Stomagen, triggers retention of ERL1 in the endoplasmic reticulum, likely coupled with reduced endocytosis. In contrast, the dominant-negative ERL1 remained dysfunctional in ligand-induced subcellular trafficking. Our study elucidates that multiple related yet unique peptides specify cell fate by deploying the differential subcellular dynamics of a single receptor.

Professor Don Boudreaux has made many contributions to pro- moting liberty and good economics including his refutations of common economic fallacies concerning unions, free trade, occupa- tional licensure, and the minimum wage.
 Yet, we must take issue with a recent column of his entitled «Do We Need to Bring Back the Reagan Years?» In it he offers what we consider several economic fallacies. We start off by repeating it in its entirety, one, because it is so short, and two, to obviate any pos- sible misinterpretations. Then, we make clear our criticism of it.
 Do We Need to Bring Back the Reagan Years? By Don Boudreaux
 Heard on the radio this morning while driving in northern Vir- ginia:
 We need policies to bring back the high-paying jobs this coun- try lost since the Reagan years.
 I missed the name and affiliation of the particular interviewee who issued this proclamation. Of course, this proclamation is, in one form or another, a familiar one. It trips frequently out of the mouths and off of the keyboards of politicians and pundits too numerous to count. Yet it is economic foolishness.

Wood, Susan. Esquivel! Space Age Sound Artist, illustrated by Duncan Tonatiuh. Charlesbridge, 2016.This is a picture book that tells the story of Mexican composer, band leader and pianist, Juan Garcia Esquivel. “Esquivel!”, as he came to be known, came from a poor family and became a very popular and wealthy composer. He was a pioneer in sound art in the 1950s and 1960s, influencing many later composers of experimental music and sound art. The text is quite ordinary, factual material about the artist, with the exception of words representing sounds. These are often in bright colours, many shapes and sizes and different typefaces. The differing scripts sometimes make reading the sentences difficult. Some of the words and concepts are too high level for a picture book and most children at the picture book reading stage will not understand strange, weird and edgy music, so it is likely that this book will be most useful to older children. The artwork is the most interesting part of the book. The images are all done in black-line, with colour fill being photographs of textures or patterns. The other unusual part of the work is that Duncan Tonatiuh has drawn people in the style of ancient Mexican art, specifically the Mixtec codex. Because this art predates the concept of perspective, all of the images are two dimensional and do not have depth. Also all of the faces are drawn in the style of the ancient artworks. The faces are all in profile with ears shaped like the number 3, pointy mouths and very flat forehead to nose profiles. These sorts of details, while interesting to adults, will be lost on small children.The music message of this book is historical, highlighting Esquivel!’s early contributions to sound art. The work also makes the point that Esquivel! had no formal musical training, showing that music is for everyone. Because there is little written about this Esquivel! at a children’s reading level this book should be bought for public libraries and school libraries.Highly Recommended: 3 stars out of 4Reviewer: Sean BorleSean Borle is a University of Alberta undergraduate student who is an advocate for child health and safety.

Sugar pigs are traditional confections shaped like sugar mice with little legs and no tail. One might, therefore, nibble the trotters of a sugar pig or suck delicately upon the nose of a sugar pig, but one must never eat one’s sugary treats like a pig. As an imagined border between the private world inside the body and the public world outside, the mouth is an unstable limit of selfhood. Food can easily cause disgust as it passes through this hazardous terrain, and this disgust is produced less by the thought of incorporation than by socially constructed boundaries such as the division between human and animal. In order to guard against disgust and the moral judgement it incurs about the eater, the mouth is governed by myriad rules and, in the case of the juvenile mouth, subject to adult surveillance. This paper investigates children’s consumption of confectionery in relation to the mouth as a liminal border space. Children are “sugar pigs” in as much as they disregard the conventions of civilised eating that govern the mouth, preferring instead to slubber, gnaw, lick, and chew like animals, to reveal the contents of their mouths and examine the contents of others, to put lollies in and out of their mouths with dirty hands, and to share single lollies. Children’s lolly rituals resist civilised eating norms, but they hold important cultural meanings that parallel and subvert those of the adult world. Children’s mouths are communal spaces and the rituals that take place in them are acts of friendship, intimacy, and power. Eating norms instituted over thousands of years ensure that people do not eat like animals, and the pig, in particular, stands in opposition to civilised eating. In On Good Manners for Boys (1530), Erasmus of Rotterdam advises that a general guide to eating like a human being is to eat inconspicuously and self-consciously—to “lick a plate or dish to which some sugar or sweet substance has adhered is for cats, not people,” he explains, and to “gnaw bones is for a dog”—and he compares ill-mannered eating with that of pigs, observing how some people “slubber up their meat like swine” (qtd. in Kass 145). Unrefined table manners and uncontrolled appetite continue to elicit such expressions of disgust as “dirty pig” and “greedy pig.” Pigs grunt. Pigs snuffle among refuse. Pigs, as Bob Ashley et al. note, represent all that is uncivilised and exist only as a signifier of appetite (2). The pig and civilisation, however, do not exist simply in opposition. Cookery writer Jane Grigson argues that European civilisation has been founded upon the pig (qtd. in Ashley et al. 2). Also, because the pig’s body is pinkish, soft, and flabby like a human body and because pigs were usually housed near or even inside human dwellings, the pig confounds the human/animal binary: it is “a threshold animal” (Stallybrass and White qtd. in Ashley et al. 7). Furthermore, the steady evolution of eating practices suggests that humans would eat like animals if left in their natural state. Food rules are part of the “attempt to exclude piggishness” from human civilisation, which, according to Ashley et al., demonstrates “precisely the proximity of human and pig” (7). As physician Leon Kass observes, eating conventions “show us both how much we have taken instruction and how much we needed it” (139). Humans aspire to purity and perfection, but William Ian Miller explains that “fuelling no small part of those aspirations is disgust with what we are or with what we are likely to slide back into” (Anatomy xiv). Eating norms, therefore, do not emphasise the difference between human and the pig as much as they express the underlying anxiety that the human mouth and the act of eating are utterly animal. ‘Lollies’ is the Australian term for the confectionery that children mostly buy, and while the child with a lolly pouched in its cheek is such a familiar, even iconic, image that it features on the covers of two recent books about confectionery (Richardson, Whittaker), licking, gnawing, and slubbering—Erasmus’ wonderfully evocative and piggish word—aptly describe the consumption of lollies. Many lollies are large and hard, and eating them requires time, effort, concentration, and conspicuous mouth activity: the cheek bulges and speaking is difficult; a great deal of saliva is produced and the area around the mouth becomes smeared with coloured drool; and there is always the possibility of the lolly falling out. The smaller the child’s mouth, or the larger the lolly, the more impossible it is to eat inconspicuously and self-consciously. Endless chewing is similarly animal-like, and “the bovine look” of teenagers featured in public complaints when chewing gum was mass-produced in the twentieth century (Hendrickson 7). Humans must not eat like animals, but overly-stuffed cheeks, sucking and slubbering mouths, licking tongues, gnawing teeth, and mindlessly ruminating jaws are unashamedly animal-like. Other rules guard against disgust arising from the sight of half-chewed food. When food is in the process of becoming part of the body, it quickly acquires the quality of things with which disgust is more readily associated, things that are, according to Miller, moist rather than dry, viscid rather than free-flowing, pliable rather than hard, things that are “oozy, mucky, gooey, slimy, clammy, sticky, tacky, dank, squishy, or filmy” (“Darwin’s Disgust” 338). Soft lollies with their vividly-coloured and glossy or sugar-encrusted surfaces look magical, but once they go into the mouth are “magically transformed into the disgusting” (Anatomy Miller 96). Food in the process of “becoming” must, therefore, never be seen again. The process of transformation takes place in the private interior of the body, but, if the mouth is open, half-transformed food is visible, and chewed food, according to Miller, “has the capacity to be even more disgusting than feces [sic]” (Anatomy 96). Sometimes, the sight of half-consumed lollies inside children’s mouths is deliberate because children poke out their tongues and look into each other’s mouths to monitor the progress of lollies that change colour as they break down. Miller explains that the rules of disgust are suspended in sexual and non-sexual love: “Disgust marks the boundaries of the self; the relaxing of them marks privilege, intimacy, duty, and caring” (Anatomy xi). This principle applies to children’s lolly rituals. If children forget to note the colour of a Clinker as they bite it, or if they want to note the progress of a Cloud or gobstopper, they open their mouths and even poke out their tongues so a friend can inspect the colour of the lolly, or their tongue. Such acts are marks of friendship. It is not something children do with everyone. The mouth is a threshold of self that children relax as a marker of privilege. The clean/unclean binary exerts a powerful influence on food because, in addition to the way in which food is eaten, it determines the kind of food that is eaten. The mouth is a border between the self (the eater) and the other (the eaten), so what is eaten (the other) eventually becomes the eater (the self). Paradoxically, the reverse is also true; the eater becomes what is eaten—hence, “we are what we eat.” Little wonder then that food is a site of anxiety, surveillance, and control. The pig eats anything, but children’s consumption is strictly monitored. The clean food imperative means that food must be uncontaminated by the world outside the body, and lollies violate the clean food category in this regard. Large, hard lollies can fall out of the mouth, or children may be obliged to violently expel them if they are danger of choking. The young protagonists in Saturdee, Norman Lindsay’s bildungsroman set in country Victoria after WWI, arrange a secret tryst with some girls, and when their plan is discovered a horde of spectators assembles to watch the proceedings: [Snowey Critchet] had provided himself with a bull’s-eye; a comestible about the size of a cricket ball, which he stowed away in one cheek, as a monkey pouches an orange, where it distended his face in a most obnoxious manner. He was prepared, it seemed, to spend the entire afternoon inspecting a scandal, while sucking his bull’s-eye down to edible proportions. (147) Amid a subsequent volley of taunts and cow dung, Snowey lands in the gutter, a reprisal that “was like to be Snowey’s end through causing him to bolt his bull’s-eye whole. It was too large to swallow but large enough to block up his gullet and choke him. Frenziedly he fought his way out of the gutter and ran off black in the face to eject his windpipe obstruction” (147-8). Choking episodes are further aspects of children’s consumption that adults would deem dangerous as well as disgusting. If a child picks up a lolly from the ground, an adult is likely to slap it away and spit out the word “Dirty!” The child’s hands are potentially part of the contaminated outside world, hence, wash your hands before you eat, don’t eat with your fingers, don’t lick your fingers, don’t put your fingers into your mouth, don’t handle food if you aren’t going to eat it, don’t eat food that others have touched. Lolly-consumption breaches the clean/unclean divide when children put fingers into mouths to hook tacky lollies like Minties off the back teeth, remove lollies in order to observe their changing shape or colour, pull chewing gum from the mouth, or push bubble gum back in. The mouth is part of the clean world inside the body; adult disgust stems from concern about contamination through contact with the world outside the body, including the face and hands. The hands are also involved in playground rituals. Children often remove lollies from their mouths, play with them, and put them back in. Such invented rituals include sharpening musk sticks by twisting them in the mouth before jabbing friends with them and returning them to the mouth. Teenagers also bite the heads off jelly babies and rearrange the bodies in multicoloured versions before eating them. These rituals expose half-consumed lollies, and allow lollies to be contaminated by the outside world, but they are markers of friendship and ways of belonging to particular groups as well as sources of entertainment. The ultimate cause for disgust, apart from sharing with a pig perhaps, arises when children violate the boundary between one mouth and another by sharing a single lolly. “Can I have a lick o’ your lollipop?” is an expression that belongs to a time when germs were yet to consume the public imagination, and it demonstrates that children have long been disposed to sharing confectionery in this way. Allowing someone to share an all-day sucker indicates friendship because it involves sacrifice as well as intimacy. How many times the friend licks it indicates how important a friend they are. Chewing gum and hard lollies such as bull’s-eyes and all-day suckers are ideal for sharing because they last a long time. Snowey’s choking episode is punishment both for having such a lolly while others did not, and for not sharing it. When friends share a single lolly in Markus Zusak’s The Book Thief it is a sign of their growing intimacy. Rudy and Liesel had only enough money for one lolly: “they unwrapped it and tried biting it in half, but the sugar was like glass. Far too tough, even for Rudy’s animal-like choppers. Instead, they had to trade sucks on it until it was finished. Ten sucks for Rudy. Ten for Liesel. Back and forth” (168). Rudy asks Liesel to kiss him on many occasions, but she never does. She regrets this after he is killed, so here the shared lolly stands in lieu of intimacy rather than friendship. Lollies are still shared in this way in Australian playgrounds, but often it is only hard lollies, and only with close friends. A hard lolly has a clearly defined boundary that can easily be washed, but even unwashed the only portion that is contaminated, and contaminable, is the visible surface of the lolly. This is not the case with a stick of chewing gum. In response to Tom Sawyer’s enquiry as to whether or not she likes rats, Becky Thatcher replies,“What I like, is chewing gum.” “O, I should say so! I wish I had some now.” “Do you? I’ve got some. I’ll let you chew it a while, but you must give it back to me.” That was agreeable, so they chewed it turn about, and dangled their legs against the bench in excess of contentment.” (58) Unlike the clearly defined boundary of a gobstopper, the boundary of chewing gum continually shifts and folds in on itself. The entire confection is contaminated through contact with the mouth of the other. The definition of clean food also includes that which is deemed appropriate for eating, and part of the appeal of lollies is their junk status. Some lollies are sugar versions of “good” foodstuffs: strawberries and cream, wildberries, milk bottles, pineapples, and bananas. Even more ironic, especially in light of the amount of junk food in many adult diets, others are sugar versions of junk food: fries, coke bottles, Pizzas, Hot Dogs, and Hamburgers, all of which are packaged like miniatures of actual products. Lollies, like their British equivalent, kets (which means rubbish), are absolutely distinct from the confectionery adults eat, and British sociologist Allison James shows that this is because they “stand in contrast to conventional adult sweets and adult eating generally” (298). Children use terms like junk and ket intentionally because there is a “power inherent in the conceptual gulf between the worlds of the adult and the child” (James, “Confections” 297). Parents place limits on children’s consumption because lollies are seen to interfere with the consumption of good food, but, as James explains, for children, “it is meals which disrupt the eating of sweets” (“Confections” 296). Some lollies metaphorically violate a different kind of food taboo by taking the form of “unclean” animals like rats, pythons, worms, cats, dinosaurs, blowflies, cane toads, and geckos. This highlights the arbitrary nature of food categories: snakes, lizards, and witchetty grubs do not feature on European menus, but indigenous Australians eat them. Neither do white Australians eat horses, frogs, cats, dogs, and insects, which are considered delicacies in other cultures, some even in other European cultures. Eating human beings is widely-considered taboo, but children enjoy eating lollies shaped like parts of the human body. A fundraiser at a Queensland school fete in 2009 epitomised the contemporary fascination with consuming body parts. Traditionally, the Guess-The-Number fundraiser involves guessing the number of jelly beans in a glass jar, but in this instance the jar held teeth, lips, noses, eyeballs, ears, hearts, and feet. Similarly, when children eat Tongue Pops—tangy tongue-shaped lollies on a stick—the irony of having two tongues, of licking your own tongue, is not lost on children. Other lollies represent tiny people, and even babies. In the ordinary world, children are small and powerless, but the magic of lollies enables them to be the man-eating giant, while Chicos and jelly babies represent the powerless child. Children welcome the opportunity to “bite someone else’s head off” for a change. These lollies are anonymous people, but Freddo Frog and Caramello Koala have names as well as bodies and facial features, while others, like Cadbury’s seven Magical Elves, even have personalities. One of these, Aquamarine, is depicted as a winking character dressed in blue, and described on the wrapper as “a talented musician who plays music to inspire the Elves to enjoy themselves and work harder, but is a bit of a farty pants.” Advertisements also commonly personify lollies by giving them faces, voices, and limbs, so that even something as un-humanlike as a red ball, in the case of the Jaffa, is represented as a cheeky character in the act of running away. And children happily eat them all. Cannibalism rates highly in the world of children’s confectionery (James 298). If lollies are “metaphoric rubbish,” as James explains, they can also be understood as metaphorically breaking food taboos (299). Not only do children’s rituals create a sense of friendship, belonging, even intimacy, but engaging in them is also an act of power because children know that these practices disgust adults. Lollies give children permission to transgress the rules of civilised eating and this carnivalesque subversion is part of the pleasure of eating lollies. James suggests that confectionery is neither raw nor cooked, but belongs to a third food category that helps to define “the disorderly and inverted world of children” (“Confections” 301). In James’ analysis, children and adults inhabit separate worlds, and she views children’s sweets as part of the “alternative system of meanings through which [children] can establish their own integrity” (“Confections” 301, 305). In the sense that they exist outside of officialdom, children have inherited the carnivalesque tradition of the festive life, which Bakhtin theorises as “a second world” organised on the basis of laughter (6, 8). In this topsy-turvy, carnivalesque realm, with its emphasis on the grotesque body, laughter, fun, exuberance, comic rituals, and other non-official values, children escape adult rule. Lollies may be rubbish in the adult world, but, like the carnival fool, they are “king” in the child’s second and festive life, where bodies bulge, feasting is a public and often grotesque event, and children are masters of their own destiny. Eating lollies, then, represents a “metaphoric chewing up of adult order” and a means of the child assuming control over at least one of its orifices (James 305-6). In this sense, the pig is not a symbol of the uncivilised but the un-adult. Children are pigs with sugar—slubbering around hard lollies, licking other children’s lollies, metaphorically cannibalising jelly babies—and if they disgust adults it is because they challenge the eating norms that guard against the ever-present reminder that eating is an animal act. Eating practices “civilize the human animal” (Kass 131), but eating is inherently an untidy experience, and any semblance of order, as anthropologist Mary Douglas explains, is only created by exaggerating difference (qtd. in Ashley et al. 3). The pig is commonly understood to be the antithesis of civilisation and, therefore, the means by which we understand ourselves as civilised beings. The child with a lolly, however, is evidence that the line between human and animal is a tenuous divide. References Ashley, Bob, Joanne Hollows, Steve Jones and Ben Taylor. Food and Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 2004. Bakhtin, Mikhail. Rabelais and His World. Trans.Helene Iswolsky. Cambridge: M.I.T. P, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1968. Hendrickson, Robertson. The Great American Chewing Gum Book. Radnor, Pennsylvania: Chilton, 1976. James, Allison. “Confections, Concoctions and Conceptions.” Popular Culture: Past and Present. Eds Bernard Waites, Tony Bennett and Graham Martin. London: Routledge, 1986. 294-307. James, Allison. “The Good, the Bad and the Delicious: The Role of Confectionery in British Society.” Sociological Review 38, 1990: 666-88. Kass, Leon R. The Hungry Soul: Eating and the Perfecting of Our Nature. New York: Free Press, 1994. Lindsay, Norman. Saturdee. London: Angus & Robertson, 1981. Miller, William Ian. “Darwin’s Disgust.” Empire of the Senses: The Sensual Culture Reader. Ed. David Howes. Oxford: Berg, 2005. Miller, William Ian. The Anatomy of Disgust. Cambridge: Harvard U P, 1997. Mason, Laura. Sugar Plums and Sherbet: The Pre-history of Sweets. Devon: Prospect, 1998. Richardson, Tim. Sweets: A History of Temptation. London: Bantam Books, 2003. Twain, Mark. The Adventures of Tom Sawyer. New York: Collier, 1962. Whittaker, Nicholas. Sweet Talk: The Secret History of Confectionery. London: Phoenix, 1999. Zusak, Markus. The Book Thief. Sydney: Picador, 2005.


 
 
 Pornography can appear as a staid genre with a rigid series of rules and representations, each video consisting of a specified number of liaisons and pre-designated sexual acts, but it is also a genre that has developed and focused its numerous activities. What was considered to be an arousing taboo in the 1970s would not, for example, be considered as such today. Anal sex, while once comparatively rare in pornographic films, is now commonplace, and, while once utterly unspoken in mainstream heterosexual culture it is now acknowledged and celebrated, even by female targeted films such as Brigit Jones’ Diary (Sharon Maguire, 2001). Pornography, however, has raised the stakes again. Hardcore is dependent on so called ‘nasty girls’ and most interviews with starlets focus on their ability to enjoy being ‘nasty’, to enjoy what are considered or labelled as ‘perverse’ manifestations of sexuality by the normalising discourses of dominant culture and society. While once a porn star merely had to enjoy – or pretend to enjoy – sucking cock, now it is expected her repertoire will include a wider range of activities. With anal sex, an event that transpires in most modern pornography, the site of penises – either singularly or in pairs – pushed into swollen sore assholes is a visual commonplace. In the 1980s and 1990s (when the representation of heterosexual anal sex became truly dominant in pornography) there was a recognizable process of sexual acts, between penetration of mouth, vagina, and asshole. Each penetration would be edited and between each take the male star would wipe down his penis. Until somebody in hardcore pornography developed the A-to-M, a.k.a ass-to-mouth aka A2M. In this move the male pulls his cock from the asshole of the female and then sticks it straight into her open mouth and down her throat without wiping it clean first. All of this is presented unmediated to the viewer, in one singular shot that follows the penis as it moves from one willing hole to the other (and the body must be understood as fragmented, it is a collection of zones and areas, in this instance orifices each with their own signifying practices, not a singular organic whole). Even assuming that the nubile starlet has had an enema to blast clean her rectum prior to filming there will still be microscopic traces of her shit and rectal mucus on his penis. Indeed the pleasure for the viewers is in the knowledge of the authenticity of the movement between ass and mouth, in the knowledge that there will be small flakes of shit stuck to her lips and teeth (a variant of the ass-to-mouth sees the penis being pulled from one starlet’s anus and inserted into another starlet’s gaping mouth, again in one unedited shot). Shit escapes simple ontology it is opposed to all manner of being, all manner of knowledge and of existence yet it is also intimately linked to self-presence and continuity. From earliest infancy we are encouraged not to engage with it, rather it is that which is to be flushed away immediately, it is everything about being human that is repulsive, rejected and denied. Shit escapes simple symbolism; it exists in its own discursive zone. While death may be similarly horrific to us, it is so because it is utterly unknown shit, however, horrifies precisely because it is known to us. Like death, shit makes us all equal, but shit is familiar, we know its fragrance, we know its texture, we know its colour, and – yes – deep down, repressed in our animal brain we know its taste. Its familiarity results because it is a part of us, yet it is no longer of us. In death the cadaver can be theorized as the body without a soul, without spirit, or without personality, but with shit humanity does not have this luxury, shit is the part of us that both defies and defines humanity. Shit is that which was us but is no longer, yet it never fully stops being part of us, it contains traces of our genetic material, pieces of our diet, even as it is flushed more is already being pushed down our intestine. Shit is substance and process. If the act of fucking is that which affirms vital existence against death, then introducing shit into the equation becomes utterly transgressive. Defecation and copulation are antithetical St Augustine’s recognition that we are born between piss and shit – inter faeces et urinam – understands the animistic nature of existence and sex as contaminated by sin, but he does not conflate the act of shitting and fucking as the same, his description is powerful precisely because they are not understood as the same. Introducing shit into sexual activity is culturally forbidden, genuine scatologists, coprophiles and shit fetishists are rare, and most keep their desires secret even from their closest companions. Even the few that confess to enjoying ‘brown showers’ do not admit to eating raw shit, either their own or that of somebody else. The practice is considered to be too dangerous, too unhealthy, and too disgusting. Even amongst the radical sexual communities many find that it stinks of excess, as if desires and fantasies had limits. In Pier Paolo Pasolini’s cinematic masterpiece Salo (1975) the quartet of libertines and their fellow explorers in unleashed lust – both the willing and the coerced – indulge in a vast coprophilic feast, but in this film the shit that is slathered over the bodies of the young charges and greedily scoffed down is not real. However there are a handful of directly scatological pornographic videos, often they depict people crouching down and shitting, the shit being rubbed on to nude bodies and eventually consumed. In some videos hungry mouths open directly under the puckering asshole, allowing the brown turd to plop directly onto the enthusiastic tongue and into the mouth. Cameras zoom in to show the shit-smeared lips and teeth. Like the image of ejaculation manifested in the cum-shot of mainstream hardcore pornography this sight is a vindication of the authenticity of the action. Such videos are watched by both fetishists and the curious – commonly teenage males trying to out shock each other. Unlike ‘traditional’ heterosexual hardcore pornography, which depicts explicit penetrative sex, scatology films rarely appear on the shelves of video stores and enthusiasts are compelled to search the dark bowels of pornography to find them. Yet the popularity of the ass-to-mouth sequence in hardcore suggests that there is an interest with such faecal taboo acts that may be more common that previously imagined. This is not to suggest that the audience who witness an ass-to-mouth scene want to go and eat shit, or want their partners to, but it does suggest that there is an interest in the transgressive potential of shit or the idea of shit on an erect penis. Watching these scenes the audience’s attention is drawn to the movement from the locus of defecation to that of consumption. Perhaps the visual pleasure lies in the degradation of the ‘nasty’ girl, in the knowledge that she can taste her own mucus and faecal matter. But if the pleasures are purely sadistic then these films fail, they do not (just) depict the starlets ‘suffering’ as they engage in these activities, in contrast, they are ‘normalised’ into the sexual conventions of the form. Hardcore pornography is about the depiction of literal excess; about multiple penis plunging into one asshole or one vagina (or even both) about orgies about the world’s biggest gang bangs and facials in which a dozen or more men shoot their genetic material onto the grinning faces of starlets as cum slathers their forehead, cheeks, chin, lips, and teeth. The sheer unremitting quantity becomes an object in itself. Nothing can ever be enough. This excess is also philosophical; all non-reproductive sexual activity belongs to the category of excess expenditure, where the unrestrained pursuit of pleasure becomes in itself both object choice and subject. Some would see such pornographic activities as anti-humanist, as cold, and as nihilistic, but such an interpretation fails. In watching these films, in seeing the penis move from asshole to mouth the audience are compelled by the authenticity of the gesture to read the starlet as human the ‘pleasure’ is in knowing that she can taste her own shit on some anonymous cock. Finally, she is smiling through its musky taste so we do not have to. Appendix / Sources / Notes / Parallel Text Throughout this paper I am referring only to pornographic material marketed to an audience who are identified or identify as heterosexual. These films may contain scenes with multiple males and females having sex at one time, however while there may be what the industry refers to as girl-on-girl action there will be no direct male-on-male contact (although often all that seperates two male penises is the paper thin wall of fleshy tissue between the vagina and anus). The socio-cultural history of heterosexual anal sex is a complex one, made more so because of its illicit and, in some jurisdictions, illegal status. It is safe to assume that many people have engaged in it even if they have not subsequently undertaken an active interest in it (statistics published in Exploring the Dimensions of Human Sexuality 2nd Edition suggest that 28% of male and 24% of female American college graduates and 21% of male and 13% of female high school graduates have experienced anal sex [377]). In hardcore pornography it is the male who penetrates the female, who presents her asshole for the viewer’s delectation. In personal sexual behaviour heterosexual males may also enjoy anal penetration from a female partner both in order to stimulate the sensitive tissue around the anus and to stilulate the prostate, but the representation of such activities is very rare in the mainstream of American hardcore porn. As inventer of gonzo porn John Stagliano commented when interviewed about his sexual proclivities in The Other Hollywood , “…you know, admitting that I really wanted to get fucked in the ass, and might really like it, is not necessarily a socially acceptable thing for a straight man” (587). Anal sex was most coherently radicalised by the Marquis de Sade, the master of sodomaniacal literature, who understood penetrating male / penetrated female anal sex as a way in which erotic pleasure/s could be divorced from any reproductive metanarrative. The scene in Brigit Jones’ Diary is made all the more strange because there is no mention of safe sex. There are, however, repeated references and representations of the size and shape of the heroine’s buttocks and her willingness to acquiesce to the evidentially dominant will of her ‘bad’ boyfriend the aptly named Daniel Cleaver. For more on heterosexual anal sex in cinema see my ‘Hot, Hard Cocks and Tight, Tight Unlubricated Assholes.Transgression, Sexual Ambiguity and ‘Perverse’ Pleasures in Serge Gainsbourg’s Je T’Aime Moi Non Plus’, in Senses of Cinema 30 (Jan.-March 2004). Hardcore pornography commonly means that which features a depiction of penetrative intercourse and the visual presentation of male ejaculation as a climax to a sequence. For more on the contemporary porn scene and the ‘nasty girl’ see Anthony Petkovich, The X Factory: Inside The American Hardcore Film Industry, which contains numerous interviews with porn starlets and industry insiders. While pornography is remembered for a number of key texts such as Deep Throat (Gerard Damiano, 1972) or Behind the Green Door (Jim & Artie Mitchell, 1972), these were shot and marketed as erotic narrative film and released theatrically (albeit to grindhouse and specialist cinemas). However since 1982 and the widespread availability of video – and more recently DVD – pornography has been produced almost exclusively for home consumption. The increasing demands of the consumer, combined with the accessablity of technology and cheap production costs of video when compared to film have led to a glut of available material. Now videos/DVDs are often released in series with absurdly self descriptive titles such as Anal Pounding, Lesbian Bukkake, and Pussy Party, most of which provide examples of the mise-en-scene of contemporary hardcore, specific ass to mouth series include Ass to Mouth (vol 1 – 15), Ass to Mouth CumShots (vol 1 – 5), Her First Ass to Mouth, From Her Ass to Her Mouth, From My Ass to My Mouth, A2M (vol 1 – 9), and no doubt many others. For more on hardcore pornography and its common themes and visual styles see Linda Williams, Hardcore. Wikipedia suggests that the director Max Hardcore was responsible for introducing the form in the early 1990s in his series Cherry Poppers. The act is now a staple of the form. (Note that while Wikipedia can not normally be considered an academic source the vagaries of the subject matter necessitate that research takes place where necessary). All pornographic positions and gestures have a nickname, industry shorthand, thus there are terms such as the DP (double penetration) or the reverse cowgirl. These names are no more or less shocking than the translations for sexual positions offered in ‘classic’ erotic guidebooks such as the Kama Sutra. This fragmented body is a result of the cinematic gaze of pornography. Lenses are able to zoom in and focus on the body, and especially the genitals, in minute detail and present the flesh enlarged to proportions that are impossible to see in actual sexual encounters. The body viewed under such scrutiny but devoid of singular organic plenitude echoes the body without organs of Deleuze and Guattari (in contrast some radical feminist writers such as Andrea Dworkin would merely interpret such images as reflecting the misogyny of male dominated discourse). For more on the psychological development of the infant and the construction of the clean and unclean see Julia Kristeva Powers of Horror. It should be noted that commonly those who enjoy enema play – klismaphiliacs – are not related to scatologists, and often draw a distinction between their play, which is seen as a process of cleansing, and scatologists’ play, which is understood to be a celebration of the physical shit itself. Salo has undergone numerous sanctions, been banned, scorned, and even been interpreted by some as a metaphor / allegory for the director’s subsequent murder. Such understandings and pseudo-explanations do not do justice to either the director or to his film and its radical engagement with de Sade’s literature. These videos always come from ‘elsewhere’ of course, never close to home, thus in Different Loving the authors note “the Germans seem to specialize in scat” (518). Correspondence concerning the infamous bestiality film Animal Farm (197?) in the journal Headpress (issues 15 and 16, 1998) suggested that the audience was made up from teenage males watching it as a rite of passage, rather than by true zoophiles. Those I have seen were on shock and ‘gross out’ Internet sites rather than pornographic sites. Disclaimer – I have no interest per se in scatology, but an ongoing interest with the vagaries of human thought, and desire in particular, necessarily involves exploring areas others turn their noses up at. References Brame, Gloria G., William D. Brame, and Jon Jacobs. Different Loving: The World of Dominance and Submission. London: Arrow, 1998. Greenberg, Jerrold S., Clint E. Bruess, and Debra W. Haffner. Exploring the Dimensions of Human Sexuality. 2nd Edition. London: James & Bartlett, 2004. Russ Kick, ed. Everything You Know about Sex Is Wrong. New York: Disinformation, 2006. Julia Kristeva. Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection. New York: Columbia UP, 1982. McNeil, Legs, and Jennifer Osborne, with Peter Pavia. The Other Hollywood: The Uncensored Oral History of the Porn Film Industry. New York: Regan Books, HarperCollins, 2006. Petkovich, Anthony. The X Factory: Inside the American Hardcore Film Industry. Stockport: Critical Vision, 2001. Marquis de Sade. Justine, Philosophy in the Bedroom, and Other Writings. London: Arrow, 1991. Sargeant, Jack. “Hot, Hard Cocks and Tight, Tight Unlubricated Assholes: Transgression, Sexual Ambiguity and ‘Perverse’ Pleasures in Serge Gainsbourg’s Je T’Aime Moi Non Plus.“ Senses of Cinema 30 (Jan.-March 2004). Wikipedia. “Ass to Mouth.” 15 Sep. 2006 http://en.wikipedia.org.wk/Ass_to_mouth>. Williams, Linda. Hardcore. London: Pandora Press, 1990. 
 
 
 
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