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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Torture of political prisoners

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Academic literature on the topic 'Torture of political prisoners'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Torture of political prisoners"

1

Agger, Inger. "Sexual torture of political prisoners: An overview." Journal of Traumatic Stress 2, no. 3 (July 1989): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jts.2490020306.

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Yıldız, Yeşim Yaprak. "Forced Confession as a Ritual of Sovereignty." Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2016): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-01702002.

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Torture and confession are like ‘the dark twins’ as Foucault argued. Definitions of torture from the 3rd century to the 21st century indicate confession as its primary motive. Systematic use of torture and confession has also characterised the Turkish state’s policy in Diyarbakır Military Prison against the Kurdish prisoners in the early 1980s. The detainees and the prisoners were routinely forced to repent and confess regardless of their organisational links or the crimes attributed to them. Wide, systematic and routine use of forced confessions in the prison showed that the significance of confession policy in Diyarbakır prison does not arise from their truth status or their effectiveness in intelligence gathering, but from their truth-effects. Although intelligence gathering was one of the objectives of the regime, the policy of confession was used primarily to establish dominance over the accused and to discipline and control the prisoners and the Kurdish population. Drawing upon Foucault, I will further argue that forced production of confession functioned as a ritual of truth-production and subjectification binding the prisoner to the dominant regime of power and truth and transforming him into a docile and obedient subject.

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Maraval Yáguez, Javier. "Mujeres en movimiento: bajo la Dictadura militar chilena (1973-1990)." Cuestiones de género: de la igualdad y la diferencia, no. 3 (December 14, 2008): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i3.3833.

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<p>Desde la perspectiva histórica feminista, el artículo analiza el impacto que la represiónde la dictadura militar del general Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990) causó en las mujeres que conformaron la oposición política. La Tortura Sexual se definió como una estrategia dirigida y pensada contra las prisioneras en los diversos campos de concentración que se extendían a lo largo de Chile. Este hecho, invisibilizado durante años por los diversos estudios entorno a los Derechos Humanos, se reconoció de forma oficial cuando en 2004 se publicó el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura (<em>Informe</em><em> Valech</em>), un documento pionero que recogía 4000 testimonios de mujeres supervivientes.</p><p>From the feminist historical perspective, the article analyses the impact of the Pinochet dictatorship repression (1970-1990) against women from the political opposition. The sexual torture was a specific strategy carried out in the military concentration camps all around Chile. This fact was not visible until the publication of the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture Report in 2004 (<em>Valech</em><em> Report</em>), a pioneer investigation that recognises sexual tortur as specific torture against prisoners including 4000 women survivors testimonies.</p><p> </p>

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Bustos, Jesus Antona. "Torture based on discrimination in Chile." Torture Journal 30, no. 2 (November 9, 2020): 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v30i2.122540.

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Of the approximately 40 Mapuche political prisoners currently serving sentences in Chilean jails, more than half have either gone on, or are currently on, hunger strike. The first prisoners to adopt such a measure did so on May 4. They are taking in liquids, but no solids, and so the state of health of many has now reached a critical level. Following substantial international pressure, the Chilean government has offered some minor prison benefits, however, there is no sign of measures to address neither the reasons for the strike, nor the torture perpetrated for reasons of discrimination that the Mapuche prisoners continue to suffer.

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McCormick, Gladys. "The Last Door: Political Prisoners and the Use of Torture in Mexico's Dirty War." Americas 74, no. 1 (December 6, 2016): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.80.

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In December 1969, former President Lázaro Cárdenas sent a letter to political prisoners in the Lecumberri federal penitentiary in Mexico City, assuring them that he would continue to lobby for their release. In October 1973, Michoacán university students marching in front of the state government building in Morelia held up placards demanding the release of political prisoners. On June 29, 1974, Lucio Cabañas, guerrilla leader of the Partido de los Pobres (Party of the Poor) in the mountains of Guerrero, released a communiqué in which the group's first demand was the release of political prisoners. In its founding document from March 1973, the Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre (LC-23S), an urban-based guerrilla group responsible for more than 60 direct-action operations, made it clear that political prisoners were one of the costs of carrying out a revolution and, as such, would not distract from its broader mission. These are just some of the references to the imprisonment of activists during the height of what is considered Mexico's dirty war. Taken together, the many references to political prisoners suggest that being held captive by the state was a common threat and, in some cases, a reality in the lives of those challenging the authoritarian government in the 1960s and 1970s.

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Einolf, Christopher J. "Why Do States Use Sexual Torture against Political Prisoners? Evidence from Saddam Hussein's Prisons." Journal of Global Security Studies 3, no. 4 (July 28, 2018): 417–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogy011.

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Ghaddar, Ali, Ghadier Elsouri, and Zeinab Abboud. "Torture and Long-Term Health Effects Among Lebanese Female Political Prisoners." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 31, no. 3 (November 6, 2014): 500–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260514555865.

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Punamäki, Raija-Leena, Samir R. Qouta, and Eyad El Sarraj. "Nature of torture, PTSD, and somatic symptoms among political ex-prisoners." Journal of Traumatic Stress 23, no. 4 (July 14, 2010): 532–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jts.20541.

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Mooney, Annabelle. "Torture laid bare." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 3 (April 12, 2017): 434–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15040.moo.

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Abstract Torture, while internationally sanctioned, is not well-defined. This paper sets out a Minimal English definition of the crime of ‘torture’ in international law. The four elements of torture are: (1) infliction of severe pain and suffering (2) acting with intent (3) for a purpose (4) by the state. The connection between intention and outcome is considered in the light of presumptions. I then briefly consider the concept of ‘lawful sanctions’ and the UN Standard Minimum Rules that apply to the treatment of prisoners to establish a baseline against which allegations of torture can be measured. Finally, I argue that current regimes of British benefit sanctions, whereby social welfare payments are stopped, may in some cases constitute torture. This argument considers the effects of sanctions and the discourses and ideologies attached to social welfare claimants.

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SEN, ATREYEE. "Torture and Laughter: Naxal insurgency, custodial violence, and inmate resistance in a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (May 2018): 917–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000142.

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AbstractThis article explores the politics of surveillance, suppression, and resistance within a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta, a city in eastern India. I highlight the excessively violent treatment of women political prisoners, who were captured and tortured for their active participation in a Maoist guerrilla (Naxal) movement. I argue that the state officials who formed the lowest rung of the government's machinery to supress the movement—the police, prison guards, and wardens—partially usurped these carceral worlds during conditions of social unrest to create small regimes of de facto sovereignty over prison publics. During that critical period in the history of political uprising in the region, the central government coercively implemented a series of ‘constitutional actions’ in the name of internal security threats and withdrew civil liberties from Indian citizens. Political opponents were captured and imprisoned, and prisons became a space for licensed excess. I show how women political prisoners cooperated and conspired with women convicts (the latter having nurtured their own coping skills and structures to deal with persecution and negligence while in the detention system) to develop multiple forms of resistance to the extra-legal use of authority in prison, especially in the context of a volatile socio-political environment in the city.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Torture of political prisoners"

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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. "Political prisoners in India /." Delhi [u.a.] : Oxford Univ. Press, 1998. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0606/98903531-d.html.

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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. "Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29435/.

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This is a study of the politics of 'political prisonerhood' in colonial and independent India. Prison going and the struggles inside the prison had, with the nationalist culture of jail going in the early part of the twentieth century become an integral part of the protest against the colonial state. Imprisonment in its multifarious forms also became the major bulwark of the colonial state's strategy for harnessing recalcitrant subjects. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process by which the notion of 'political' became a festering issue in the contest between the colonial state and the subject population and later between the state in independent India and the various 'rebel' groups, and also the manner in which the ruling classes assumed the sole responsibility of defining the 'political'. We have confined our study to the peaks of nationalist resistance against the colonial state and popular struggles against the dominant classes in independent India. Through this exploration of the notion of political prisonerhood we also attempt to understand the permanence and ruptures in the forms of repression and the nature of penal sanctions which the state deployed against its political opponents in colonial and independent India. In order to understand what constitutes 'political crime', and who were or were not recognized as 'political prisoners' at a particular historical moment, we have examined the role of the ideological discourses which informed penal regimes in colonial and independent India. The theoretical premises and conceptual tools in this study bear the influence of the Marxist studies on Indian politics and the Subaltern school's understanding of Indian history. The material for research has been drawn from various official and unofficial sources viz., archival records of the colonial government and the government of independent India, reports on prisons by various governmental committees, jail manuals, rules, regulations, laws, autobiographies, biographies, prison memoirs, prison diaries and interviews with erstwhile political prisoners.

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El-Jamal, Basim. "Palestinian political prisoners and Israeli imprisonment policy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403079.

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Jung, Berenike Christiane. "The (in)visibilities of torture : political torture and visual evidence in U.S. and Chilean fiction cinema (2004-2014)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/81387/.

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This thesis explores how selected contemporary U.S. and Chilean films and television shows depict political torture, in relation to visual documentation of factual cases. The films explore the uneasy complicity in seeing or watching torture, which concerns both the spectacle of cinema, the nature of torture as well as the position of the audience or witness. Casting a wider net on the definition of torture, I suggest that these media products can help broaden our comprehension of the event torture, in its collective and emotional dimension, its long-term social effects as well as its links to other cultural concepts. Moving beyond dominant and limiting frameworks based on representation and identification, this thesis integrates affect, film and media theory with textual analysis. Some of these films and television shows offer a public and emotional space to explore subject positions crucial to acknowledge a sense of social pain, often missing in official accounts. These films’ heterogeneous aesthetic responses speak to a similar set of epistemological and ontological queries, which are fundamentally related to the truth claims of images. In its inherent need for an ethical stand and trust in documented truth, torture offers a research axis to discuss current anxieties regarding the reliability of visual evidence, coinciding with a historical moment that interrogates (moving) images’ powers and reliability to document the real. Ethical questions regarding documentation are reconfigured in epistemological terms. If vision is problematic as means of verification, how do the films pursue authenticity, and what kind of truth do they offer? Responding to current interventions regarding the nature of the cinematic medium, the films propose a new poetics of the real that does not rely primarily on visual evidence. I argue that in a situation of contested, censored or plainly missing documentation, these films produce a “cine-poetic archive,” images that highlight both their constructedness and their roots in the historical real. In this way, the films help understand something fundamental about how we relate to our current reality through our images.

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Gonzalez-Cruz, Michael. "Puerto Rican revolutionary nationalism (1956-2005) immigration, armed struggle, political prisoners & prisoners of war /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.

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6

Motsomotso, Lebohang. "Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and Assata Shakur’s Self-writing : Torture, Authorisation and Liberation." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78030.

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The study conceptualises self-writing through the lived experiences of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and Assata Shakur. The specific focus is on three themes, namely: torture, authorisation, and liberation. These themes are discussed through narrative and thematic analysis that aims at emphasising how the text can be analysed through meaning, symbols and patterns. It is through torture, authorisation, and liberation that the significance of self-writing as a mode of writing engages and facilitates the narrative accounts of Shakur and Madikizela-Mandela. This thesis provides a background of the concept of self-writing and it sets a context of how the concept evolved based on different interpretations by scholars. Foucault (1997) as a key scholar who developed the concept of self-writing highlights that it is about writing the self to freedom and it is an act of being self-intimate. Mbembe (2001) builds on Foucault but presents a different mode of writing. He proposes self-writing through African modes of writing, which he then theorises as African subjectivity. The conceptions and observations of Foucault and Mbembe are fundamental as a point of departure in how self-writing is conceptualised in this thesis. The underpinning similarity of both conceptualisations is centred on how self-writing advocates for the self-attaining a sense of being. Thus, in this, thesis the notion of attaining being emerges as a point of departure in how self-writing is analysed in this thesis. Self-writing justifies as to why the narratives of Shakur and Madikizela-Mandela cannot only be reduced to autobiographical works, but rather expand into texts that have political significance. It also explains the position of the hold, simply defined it is a position in which the black body exists within confinement. It is a captured space that is both in and out of prison which the black body finds itself within. The concept derives from the work of Sharpe (2016). The discussions in this thesis reveal the interconnectedness of the experiences of Shakur and Madikizela-Mandela encounters. Moreover, they illustrate how self-writing is illuminated through political resistance. Self-writing in this thesis is re-imagined as a concept that propagates a political imaginary that is not only for the individual self to attain consciousness, but it is a communal political imaginary. Ultimately, this thesis illustrates how self-writing is a mode of writing that not only occurs through textual evidence but it transcends to a way of life. Additionally, self-writing is a continuous process that awakens one’s consciousness and consequently that of others.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Political Sciences
PhD
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Del, Rosso Jared. "The Reality of Torture: Congress and the Construction of a Political Fact." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104402.

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Thesis advisor: Stephen J. Pfohl
Existing studies of governmental responses to human rights allegations emphasize the rhetorical forms that official claims take at the expense of demonstrating how contextual factors influence discourse. Analytically, this dissertation accounts for these factors by theorizing and analyzing how knowledge and culture operate in American political discourse of torture. Drawing on a qualitative content and discourse analysis of 40 congressional hearings, held between 2003 and 2008, this dissertation documents a transition in American politics from a discourse of denial, which downplayed allegations of abuse and torture, to a discourse of acknowledgment, which criticized the Bush administration's interrogation policies on the grounds that the policies permitted torture and undermined U.S. interests. By situating this transition within its institutional and political context, this study examines the influence of documentary evidence of torture, interpretive frames in which American officials situated that evidence, and political power as expressed in control over congressional committees on political discourse. Between 2003 and 2008, a significant volume of documentary evidence of violence against detainees in U.S. custody entered public discourse. Typically, shifts in congressional discourse followed the release of official, documentary evidence produced by government sources, such as military police or FBI agents, that provided first-hand or localized portrayals of abuse and torture at U.S. detention facilities. Such documents, including the photographs taken at Abu Ghraib prison and FBI emails documenting torture at Guantánamo, secured a "reality" of violence that members of Congress found difficult to rationalize as legitimate state violence. This difficulty stems, in part, from the fact that localized portrayals of interpersonal violence frequently capture the excesses of that violence--the irrationality, sadism, and innovations in cruelty of torturers and the vulnerabilities of sufferers of torture. Significantly, though, the political meaning of documentary evidence derives from the interpretive frames in which it is situated. Between 2003 and 2008, "human rights" and the "rule of law" became increasingly available as interpretive frames for the political debate over detention and interrogation. This development resulted from several changes in the political environment, including the Bush administration's mobilization of human rights to legitimize the Iraq war and the Supreme Court's rulings on cases involving detainees. The Democrat's mid-term victory in 2006, which won Democrats control over both the House of Representatives and Senate, also profoundly influenced political discourse. Democrats used congressional committees to pursue broad, reflective hearings on the Bush administration's detention and interrogation policies. By inviting legal scholars and representatives of human rights organizations to speak about the policies, the Committees further elevated human rights and the rule of law in the debate about torture. Given these developments, a critical discourse of torture gradually emerged and solidified. This discourse labeled American interrogation practices--known to their supporters as "enhanced interrogation"--as torture and linked their use to significant and negative global consequences for the U.S
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology

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Mangels, Nancie J. Anderson James F. "Differences in the background characteristics of black and white male state prison inmates in Alabama and the influence of social, political, and economic factors." Diss., UMK access, 2005.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Sociology/Criminal Justice & Criminology. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2005.
"A dissertation in sociology and social science." Advisor: James F. Anderson. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed June 26, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-208). Online version of the print edition.

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Reeb, Gerda. "Imprisoned writing : testimonies of political incarceration /." view abstract or download file of text, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9978597.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2000.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-225). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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Brewer, Michael Meyer. "Varlam Šalamov's Kolymskie rasskazy the problem of ordering /." Tucson, Ariz. : University of Arizona, 1995. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu_etd_mr0033_1_m.pdf&type=application/pdf.

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Books on the topic "Torture of political prisoners"

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Siesby, Erik. Turkey: Torture and political prisoners. Vienna, Austria: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, 1987.

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Amnesty International. Afghanistan, torture of political prisoners. New York, N.Y: Amnesty International Publications, 1986.

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Amnesty International. China: Torture and ill-treatment of prisoners. London, U.K: Amnesty International Publications, 1987.

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USA, Amnesty International. Torture in Iraq, 1982-1984. New York, N.Y. (322 8th Ave., New York 10001): Amnesty International USA, 1985.

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The torture and prisoner abuse debate. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008.

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Martínez, Ana Guadalupe. Las cárceles clandestinas de El Salvador: Libertad por el secuestro de un oligarca. San Salvador, El Salvador: UCA Editores, 1992.

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International, Amnesty. Kenya: Torture, political detention, and unfair trials. London, U.K: Amnesty International Publications, 1987.

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Na ŭi son pal ŭl mungnunda haedo. Sŏul-si: Kŏrŭm, 1987.

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al-Raḥmān, Murtaḍá Fatḥ. Saykūlūjīyat al-taʻdhīb fī al-Sūdān. [S.l.]: al-Majmūʻah al-Sūdānīayh li-Ḍaḥāyā al-Taʻdhīb, 1995.

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al-Raḥmān, Murtaḍá Fatḥ. Saykūlūjīyat al-taʻdhīb fī al-Sūdān. [S.l.]: al-Majmūʻah al-Sūdānīyah li-Ḍahāyā al-Taʻdhīb, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Torture of political prisoners"

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Ziter, Edward. "Torture." In Political Performance in Syria, 194–239. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137358981_6.

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Engdahl, Brian, and John A. Fairbank. "Former Prisoners of War." In The Mental Health Consequences of Torture, 133–42. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-1295-0_9.

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Munochiveyi, Munyaradzi B. "Getting Arrested: Oral Histories of Violence, Torture, and Arrest in Rhodesia, 1960–1979." In Prisoners of Rhodesia, 65–120. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137482730_3.

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Kleinig, John. "Torture and Political Morality." In Politics and Morality, 209–27. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230625341_12.

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Munochiveyi, Munyaradzi B. "Conclusion: Political Imprisonment and Memorializing Zimbabwe’s Liberation Struggle." In Prisoners of Rhodesia, 225–31. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137482730_7.

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Easton, Susan. "The treatment of political prisoners." In The Politics of the Prison and the Prisoner, 152–90. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315671031-6.

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Easton, Susan. "Prisoners as a political problem." In The Politics of the Prison and the Prisoner, 191–208. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315671031-7.

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Munochiveyi, Munyaradzi B. "The Growth of African Opposition and Intensified State Political Repression in Rhodesia, 1960–1970s." In Prisoners of Rhodesia, 27–63. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137482730_2.

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McMillin, Laurie Hovell. "Political Prisoners: Palden Gyatso and Ama Adhe." In English in Tibet, Tibet in English, 209–22. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312299095_14.

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Davidson, Lawrence. "On Trump, Guns and Torture." In Essays Reflecting the Art of Political and Social Analysis, 109–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98005-8_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Torture of political prisoners"

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Kusmiyanti, Kusmiyanti, and D. Saputra. "Female Violent Extremist Prisoners (VEPs) Guidance." In Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295215.

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Munthe, Reno Maratur, and R. Ismala Dewi. "The Political Rights of Former Corruption Convicted Prisoners to Run in 2019 Legislative Election and 2020 Regional Head General Election: An Overview of Human Rights Perspective." In 3rd International Conference on Law and Governance (ICLAVE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200321.015.

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Reports on the topic "Torture of political prisoners"

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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Kassim Nishtar, Aisling Reidy, Sara Darehshori, Andrew Painter, and Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/pb-f/2021/2.

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Based on the proposal by the European Council, more than 25 heads of state and the World Health Organization (WHO) support development of an international treaty on pandemics, that planned to be negotiated under the auspices of WHO, will be presented to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. Given that the treaty alone is not enough to ensure compliance, triggers for a high-level political response is required. To this end, to inform the design of a support system, we explored institutional mechanismsi with a mandate to review compliance with key international agreements in their signatory countries and conduct independent country investigations in a manner that manages sovereign considerations. Based on our review, there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right. There is, however, potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms to support a strong, enforceable treaty. These aspects include: • Periodic review - based on the model of human rights treaties, with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body to ensure the independence. If made obligatory, the review could support compliance with the treaty. • On-site investigations - based on the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture according to which visits cannot be blocked by state parties. • Non-negotiable design principles - including accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. • Technical support - WHO can provide countries with technical assistance, tools, monitoring, and assessment to enhance emergency preparedness and response.

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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Aisling Reidy, Kassim Nishtar, Sara Darehschori, Andrew Painter, and Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/rr/2021/1.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has created enormous challenges for national economies, livelihoods, and public services, including health systems. In January 2021, the World Health Organization proposed an international treaty on pandemics to strengthen the political commitment towards global pandemic preparedness, control, and response. The plan is to present a draft treaty to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. To inform the design of a support system for this treaty, we explored existing mechanisms for periodic reviews conducted either by peers or an external group as well as mechanisms for in-country investigations, conducted with or without country consent. Based on our review, we summarized key design principles requisite for review and investigation mechanisms and explain how these could be applied to pandemics preparedness, control, and response in global health. While there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right, there is potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms. A Universal Periodic Review design based on the model of human rights treaties with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body, if made obligatory, could support compliance with a new pandemic treaty. In terms of on-site investigations, the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture could lend itself to treaty monitoring and outbreak investigations on short notice or unannounced. These mechanisms need to be put in place in accordance with several core interlinked design principles: compliance; accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. The World Health Organization can incentivize and complement these efforts. It has an essential role in providing countries with technical support and tools to strengthen emergency preparedness and response capacities, including technical support for creating surveillance structures, integrating non-traditional data sources, creating data governance and data sharing standards, and conducting regular monitoring and assessment of preparedness and response capacities.

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