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Journal articles on the topic 'Toponymic Inscription'
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1
DOUGLAS, BRONWEN, and ELENA GOVOR. "EPONYMY, ENCOUNTERS, AND LOCAL KNOWLEDGE IN RUSSIAN PLACE NAMING IN THE PACIFIC ISLANDS, 1804–1830." Historical Journal 62, no. 3 (March 4, 2019): 709–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000013.
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AbstractThis history of Russian place naming in the Pacific Islands from 1804 to 1830 systematically juxtaposes, correlates, and compares toponyms inscribed in varied genres of Russian texts: map, atlas, journal, narrative, and hydrographic treatise. Its empirical core comprises place names bestowed or recorded by naval officers and naturalists in eastern and northern Pacific archipelagoes during expeditions led by the Baltic German circumnavigators Krusenstern (1803–6), Kotzebue (1815–18), Bellingshausen (1819–21), and Lütke (1826–9). We address the interplay of personality, precedent, circumstance, and embodied encounters in motivating voyagers’ toponymic choices and their material expressions. We consider diverse textual movements from located experience, to specific inscription, to synthesis. Russian toponyms constituted part of the vast stock of historical raw material from which Krusenstern later created the authoritative pioneerAtlas de l'Océan pacifique(1824–7). This toponymic focus is scaffolding for a dual ethnohistorical inquiry: into the implications for Russian toponymy of Indigenous agency during situated encounters with people and places; and into the relative significance of loca'l knowledge conveyed to Russian voyagers by Indigenous interlocutors, and its presence or absence in particular sets of toponyms or different genres of text.
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Hui, Dennis Lai Hang. "Geopolitics of Toponymic Inscription in Taiwan: Toponymic Hegemony, Politicking and Resistance." Geopolitics 24, no. 4 (December 26, 2017): 916–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2017.1413644.
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Njoh, Ambe J. "Toponymic Inscription as an Instrument of Power in Africa: The case of colonial and post-colonial Dakar and Nairobi." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 8 (June 28, 2016): 1174–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616651295.
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This study analyses toponymic inscription, the exercise of street/place naming, as a tool for articulating power in Anglophone and Francophone Africa. The focus is on Dakar, Senegal and Nairobi, Kenya, which were respectively indispensable for the colonial projects of France and Britain in Africa. Dakar was for France’s West African Federation what Nairobi was for Britain’s colonial East Africa. It is shown that toponymic inscription was used with equal zeal by French and British colonial authorities to express power in built space. Thus, both authorities used the occasion to christen streets and places as an opportunity to project Western power in Africa. With the demise of colonialism, indigenous authorities in Kenya inherited the Western vocabulary of spatiality but speedily moved to supplant Eurocentric with Afrocentric street/place-names. In contrast, post-colonial authorities in Senegal remain wedded to the colonial tradition of drawing most important street- and place-names from the Eurocentric cultural lexicon. Consequently, although the vocabulary of spatiality in Nairobi projects African nationalism and power, that of Dakar continues to express mainly Western power.
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Rose-Redwood, Reuben, Derek Alderman, and Maoz Azaryahu. "Geographies of toponymic inscription: new directions in critical place-name studies." Progress in Human Geography 34, no. 4 (November 27, 2009): 453–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132509351042.
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Medway, Dominic, Gary Warnaby, Leah Gillooly, and Steve Millington. "Scalar tensions in urban toponymic inscription: the corporate (re)naming of football stadia." Urban Geography 40, no. 6 (March 6, 2018): 784–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2018.1446585.
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Bigon, Liora, and Ambe J. Njoh. "The Toponymic Inscription Problematic in Urban Sub-Saharan Africa: From Colonial to Postcolonial Times." Journal of Asian and African Studies 50, no. 1 (November 21, 2013): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613510246.
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Njoh, Ambe J. "Toponymic inscription, physical addressing and the challenge of urban management in an era of globalization in Cameroon." Habitat International 34, no. 4 (October 2010): 427–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2009.12.002.
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الشرقاوي, محمد. "موقع ***** الجغرافي في نقش وادي حمامات رقم 1 (The Geographical Location of ***** in Hammamat Inscription (1))." Abgadiyat 6, no. 1 (2011): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-90000001.
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This paper discusses the geographical location of ***** mentioned in Hammamat Inscription No. 1, according to Couyat and Montet. This inscription was created by Sankh in commemoration of his expedition to the Eastern Desert and the Red Sea Coast during the reign of Mentuhotep IV. The toponym is problematic due to its complete absence from all ancient Egyptian texts. This made scientists disagree about its geographical location; some located it in Quseir, while others placed it on the River Nile, or in the Eastern Desert. This matter has been a mystery, and the toponym remained unknown without a specific identity, which made some scientists leave it without certain specifications, and this, in turn, added more mystery to the inscription, and led a number of scientists to minimize its value. Therefore, the researcher has decided to confront this problem, especially after the recent archaeological discoveries on the Red Sea Coast in general, and the port of ***** (Mersa Gawasis) in particular. According to the writer, these recent discoveries may define ***** as Mersa Gawasis (this conforms with the nature of Sankh’s expedition in light of other inscriptions and according to the linguistic comparisons between these two toponyms). The inscription, thus, becomes very important as it proves—for the first time in the ancient Egyptian sources— that there were some activities attributed to Mentuhotep IV on the Red Sea Coast and Mersa Gawasis, which provides a new historical and cultural dimension to the policy of this king, and increases the value of the inscription. (please note that this article is in Arabic)
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Tara Wiguna, I. Gst Ngr, Ni Ketut Puji Astiti Laksmi, and Hedwi Prihatmoko. "Karakteristik Permukiman Masa Bali Kuno di Bali Utara Berdasarkan Isi Prasasti dan Kajian Toponimi." Jurnal Kajian Bali (Journal of Bali Studies) 11, no. 1 (April 2, 2021): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jkb.2021.v11.i01.p11.
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A number old Bali inscriptions provide informations about past settlements scattered in many parts of Bali, and one of those is in northern part of the island. This research aims to reconstruct cultural history through epigraphic and toponymy studies as a foundation of historiography. Data collected through literature studies and surveys and analysed through textual criticism, both external and internal, and identification of toponyms. Data synthesis was conducted by placing toponym data found in inscriptions in the context of Old Balinese History. The result of this research shows that the characteristic of Old Bali settlements in North Bali could be differentiated into two categories, i.e. coastal area settlements and mountainous area settlements. Coastal area settlements have locational patterns that follow coastal line. These settlements have important roles in trade activites. Mountainous area settlements have mountain as their orientation, and the locational patterns are adjusted according to its mountainous topography and environment, thus its locations are scattered and tend to close to plantation or agricultural area.
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García Nava, David Azael. "Escritura, Serpientes de Guerra y culto al Dios del Maíz en un sector de la región Puuc." Estudios de Cultura Maya 56, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.ecm.2020.56.2.0002.
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This contribution shows the results obtained from the study of the texts and images of some monuments carved in the Early Puuc style from several archaeological settlements in the wester sector, in sites such as Xcalumkín, Xcochá, Xculoc and Itzimté Bolonchén, the latter belonging to the eastern sector of the area. The investigation allowed to identify that several subordinate or sajal lords, influenced by the maya of the Usumacinta represented the War Serpent and some others the God of the Maize-Cacao, in addition to several toponymic records strikingly rare in these latitudes of the Mayan area as well as hieroglyphic groups such as K’ihn Ha’, “Hot Water”, and K’ihn Ajaw, “Solar Lord”, detected in Xcalumkín, linked to the Piedras Negras region. Also, the recognition of the supernatural place Nah Ho’ Chan Bob, “The Flowery place is the First Five Heavens”, in an inscription of Itzimte Bolonchen, in addition to identifying the Building of the Carved Columns of Xculoc, with a sacred space known as Wuk Chit K’an Nal, “Place of the Seven... Precious”, associated with the cult of the God of Maize-Cacao and the flowery tree. The message we wish to present in this essay is that through art and writing, several dignitaries legitimized their social position by disseminating images, symbols and scriptural discourses not well known to this region. The study offers new political and religious episodes in the life and cultural history of the Puuc Maya during the first half of the 8th century.
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Beaulieu, Paul-Alain. "A new inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II commemorating the restoration of Emaḫ in Babylon." Iraq 59 (1997): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003387.
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The inscription presented here is the property of Mr and Mrs Tom White of Joplin, Missouri, USA. It was brought to the Yale Babylonian Collection by their son Mr Bracken John White for examination in October 1995, and is now on loan to the Collection. The object was bought by Bracken John White's grandfather in Baghdad around 1950. Given its importance the owners have agreed to grant me publication rights, for which I thankfully acknowledge them.The text of the inscription is laid out in three columns on a barrel-cylinder pierced at one end only to about one third of its total length. The measurements of the cylinder are 143 × 73 mm. It is well preserved, save for some abrasion which has partly obliterated the inital signs of several lines in the third column. The cylinder consists of a previously unknown inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II recording the restoration of Emaḫ, the temple of the goddess Ninmah in Babylon.The restoration of Emaḫ is commemorated in two other building inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar which have long been known: one preserved on bricks, and one on cylinders. The texts of these two inscriptions are almost identical and rather short, seventeen and nineteen lines respectively. The new inscription published here is significantly longer, reaching a total of 89 lines, which lines are however shorter than those on the two previously known inscriptions. The restoration of Emaḫ is also briefly mentioned in other inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar. Emaḫ was identified by Koldewey as the temple lying alongside the processional way Ay-ibūr-šabû on the inner side of the Gate of Ištar, across the road from the royal palace. The identification was ensured by the find in situ of building inscriptions of Assurbanipal and Nebuchadnezzar II. Emaḫ is mentioned in the topographical series TIN.TIRki = Babilu, Tablet IV, 18: é.maḫ É dbe-let-DINGIR lib-bá ká.dingir. raki “Emaḫ (is) the temple of Bēlet-ilī in Kadingirra”. As pointed out by George, the toponym Kadingirra does not refer in this context to the entire city of Babylon, but to a smaller district including the royal palace and its immediate surroundings. This information agrees with the archaeological evidence perfectly.
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Keilo, Jack. "Reading French toponymic inscriptions in Beirut." Onoma 52 (2017): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.34158/onoma.52/2017/3.
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Bauer, Christian. "Mon–Aslian contacts." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55, no. 3 (October 1992): 532–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00003700.
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In an article concerning the prehistory of Kelantan G. Benjamin provided an etymology for the toponym ‘Lebir’ as deriving from the Old Mon [OM] word for ‘sea, river’, OM Iḅir, Iḅīr, modern Mon LM ḅś, SM /бi/. He went on to say that there is evidence to assume early Malay–Mon contacts; in fact, it was only by the twelfth century A.D. that a language-shift at the expense of Mon occurred in an area of what is today southern Thailand and northern Malaysia. By implication this might also mean that there were contacts between groups speaking Aslian languages and Mon.In support of his hypothesis Benjamin referred to epigraphic evidence, in particular to Mon inscriptions from southern Thailand as the earliest written in any vernacular. In fact, there are only two inscriptions, previously claimed to be written in Mon, Nś. 2, discovered in 1971, from Nakhorn Sri Thammarat [Ligor] and Nś. 3 from the same area. The Thai Government's Fine Arts Department [FAD] dates Nś. 2 to the later half of the thirteenth century A.D., at a time when Benjamin assumes the language-shift Mon > Malay/Thai in the peninsula to have already taken place. But the difficulty is not only how to reconcile the comparatively late date—based on palaeographical grounds—with Benjamin's chronological framework; the inscription is largely illegible and classed by the FAD in its most recent publication as written in ‘Old Mon and Old Burmese’. The other inscription which the FAD has interpreted as Old Mon is Nś. 3/RIS XXVII, dated by Cœdès to the sixth century. But Cœdès himself was unable to determine the language of this one line inscription, and it cannot be ascribed to Old Mon.
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Zabiyako, A. P. "An Early Jurchen Text Among Rock Representations Near the Arkhara River in the Amur Basin (History, Research Results, and New Evidence)." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 47, no. 3 (September 21, 2019): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0110.2019.47.3.094-103.
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Results of fi eld surveys of an inscription on a rock near the Arkhara River, carried out in 2003 and 2014–2018, are outlined. Some graphemes of which it consists are written in red, others in black. The black ones, fi rst discovered in 2003, make up a coherent whole—a hieroglyphic text arranged in three columns consisting of 7, 10, and 7 signs. In 2004, a suggestion was made that the text is written in Jurchen hieroglyphic script. In 2014, this hypothesis, based on historical and archaeological evidence, received a linguistic support, and the text was translated. Judging by the available data, it was written on December 1, 1127, and is demonstrated to be the earliest Jurchen inscription known to date. The text mentions the author’s name—Shin Terin, and says that he had arrived in the Targhando mouke (military-administrative region). Apart from the text written in black, certain graphemes written in red are arranged in a linear sequence, suggesting that this is a text too. For the fi rst time, one of the “red” graphemes is published and shown to belong to Jurchen script. The results suggest that the Arkhara rock gallery includes Jurchen inscriptions that are highly relevant to Jurchen linguistics, toponymy, social and cultural history.
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Alikberov, Alikber К., and Oleg А. Mudrak. "Arran and the Neighbouring Countries in the Parthanian Text of the 3rd Century Trilingual Inscription at Ka’ba-ye Zartosht (ŠКZ)." Вопросы Ономастики 17, no. 1 (2020): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2020.17.1.010.
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The paper continues the discussion about the historical onomastics of Caucasian Albania. The previous article named “Historical Names Albania, Aluank, and Alan in Cross-Cultural Communication” established the existence of a common etymological source of the names Albania, Aluank, and Alans. The present study focuses on toponyms of the western part of the Persian (Sasanian) empire mentioned in the Parthian part of the trilingual inscription on the rock of Ka’ba-ye Zartosht (ŠKZ) near Persepolis (Iran), dating ca. 260–262 CE. The authors propose a corrected reading of the Parthian text of the ŠKZ inscription based on a detailed analysis of the script and existing knowledge about the historical phonology of the Parthian language. They introduce a revised phonetic transcription of the Parthian names for Media, Adiabene, and Caucasian Albania. Particularly interesting is the case of the historical toponym Arran corresponding to (the Caucasian) Albania/Aluank and opposed to the attributing element Alan which appears in the name of the “Gate of the Alans” in the same inscription. The authors explain the reasons for the emergence of the confusing word Ardan in the Parthian text. The graphical difference between the forms Arran and Alan and their cooccurrence within the same text may point to the different etymologies of these words. In this vein, the authors examine the use of the reflexes of the first term in the written languages of Transcaucasia showing the questionability of its Iranian origin and proposing an alternative interpretation based on North Caucasian languages.
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Snape, S. R. "An Ancient Toponym for El-Shaghâmba." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72, no. 1 (August 1986): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338607200122.
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The author discusses the text on an alabaster vase bought at el-Shaghâmba in the Eastern Delta. A facsimile copy and photograph accompany a discussion of possible alternatives for the interpretation of a toponym found in the inscription, which is probably to be read Pȝ-'sbi.
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Zadok, Ran. "On a recently Found Moabite Inscription." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 132, no. 3 (September 10, 2020): 469–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2020-3008.
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AbstractIt is argued that the appellative qn in a recently published Moabite inscription from Ataroth (modern Ḫirbet ‛Aṭarūz in Jordan) probably means »family, clan«. The combination qn + toponym probably denotes a kin-based conglomerate.
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Belova, Olga V., and Maria V. Yasinskaya. "Anthroponymy and Toponymy in Memorial Epigraphy of Podlasie." Вопросы Ономастики 18, no. 1 (2021): 62–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2021.18.1.002.
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The paper presents an analysis of personal and place names on the tombstones of necropolises surveyed during a three-year fieldwork in Podlasie province (Hajnówka region), the area of high concentration of Orthodox East Slavic population. Apart from reflecting local dialect features specific to the East Slavic language situation on the Polish-East Slavic borderland, these epigraphic inscriptions made in Cyrillic are also a confessional marker that is highly relevant to the regional Orthodox population’s self-identification. Tombstone inscriptions evidence to the overlapping of Belarusian, Ukrainian, Russian (Church Slavonic), and Polish language contexts. Graphics (Cyrillic) and spelling features of different types of tombstone onyms not only give a picture of ethno-confessional and ethno-linguistic contacts, but also reflect live pronunciation captured in writing. Regarding personal name as a core component of the epitaph and analyzing specific examples, the authors address the following questions: 1) what do graphics and spelling convey in each particular case — the sound form of a name or toponym, writing traditions, focus on a particular spelling norm? 2) what is the reason for the variability in the spelling of the same name, surname, toponym? 3) can we trace the general trends in personal and place names rendering in the local tradition under study? 4) what effect does the Polish (state) language have in the texts that do not aim to comply with Belarusian, Ukrainian or Russian literary spelling norm? In the epigraphy of the studied region, there is a clear preference for using different spelling systems (not necessarily consistent), as reflected in the use of the letters и, ы, i in different combinations. Hence, the Polish spelling sometimes affects the Cyrillic transliteration of some names and surnames.
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Carter, Nicholas P. "Epigraphy and Empire: Reassessing Textual Evidence for Formative Zapotec Imperialism." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 27, no. 3 (February 27, 2017): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774317000063.
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The walls of Structure J at the Zapotec centre of Monte Albán incorporate monuments, probably carved during the Pe ceramic phase (300–100 bc), bearing distinctively formatted hieroglyphic inscriptions. Alfonso Caso suggested that hieroglyphic compounds on those monuments name regions conquered by Monte Albán. Many scholars accept an elaboration by Joyce Marcus on this proposal—that some of those compounds denote identifiable places outside the Valley of Oaxaca—and see the inscriptions as evidence for the territorial extent of an expansionist, Monte Albán-centred empire in the Late to Terminal Formative periods (300 bc–ad 200). This paper argues that Marcus’ proposed decipherments are implausible because they are structurally inconsistent with one another and with Zapotec scribal conventions for recording toponyms in other inscriptions. The Structure J texts remain undeciphered. Therefore they cannot now serve as evidence for the nature and reach of the Monte Albán polity, and generalizations about state formation that relied on Marcus’ readings need to be reconsidered.
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Abdelhamed, Muna H. Haroun, and Charlotte Roueché. "Digitising Libyan heritage: inscriptions and toponomy." Libyan Studies 50 (October 22, 2019): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2019.4.
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AbstractThe new digital technologies have become an effective tool for researchers in different fields. Historians and archaeologists who are studying Greek and Roman Libya have benefited from technical developments in presenting different kinds of data, particularly relating to the epigraphy and toponymy of Libya. They have recently published several resources, and are working on more. This study presents the story of how scholars have collected a variety of Libyan heritage materials and published them online; the account makes it clear that these digital projects are the result of extensive and ongoing collaboration between researchers from different countries, including Libya. They have worked together, and are still working to produce valuable online corpora of inscriptions alongside the Heritage Gazetteer of Libya which records names used at different times, and in a variety of languages, of heritage sites. We also discuss plans for further improving the accessibility of these materials, and encouraging their wider use.
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Bigon, Liora. "Towards Creating a Global Urban Toponymy—A Comment." Urban Science 4, no. 4 (December 12, 2020): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/urbansci4040075.
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This commentary points to the problems inherent in critical place names studies in terms of classic research topics, methodologies and geographies. It expounds the limits of the official “index”, that is, the variety of traditional urban inscriptions on which critical toponymy scholars rely in interpreting modern urban spatialities—e.g., lists of street names, official street signage, gazetteers, archival materials, etc. The argument is that in Southern urban contexts, where informality in planning can reach up to about 80 percent of the city, researching official naming and signage renders a distorted image of the city and its namescape production. A comment is thus made on the need to embrace more innovative and almost ethnographic research methodologies for understanding place referencing, place attachment and everyday navigational channels in Southern cities. These will generate a more substantial contribution towards the creation of global urban toponymy and a further de-colonization of Eurocentric presumptions regarding governmentality, urban management, and the accompanying role of street naming systems.
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Dobias-Lalou, Catherine. "Le toponyme Πτολεμαῖον dans les inscriptions de Cyrène : un essai de clarification." Revue des Études Grecques 129, no. 1 (2016): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reg.2016.8398.
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Flexsenhar, Michael. "Jewish Synagogues and the Topography of Imperial Rome: The Case of the Agrippesioi and Augustesioi." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 3 (August 18, 2020): 367–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511283.
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Abstract This study investigates the Agrippesioi and Augustesioi synagogues of ancient Rome. Known from inscriptions found primarily in the Monteverde Catacombs, the synagogues are conventionally dated to the first century CE. Common opinion is that they were named directly after Marcus Agrippa and the emperor Augustus, both of whom, it is thought, played some part in founding the synagogues. Based on the chronology of the catacombs and the inscriptions, I assign the synagogues to the third and fourth centuries. Taking into account the linguistic and epigraphic comparanda of that period, I argue that the synagogue names were toponyms. They signaled where in Rome the Jewish synagogues were. The analysis has further implications for the history and social setting of Roman Jews. Like other groups at the time, they were identifying themselves based on areas or features in the late antique urban landscape that had been associated with Agrippa and Augustus for centuries.
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Oreshko, Rostislav. "The onager kings of Anatolia: Hartapus, Gordis, Muška and the steppe strand in early Phrygian culture." Kadmos 59, no. 1-2 (April 1, 2020): 77–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2020-0005.
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Abstract The article discusses a complex of questions associated with the king Ḫartapus and early culture of the Phrygians. §§ 1-3 revise the evidence of the newly discovered HLuw. inscription TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK, arguing that the correct reading of king’s name in the first line is AQUILA+ra/i-tá-pu-sa = Ḫartapus, and (once again) that the king is not a conqueror, but a native king of Masa or Muška, who reigned in the late 2nd millennium BC. In §§ 4-5 it is suggested that HLuw. Ḫartapus conceals an early Phrygian name preserved in the toponym *Γαρδιβιον (*Γαρδυβιον) attested in the inscriptions of the Xenoi Tekmoreioi. §§ 6-11 argue that the name *Gardabos is connected with Sanskrit gardabhá- ‘donkey’, that it corresponds semantically to the west-Anatolian names Tarkasnawas and Tarkašnalliš, and that donkey ears of King Midas are a late ‘refraction’ of this fact. § 12 discusses the morphological structure of *Gardabos, revising the PIE suffix *-bho- and suggesting new cognates for Skr. gard- ‘shout’ (Armenian kard- and Baltic gerd-). §§ 13-14 discuss a probable steppe background of the ‘donkey-names’. In § 15 it is suggested that Phrygian name Gordis is based on the same root as *Gardabos, and some relevant Phrygian epigraphical evidence is presented. § 16 discusses a further probable Anatolian ‘donkey-name’, Mugallu and its likely cognate μύκαλος. §§ 17-18 touch upon the etymology of the ethnic names Masa and Muška, connecting them with the word for ‘mule’ preserved in the modern Balkan languages (Alb. mushk(ë) etc.), and, more speculatively, with the old Balkan word for ‘horse’ (*me(n)za-). § 19 argues that the ethnic name Φρύγες may have a similar original meaning, going back to another Balkan term for ‘donkey’, βρικός.
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KALINOWSKI, Angela. "Toponyms in IvE 672 and IvE 3080: interpreting collective action in honorific inscriptions from Ephesos." Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 75 (2008): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/oejh75s117.
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Džafić, Šeherzada. "Topos Waters in Newer Bosnian Literature." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online), no. 1(14) (February 4, 2021): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2021.6.1.13.
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Water, whether in a concrete or abstract sense, has an irreplaceable role in every culture and literary tradition in Bosnia and Herzegovina – from the elementary essential-biological to the ambient and psychological in the representations of space and people. This paper will, through concrete examples, examine the role of water topos in works of Bosnian literature precisely through these segments. The theoretical part indicates what the water topos represents, and the interpretive part sees water as a motif and symbol in the structure of the literary text and emphasizes the inscription of factional geographical toponyms/hydronyms, as well as fictitious abstract (a) topos in the poetic identities of the text (and opus in its entirety). In all this, we try to prove the hypothesis that water is an identifying determinant of a certain space and time, and in the cognitive-identity sense an important marker of cultures, social communities, and individuals.
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Krueger, Frederic. "Two Coptic Homographs and the Missing Link in the Etymology of et-Tôd." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 146, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2019-0016.
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Summary The commonly accepted etymology of the Arabic toponym et-Tôd as being directly descended from Ḏrtj is diagnosed as incomplete and complemented by a missing intermediate stage: (p') T(w)t(we) = ⲡⲧⲟⲩⲱⲧ, a pseudetymology “the Chapel/Temple” is first attested in a Demotic inscription of the Ptolemaic period and again in two Coptic ostraca of the 6th century CE, probably referring to the temple of et-Tôd and born of a desire to make new sense of the better attested variant ⲧⲟⲟⲩⲧ in which the original etymology was no longer recognizable. Ongoing coexistence of both forms might also explain Arabic variations. The etymology of et-Tôd furthermore shows that two distinct Demotic words for “image” and for “chapel/temple” survive but are obscured by their identical spelling in Coptic as ⲧⲟⲩⲱⲧ, which dictionaries have identified only with the former.
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Radner, Karen. "A Bit of Assyrian Imperial Culture." Altorientalische Forschungen 48, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0008.
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Abstract A key find from the 2018 excavations at the settlement mound of Gird-e Rūstam (Gird-i Rostam) in the easternmost part of the Kurdish Autonomous Region of Iraq, directly on the border with Iran, is an inscribed pottery sherd that can be assigned to the Neo-Assyrian period, more specifically the late 8th or 7th century BC. Albeit small, the sherd certainly belongs to a “carinated bowl”, which is a typical wine-drinking vessel of that time, and preserves a few signs of a cuneiform inscription in Akkadian language and Neo-Assyrian script. It is suggested that the reconstructed text contains mention of the local toponym Birtu-ša-Adad-remanni “Fortress of Adad-remanni”. This place is located in the border region between the Assyrian Empire and the kingdom of Mannea, which raises the possibility that Gird-e Rūstam could be identified with Birtu-ša-Adad-remanni.
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Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro. "Anecdotæ preislamicæ. On deities Χαρι and Ναζαία in a Greek inscription and some remarks on the toponym Ḥumaymah." Liber Annuus 58 (January 2008): 443–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.la.3.17.
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Dusanic, Slobodan. "Prosopographic notes on roman mining in Moesia superior: The families of wealthy immigrants in the mining districts of Moesia superior." Starinar, no. 56 (2006): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0656085d.
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The author analyzes epigraphic evidence (fresh or based on documents the reading and/or interpretation of which has been revised in sections I-V) to show that Roman mining in Moesia Superior, under the Principate, was largely based on private - frequently senatorial - financial investment. I An unpublished inscription (IInd cent.?) from the Kosmaj argentariae discloses two Publii Fundanii, obviously members of the same family which was to produce P. Fundanius Eutyches, a colonus of the near-by Rudnik mines early in Septimius Severus' reign (IMS I 168). It is perhaps no simple coincidence that, long before, a P. Fundanius Hospes was active in the ferrariae of Noricum (CIL III 4915 a, Magdalensberg); as is well known, the involvement of wealthy Romans in the mining business tended to be hereditary. II The set of Dardanian lead-ingots found at the wreck site of Caesarea Palaestinae registers interesting stamps (Ann. ?p. 1999, 1683; Domitianic). Their testimony can be understood, on a number of points, more completely than has been done by previous editors (I shall discuss the ingots' epigraphic problems in a separate article). Here, let us note that the stamp (d) P.T.R., is best read P(ublius) T(arius) R(ufus) (the genitive construction being possible, too). Like several other families from Liburnia and Nedinum itself (e.g. the Quinti Gnorii), the Tarii Rufi (there seems to be independent evidence that they employed the praenomen Publius [CIL III 2877] among other praenomina) will have invested their money in the mining of Illyricum/Upper Moesia. This state of affairs probably went back to L. Tarius Rufus, cos. 16 BC. III As briefly noted by A. Evans (and more or less forgotten by later scholars), there was a Roman mining region in northwest Dardania (Mokra Gora - Suva Planina), which has left traces in the toponymy (the eloquent Serbian place-name "Rudnik"), archaeological material (including "traces of the ancient workings "), and inscriptions (the mining aspects of which remained unobserved). The presence of rich people/bearers of significant gentilicia should be pointed out here; it tends to be overlooked by the epigraphists. A Greek inscription from Rudnik (Spomenik 71 [1931] 92 no. 215) records a Fulcinius (line 1), who probably originated in Macedonia and may have been a distant successor to the Fulcinius figuring as quaestor in the province's Fasti for 148 BC. The economic expansion of the Fulcinii from Macedonia to the mining districts in the north obviously went via Scupi (IMS VI 121). Another inscription of the same provenance was erected by a Paconius (Spomenik 71[1931] 92 no. 213, with photograph), certainly connected with the city ?lite of S(plonum?) and Risinium, perhaps also with merchants from Delos and Thessalonice. IV The honorary base of Gamicus conductor an(nis) X, lib(ertus) Pont[io(rum)], found at Agio Pnevma not far from Siris (Ann. ?p. 1986, 629, slightly modified), is of double interest. On the one hand, it provides an instructive piece of evidence on iron-mines in the south of Macedonia. (A number of facts tend to indicate their role in the matter: Gamicus' title of conductor, his being a freedman of the Pontii [? to be identified with the senatorial family of the Pontii from Dardania, whose social success, it is generally assumed, must have owed much to the mines in the neighbourhood of Ulpiana], and the mineral wealth of the Strymon region) If Gamicus is really taken to have belonged to the Dardanian branch of the Pontii as their libertus, i.e. the prominent family owning i.a. the ferrariae in Macedonia, their interest in iron may be attributed to the intensity of their need for tools, typical of people possessing mines as well as latifundia. On the other hand, despite the silence of scholars on the subject, it seems that the Gamicus of Ann. ?p. 1986, 629, must be identified with the Gamicus of the Mursan dedication reading [I.]O.M./[pr]o salute/C. Iul. Agatho/pi c(onductoris)/ f(errariarum) Panno5/niar(um) itemq. provinciar(um) / transmarinar(um) / Gamicus ark(arius) / v.s.l.m. (Fitz Verwaltung Pannoniens, 740 f. no. 2; early Severan). Two circumstances favour the identification - the comparative rarity of the name Gamicus and the fact that the conductor as well as the arcarius served in ironmines (under the regime of conductoriate). Probably, Gamicus was a slave of Agathopus' Iulii first; after their being replaced by the Pontii at the head of a part (doubtless the south-eastern one) of the complex of the iron-mines formerly administered by Agathopus, he was taken over by the Pontii (? related to the Dardanian family of that name which has just been discussed) who manumitted him. Writing of the personnel of the portorium Illyrici (whose case naturally, was similar), P. ?rsted noted an analogous practice: "?new conductores bought the slaves of the departing conductor" (Roman Imperial Economy?340). If the foregoing deductions prove accurate, they can lead to a number of comments concerning the administrative and prosopographic history of the iron-mines in Illyricum. V In the last section of the article, the inscriptions from the Scupian dossier of the (senatorial) Libonii are discussed (IMS VI 27, 75, 167 ?now lost?, and 224 ?discovered at Lopate nr. Kumanovo?). New readings and interpretation of CIL III 8227 = IMS VI 167 (with R. Ardevan's suggestions) have been proposed. We are led to the conclusion that the Libonii constituted another senatorial family with estates in Moesia Superior (Dardania) that sought profit from mining. This would explain the two interesting features of the text of IMS VI 167 which have been overlooked/misinterpreted by previous editors. First, the gentile Libonii (not Sibonii or Sidonii) can be seen among the lettertraces of lines 1 and 6. Second, a mining title occurs in lines 4/5: (procurator, vilicus sim) arg(entariarum) (?) / [D]ar[d(anicarum)]. Palaeographical and onomastic considerations sustain the former point (note that IMS VI 27 and 167 share the cognomina Maxima /Maximus and Severus). The latter point recalls the fact that the Kumanovo territory, to the north of Scupi, is known for its Roman mines of argentiferous lead; for Lopate, where the Le/ibonian inscription IMS VI 224 was found, see TIR K 34,VIII d.
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Budiharso, Teguh. "MELURUSKAN SEJARAH TRENGGALEK KOTA GAPLEK: STUDI HEURISTIK FOKLOR PANEMBAHAN BATORO KATONG, JOKO LENGKORO DAN MENAK SOPAL." LINGUA: Journal of Language, Literature and Teaching 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30957/lingua.v12i1.77.
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This study is aimed at describing toponymy of Trenggalek emphasizing on identification of local foklor about Batoro Katong, Joko Lengkoro and Menak Sopal. This study uses qualitative approach assigning heuristic and phenomenology as the method of inquiry. Primary sources such as documents on the foklor, babad, inscriptions, and sites of history were analyzed. Indepth analyses pertaining to the exploration using indepth interview and discussion were conducted involving various informants. This study reveals that Trenggalek derived from Galek, identifying a city that produced gaplek. Since early Matarm, gaplek had been produced in Trenggalek. In support to the name, Galek has been interpreted as the identity of “terang” and “galih” aspiring that Galek has received greatness of the King in Demak. Trenggalek did not exist in the era of Mataram, Majapahit, Demak, and Pajang Kingdom as a regency, however, its status as sima parashima, received since King Sindok in 929 AD up to Majapahit ruling indicated that Trenggalek was a prominent area. To some extents, Trenggalek has received discrimination in the government administration but the history remains to promote the legacy of Trenggalek as an autonomy regency.
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Ziegler, Nele. "The conquest of the holy city of Nineveh and the kingdom of Nurrugûm by Samsî-Addu." Iraq 66 (2004): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001571.
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To speak about Nineveh from the perspective of the archives of Mari may seem rash: the Middle Euphrates is a long way from the banks of the Tigris. Yet the importance of Nineveh and its shrine was such that several texts found at Mari mention it as what must then have been a religious metropolis.During the period when Mari was under the dominion of Samsî-Addu, his son, Yasmah-Addu, sat on its throne. He was primarily responsible for affairs in the west, but personally participated in the military campaign marked by the fall of Nineveh and received numerous letters informing him of military events related to this event. Even after the conquest of Mari, when Yasmah-Addu had left the area, news of Nineveh and its surroundings went on arriving at the capital of the Middle Euphrates and continued to do so more sporadically in the era of Zimrî-Lîm.I would like first to present the data relevant to the geography and toponymy of the kingdom of Nurrugûm, to which Nineveh belonged at that time, and then to reconstruct the campaign that led to the fall of Nineveh and the complete annexation of the kingdom. I will end with some remarks on the famous commemorative inscription placed by Samsî-Addu in the temple Emenue at Nineveh.
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Rezaie, Iraj. "Locating the Ancient Toponym of “Kindāu”: The Recognition of an Indo-European God in the Assyrian Inscriptions of the Seventh Century BC." Iran 58, no. 2 (March 31, 2019): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05786967.2019.1598779.
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Nortis, H. T. "The Libyan Fazzān: a crossroads of routes and a thoroughfare of Arab and Berber tribes historically connected with the Murābiṭūn (Almoravids). A historical and tribal reassessment in the light of what is discoverable in the historical literature, both oral and recorded, of the Tuareg peoples of the Central Sahara and the Libyan Fazzān." Libyan Studies 34 (2003): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900003435.
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AbstractThe subject of this paper is the presentation and argument of a case for the millennium old record of an apparent steady migration of Berber Saharan nomads, who, at a later stage in their history, have came to be recognized as the principal tribes, federations and Sultanates of the Tuareg people whom we know today. These Berber speakers, who are variosly mentioned as the Lamṭa, Lamtūna, Ilemtin, Dag Elemtei and Azgar (Ifoghas), were the acknowledged ancestors of the so-called ‘Sanhaja’ peoples in the Western, the Central and the Eastern Sahara.The Fazzān contains the remains of the ancient city of Jarma (Garama) and from the evidence which has been found from Tifinagh inscriptions which have been discovered at that site, this ‘capital of the Garamantes’ played a significant role in shaping the linguistic and cultural identity of the Tuareg peoples. This identity is especially centered around the city of Ghāt, which borders both the Algerian and Libyan Sahara. This entire region, the Tassili -n- Ajjer and including Akakus, would appear to correspond to Jabal Ṭanṭāna, a toponym which finds a mention in the writings of a number of Arab geographers and historians. Its location made it pivotal for trans-Saharan trade.
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Popovic, Marko. "Problems in the study of the medieval heritage in the Lim valley." Starinar, no. 55 (2005): 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0555181p.
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Discussing the results of archaeological investigation at two important medieval sites - remains of the monastery of St George at Mazici near Priboj and of the church at Drenova near Prijepolje - the author puts forward his critical observations that make significant revisions to the conclusions suggested by excavators. The remains of a monastery at Mazici have long ago been identified with the monastery of St George in the zupa (district) of Dabar known from early 13th-century records. In the 1310s a monastery of St George is referred to in association with the toponym of Orahovica. After a long gap, the monastery is referred to again several times in the 1600s until its final destruction in 1743, as St George?s at Orahovica or simply Mazic(i). The report following systematic archaeological excavations suggests the unacceptable and unfounded conclusion, with dating and interpretation that the monastery church was built in the 13th century, received additions in the 14th, and was renovated in the 16th-17th centuries when there was a hospital attached to it. Careful analysis of the structural remains and the site?s stratigraphy clearly shows that the monastery was built on the site of a medieval cemetery of a 14th-15th-century date, which means that the church and its buildings cannot be older than the 16th century. The author also argues against the assumed presence of a monastic hospital, the assumption being based upon metal artifacts misinterpreted as "medical instruments" (parchment edge trimmer, compasses, fork!!!). The author?s inference is that the ruins at Mazici are not the remains of the monastery of St George, which should be searched for elsewhere, but possibly the legacy of a 14th-century monastic establishment which was moved there from an as yet unknown location most likely about the middle of the 16th century. The site at Drenova, with remains of a church destroyed by land slide, has been known since the late 19th century when a stone block was found there bearing the opening part of an inscription: "+ Te Criste auctore pontifex...", long believed to date from the 9th-10th century. Following the excavations, but based on this dating the church remains were interpreted as pre- Romanesque, and the interpretation entailed some major historical conclusions. From a more recent and careful analysis, the inscription has been correctly dated to the 6th century. With this dating as his starting-point, the author examines the fieldwork results and suggests that the block is an early-Byzantine spolium probably from the late-antique site of Kolovrat near Prijepolje, reused in the medieval period as a tombstone in the churchyard, where such examples are not lonely. It follows that the inscribed block is not directly relatable to the church remains and that it cannot be used as dating evidence. On the other hand, the church remains show features of the Romanesque-Gothic style of architecture typical of the Pomorje, the Serbian Adriatic coast. According to close analogies found for some elements of its stone decoration, the date of the church could not precede the middle of the 13th century. The question remains open as to who had the church built and what its original function was, that is whether a monastic community center round it. Its founder may be sought for among members of the ruling Nemanjic house, but a church dignitary cannot be ruled out. Anumber of complex issues raised by this site are yet to be resolved, but the study should be relieved of earlier misconceptions. Fresh information about this ruined medieval church should be provided by revision excavations in the future.
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Marif, Dilshad Aziz. "Archaeology and the ancient names of the old cities under Sulaimani in the light of the cuneiform & Classical records and the archaeological evidence." Twejer 4, no. 1 (May 2021): 589–628. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2141.13.
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This paper deals with the ancient settlements in the plain where the city of Sulaimani found in 1874 A.D. In his book (Babylonian Problems) Lane (1923) proposes that modern Sulaimani built on the long-lost city of Celonae that was mentioned by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great.” Also, the Kurdish historian Amin Zeki in his book (The History of Sulaimani)1951, agrees with Lane, and he suggests that the name of modern Sulaimani’s name perhaps derived from the same name of Celonae. Many other historians and archaeologists repeat the same identification. In this paper, we investigated this identification, and we found that the city of Celonae was mentioned only once by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great,” he refers to the journey of Alexander the Great from Susa to Ekbatana, according to Rufus, on his way, Alexander camped in Celonae. We suggest a new identification for the Celonae Town in the northern edges of Garmian district at the foot or on the top of one of the mountains of the modern Qaradagh ranges, because, Alexander took the road from Susa to the north then east crossing the city of Sittake on the Tigris near Celucia/al-Madain, then moving to other cities along the road to the direction of the north-east, camped in Celonae, then moved to the east and reached Bagastana (Behistun) and after wards to Ecbatana, the capital of the Median Empire in (modern Hamadan). We found also, that the Assyrian royal inscriptions refer to a mountain called Siluna, the Assyrian king Adad-Narari III (811-783 B.C.) in his campaign on Namri and Media, after crossing the Lower Zab toward the east, first he mentions the mountain Siluna, where the sun rises, then he occupied Namri and crossed the other lands in the east to reach Media, and since Namri was the land of the Kassites (in the post-Kassite period) located in the area of Sangaw-Garmian-Qaradagh-Bamo ranges, we can conclude that the mountain Siluna and the city Celonae were located in the same place somewhere in Qaradagh ranges. In the base of the above-mentioned evidence, we can reject the previous identification of Celonai with modern Sulaimani. On the other hand, in this paper we discussed other identifications of modern Sulaimani with ancient cities and towns mentioned in the cuneiform records, for instance, Radner (2017), suggests that the Zamuan capital city of Arrakdi of the Lullubu people located under modern Sulaimani, but this is not a proper identification, because the city of Arrakdi was mentioned in the cuneiform records three times, and in all records they refer to the point that the city located beyond a roughed mountain, the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II refers that the city located at the foot of the roughed mountain Lara, and this mountain should be modern Lare mountain in the east of Shabazher district far east from modern Sulaimani. Also, the cuneiform tablet that was discovered in Sitak in Sharbazher district and that tablet also refers to Arrakdi. Also, we found that Spiser linked the village of Uluba (Ulubulagh) now it is a district in the southern east of Sulaimani, with the Lullubian City of Lagalaga, this identification only based on the similarities between the two toponyms. On the other hand, Abdulraqeeb Yusuf, suggests that the old village of Daragha, which is now a district in the eastern part of Sulaimani derived from the Zamuan city Dagara of the Lullubies, this identification also not appropriate one, because the village and district named after the name of a nobleman called Mr. Dara Agha, and there is no archaeological ruin in this district as well. The city of Sulaimani was built on an area where a huge archaeological Gird/Tell existed, the Babanian princes built their palace on this artificial hill and the administrative buildings to the east of it, when they dug for the foundations, they discovered coins, a stone with unknown script, and many jars, some of them big jars contained human skulls. In 2005, when the modern building Kaso Mall constructed on the northwest of the hill, we found two seals date back to Jamdet-Naser = Nineveh V period, and Ubaid potsherds, and some bull skulls, their horns cut with a sharp instrument. This evidence indicate that the city was built on a settlement date back to the 5th-4th millennium B.C. Other archaeological discoveries in Girdi Kunara and Girdi De Kon in the western part of the city at the bank of Qiliasan and Tanjero rivers, in Kunara many cuneiform tablets discovered there, we can link these sites also with the Lullubies in the third & second millennium B.C.
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Konestra, Ana. "POSUDE S TOPONIMIJSKIM A LA BARBOTINE NATPISOM NA ISTOČNOJ OBALI JADRANA – PRIJEDLOG INTERPRETACIJE." Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 7, no. 1 (January 4, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/misc.3171.
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The paper deals with two vessels bearing a toponymic inscription - Felix Arba and Salona – found in Nin and Janice, in all likelihood originating from the island of Rab and Salona, and a recently identified vessel, also from Nin, possibly belonging to the same group, though the interpretation of its inscription is difficult. On the basis of morphological and typological characteristics, vessels are classified to pottery categories of tableware and transport pottery, which enables their potential chronological and functional attribution, corroborating assumptions on their local origin. On the basis of the aforementioned, the vessels are interpreted as ancient souvenirs, not only as ceramic objects but also as possible receptacles for assumed foodstuffs and other liquids. Alternatively, on the basis of analogies from other parts of the Empire, possibility of their use is suggested in transport or commercialization of specific local products intended for very specific clients, in this case sailors, anyhow these are vessels intended for small-scale market.
Regardless of the interpretation we might be inclined to accept, vessels with (not only?) toponymic inscriptions can be observed in various contexts, enabling reconstruction of not only productive and market cycle of these products but also their more extensive biography, as well as certain cultural practices, such as ancient mobility, creating memory and “self-representation” of ancient
sites, ancient literacy etc., suggesting possibility of their multiple function as well as reuse, attested at least in one case, and assumed lengthy use.
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Mamvura, Zvinashe. "“By what authority?” The contested politics of urban toponymic inscription in Zimbabwe." Urban Geography, August 23, 2021, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2021.1969141.
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Michalowski, Piotr. "The Earliest Human Toponymy: A New Sargonic Inscription." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie 76, no. 1 (1986). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zava.1986.76.1.4.
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