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1
Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. "Political prisoners in India /." Delhi [u.a.] : Oxford Univ. Press, 1998. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0606/98903531-d.html.
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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar. "Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29435/.
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This is a study of the politics of 'political prisonerhood' in colonial and independent India. Prison going and the struggles inside the prison had, with the nationalist culture of jail going in the early part of the twentieth century become an integral part of the protest against the colonial state. Imprisonment in its multifarious forms also became the major bulwark of the colonial state's strategy for harnessing recalcitrant subjects. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process by which the notion of 'political' became a festering issue in the contest between the colonial state and the subject population and later between the state in independent India and the various 'rebel' groups, and also the manner in which the ruling classes assumed the sole responsibility of defining the 'political'. We have confined our study to the peaks of nationalist resistance against the colonial state and popular struggles against the dominant classes in independent India. Through this exploration of the notion of political prisonerhood we also attempt to understand the permanence and ruptures in the forms of repression and the nature of penal sanctions which the state deployed against its political opponents in colonial and independent India. In order to understand what constitutes 'political crime', and who were or were not recognized as 'political prisoners' at a particular historical moment, we have examined the role of the ideological discourses which informed penal regimes in colonial and independent India. The theoretical premises and conceptual tools in this study bear the influence of the Marxist studies on Indian politics and the Subaltern school's understanding of Indian history. The material for research has been drawn from various official and unofficial sources viz., archival records of the colonial government and the government of independent India, reports on prisons by various governmental committees, jail manuals, rules, regulations, laws, autobiographies, biographies, prison memoirs, prison diaries and interviews with erstwhile political prisoners.
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El-Jamal, Basim. "Palestinian political prisoners and Israeli imprisonment policy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403079.
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Jung, Berenike Christiane. "The (in)visibilities of torture : political torture and visual evidence in U.S. and Chilean fiction cinema (2004-2014)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/81387/.
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This thesis explores how selected contemporary U.S. and Chilean films and television shows depict political torture, in relation to visual documentation of factual cases. The films explore the uneasy complicity in seeing or watching torture, which concerns both the spectacle of cinema, the nature of torture as well as the position of the audience or witness. Casting a wider net on the definition of torture, I suggest that these media products can help broaden our comprehension of the event torture, in its collective and emotional dimension, its long-term social effects as well as its links to other cultural concepts. Moving beyond dominant and limiting frameworks based on representation and identification, this thesis integrates affect, film and media theory with textual analysis. Some of these films and television shows offer a public and emotional space to explore subject positions crucial to acknowledge a sense of social pain, often missing in official accounts. These films’ heterogeneous aesthetic responses speak to a similar set of epistemological and ontological queries, which are fundamentally related to the truth claims of images. In its inherent need for an ethical stand and trust in documented truth, torture offers a research axis to discuss current anxieties regarding the reliability of visual evidence, coinciding with a historical moment that interrogates (moving) images’ powers and reliability to document the real. Ethical questions regarding documentation are reconfigured in epistemological terms. If vision is problematic as means of verification, how do the films pursue authenticity, and what kind of truth do they offer? Responding to current interventions regarding the nature of the cinematic medium, the films propose a new poetics of the real that does not rely primarily on visual evidence. I argue that in a situation of contested, censored or plainly missing documentation, these films produce a “cine-poetic archive,” images that highlight both their constructedness and their roots in the historical real. In this way, the films help understand something fundamental about how we relate to our current reality through our images.
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Gonzalez-Cruz, Michael. "Puerto Rican revolutionary nationalism (1956-2005) immigration, armed struggle, political prisoners & prisoners of war /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Motsomotso, Lebohang. "Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and Assata Shakur’s Self-writing : Torture, Authorisation and Liberation." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78030.
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The study conceptualises self-writing through the lived experiences of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and Assata Shakur. The specific focus is on three themes, namely: torture, authorisation, and liberation. These themes are discussed through narrative and thematic analysis that aims at emphasising how the text can be analysed through meaning, symbols and patterns. It is through torture, authorisation, and liberation that the significance of self-writing as a mode of writing engages and facilitates the narrative accounts of Shakur and Madikizela-Mandela. This thesis provides a background of the concept of self-writing and it sets a context of how the concept evolved based on different interpretations by scholars. Foucault (1997) as a key scholar who developed the concept of self-writing highlights that it is about writing the self to freedom and it is an act of being self-intimate. Mbembe (2001) builds on Foucault but presents a different mode of writing. He proposes self-writing through African modes of writing, which he then theorises as African subjectivity. The conceptions and observations of Foucault and Mbembe are fundamental as a point of departure in how self-writing is conceptualised in this thesis. The underpinning similarity of both conceptualisations is centred on how self-writing advocates for the self-attaining a sense of being. Thus, in this, thesis the notion of attaining being emerges as a point of departure in how self-writing is analysed in this thesis. Self-writing justifies as to why the narratives of Shakur and Madikizela-Mandela cannot only be reduced to autobiographical works, but rather expand into texts that have political significance. It also explains the position of the hold, simply defined it is a position in which the black body exists within confinement. It is a captured space that is both in and out of prison which the black body finds itself within. The concept derives from the work of Sharpe (2016). The discussions in this thesis reveal the interconnectedness of the experiences of Shakur and Madikizela-Mandela encounters. Moreover, they illustrate how self-writing is illuminated through political resistance. Self-writing in this thesis is re-imagined as a concept that propagates a political imaginary that is not only for the individual self to attain consciousness, but it is a communal political imaginary. Ultimately, this thesis illustrates how self-writing is a mode of writing that not only occurs through textual evidence but it transcends to a way of life. Additionally, self-writing is a continuous process that awakens one’s consciousness and consequently that of others.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Political Sciences
PhD
Restricted
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Del, Rosso Jared. "The Reality of Torture: Congress and the Construction of a Political Fact." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104402.
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Thesis advisor: Stephen J. PfohlExisting studies of governmental responses to human rights allegations emphasize the rhetorical forms that official claims take at the expense of demonstrating how contextual factors influence discourse. Analytically, this dissertation accounts for these factors by theorizing and analyzing how knowledge and culture operate in American political discourse of torture. Drawing on a qualitative content and discourse analysis of 40 congressional hearings, held between 2003 and 2008, this dissertation documents a transition in American politics from a discourse of denial, which downplayed allegations of abuse and torture, to a discourse of acknowledgment, which criticized the Bush administration's interrogation policies on the grounds that the policies permitted torture and undermined U.S. interests. By situating this transition within its institutional and political context, this study examines the influence of documentary evidence of torture, interpretive frames in which American officials situated that evidence, and political power as expressed in control over congressional committees on political discourse. Between 2003 and 2008, a significant volume of documentary evidence of violence against detainees in U.S. custody entered public discourse. Typically, shifts in congressional discourse followed the release of official, documentary evidence produced by government sources, such as military police or FBI agents, that provided first-hand or localized portrayals of abuse and torture at U.S. detention facilities. Such documents, including the photographs taken at Abu Ghraib prison and FBI emails documenting torture at Guantánamo, secured a "reality" of violence that members of Congress found difficult to rationalize as legitimate state violence. This difficulty stems, in part, from the fact that localized portrayals of interpersonal violence frequently capture the excesses of that violence--the irrationality, sadism, and innovations in cruelty of torturers and the vulnerabilities of sufferers of torture. Significantly, though, the political meaning of documentary evidence derives from the interpretive frames in which it is situated. Between 2003 and 2008, "human rights" and the "rule of law" became increasingly available as interpretive frames for the political debate over detention and interrogation. This development resulted from several changes in the political environment, including the Bush administration's mobilization of human rights to legitimize the Iraq war and the Supreme Court's rulings on cases involving detainees. The Democrat's mid-term victory in 2006, which won Democrats control over both the House of Representatives and Senate, also profoundly influenced political discourse. Democrats used congressional committees to pursue broad, reflective hearings on the Bush administration's detention and interrogation policies. By inviting legal scholars and representatives of human rights organizations to speak about the policies, the Committees further elevated human rights and the rule of law in the debate about torture. Given these developments, a critical discourse of torture gradually emerged and solidified. This discourse labeled American interrogation practices--known to their supporters as "enhanced interrogation"--as torture and linked their use to significant and negative global consequences for the U.S
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Mangels, Nancie J. Anderson James F. "Differences in the background characteristics of black and white male state prison inmates in Alabama and the influence of social, political, and economic factors." Diss., UMK access, 2005.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Sociology/Criminal Justice & Criminology. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2005."A dissertation in sociology and social science." Advisor: James F. Anderson. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed June 26, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-208). Online version of the print edition.
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Reeb, Gerda. "Imprisoned writing : testimonies of political incarceration /." view abstract or download file of text, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9978597.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2000.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-225). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Brewer, Michael Meyer. "Varlam Šalamov's Kolymskie rasskazy the problem of ordering /." Tucson, Ariz. : University of Arizona, 1995. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu_etd_mr0033_1_m.pdf&type=application/pdf.
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Hill, Tami R. "Fragile community : trauma, truth, transformation and the social construction of suffering among Latin Americans and the staff of a United States torture treatment center /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank) Connect to title online (ProQuest), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10083.
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Page, Phillip Jermaine. "The monster I have become : an analysis of media representations of torture allegations against U.S. soldiers in Iraq from April 2004 to October 2005 /." Connect to resource online, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1256139570.
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Luci, Monica. "The phenomenon of torture : towards an integrated framework for the understanding of intrapsychic, relational, socio-political dimensions of torture and its implications for human rights." Thesis, University of Essex, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.572807.
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This research is intended to examine the phenomenon of torture from a perspective as comprehensive as possible. Starting from definitions of torture in international law and discussing a wide range of literature, it focuses on its individual, relational and socio-political aspects. The aim of the research is to contribute to the development of a concise and integrated framework of understanding of torture based on psychoanalytic thinking that enable the examination of different levels of the phenomenon as well as a dialogue between psychoanalysis and human rights on the topic of torture. After a critical review of the literature that addresses the socio-political key features and the relational and individual aspects of social actors involved, the main framework of understanding of the phenomenon of torture is constructed through a selection of psychoanalytic theories on the functioning of self and its main dynamic principles. The main conceptual elements of this framework are those of splintered reflective triangle, monolithic self states and monolithic societal states, which are the original contributions of this .thesis but well grounded on existing psychoanalytic literature. They are an elaboration of selected key themes of psychoanalytic contributions of authors from different theoretical approaches (British Object Relations Theory, Relational Psychoanalysis and Analytical Psychology). These concepts with their emotional, relational and cognitive facets, aim to account for the crucial relational ' dynamics in torture that address the different but interconnected levels of experience in the social actors of torture. This framework is used to initiate a dialogue with the human rights field on the debate of permissibility of torture and other relevant themes, illustrating further lines of possible development for this study.
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OLIVEIRA, PRISCILA SOBRINHO DE. "IMPRISONMENT TRAJECTORIES IN THE MEMORIES OF POLITICAL PRISONERS IN BRAZIL (1930-1940)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2018. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=34707@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
A presente dissertação analisa as trajetórias prisionais de cinco militantes comunistas que, por conta das suas práticas políticas, sofreram perseguição e prisão durante o primeiro governo de Getúlio Vargas (1930-1945). Para tanto, são privilegiadas como fontes principais deste trabalho as obras autobiográficas escritas por estes homens. Buscamos entender as obras dentro dos seus contextos de escrita e publicação, mas também o que elas nos dão a ver sobre a experiência de estar preso nas Casas de Detenção e prisões insulares de Fernando de Noronha e Ilha Grande, assim como o deslocamento marítimo feito enquanto preso, durante aquelas décadas, ao que chamamos de cárcere em movimento. O objetivo é compreender como estes sujeitos, ao narrar as experiências de prisão, construíram a identidade de preso político e, de forma dialética, construíram também uma imagem do chamado preso comum como o seu outro, oposto, negativo e estigmatizado. Assim, a pretensão deste trabalho é contribuir para um entendimento mais complexo da experiência de prisão política vivida pelos autores nas décadas de 1930 e 1940, posteriormente narradas e tomadas como categoria pouco questionada pela historiografia.
The present thesis analyses the trajectory of five left-wing activists that, due to their political activities, were persecuted and arrested during the first government of Getúlio Vargas (1930 -1945). We focus on the autobiographies and memoirs written by these men, a collection of works that make a corpus of documentary. We aim to understand their works within the contexts such texts were written and published. It is also our intent to acquire from them a vision about the experience of being a convict in the Casas de Detenção and insular prisons of Fernando de Noronha and Ilha Grande, as well as the transportation by the sea done as a prisoner, throughout those decades, that we denominate itinerant jail. The objective of the analytic outline is to understand how these subjects, when describing their convict experiences, built an identity of political prisoner and, in a dialectical form, also built the image of the so-called common prisoner as their other, opposite, negative and stigmatized. In this sense, the objective of this work is to contribute to a more complex understanding of the political prison lived by the authors in the decades of 1930 and 1940, later narrated and not very questioned by the historiography.
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Tsatsaroni, Charikleia. "Political ideology and moral perspectives on invasion, torture, and international law: a sociomoral ecological approach." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/12655.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.To increase understanding ofthe role of ideology in moral judgments related to war, torture, and violation of human rights agreements, this study implemented a sociomoral ecological approach integrating theoretical perspectives from Urie Bronfenbrenner and Albert Bandura. Bronfenbrenner has urged psychologists to consider the role of contextual factors at the level ofthe microsystem (e.g., family), exosystem (e.g., neighborhood), and macrosystem (culture) in influencing and being influenced by the developing individual. Bandura's (1999) theory of moral disengagement identifies sociomoral mechanisms through which individuals attempt to justify behaviors that violate their moral standards. In a secondary analysis of quantitative and qualitative responses from 557 respondents to an international survey, this study investigated the contribution of political ideology and contextual factors to: (a) level of agreement with hypothetical governmental rights to invade, torture, and violate international agreements; and (b) types of moral disengagement accompanying tolerance of. aggression. To predict tolerance for governmental aggression, multiple linear regressions were conducted with the following predictors: (a) political ideology (measured by political partisanship and total conservatism scores); (b) the microsystem, exosystem, and macrosystem contextual variables of participation in protest, participation in conflict resolution education, having a military relative, and nationality; and (c) the individual variables of gender, age, and education. In predicting agreement with governmental rights to aggression, total conservatism and conservative political partisanship contributed significantly and positively to higher agreement with governmental rights to aggression. Being from a communally-oriented country, being a protestor, being a woman, and being older significantly predicted lower agreement with those purported rights. Regarding total moral disengagement, total conservatism, greater political conservatism, higher educational level, and participation in a conflict resolution program were significantly associated with higher moral disengagement. By contrast, being from a communally-oriented culture, being a woman, being a protestor, and being older significantly predicted lower moral disengagement. These results confirm the role of political ideology in predicting individuals' moral reasoning regarding tolerance for governmental aggression. By confirming that contextual and individual predictors at multiple ecological levels contributed significantly to tolerance of governmental aggression, they also supported Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory ofhuman development.
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Hough, Gys. "The systemic analysis of the establishment of torture as foreign policy measure in modern democratic institutions with special reference to the use of torture during the “War on Terror”." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4284.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation’s primary focus is why torture is used when torture is not an effective means of gathering intelligence. To answer this question the argument for the use of torture, commonly known as the ticking time bomb argument, is discussed. Due to psychological and physiological processes during torture interrogation it was found that torture cannot be relied upon to deliver truthful information. Torture was also found to adversely affect the institutions that are needed for its establishment. After torture has been found to be of no utility in terms of the appropriation of information the question of why torture is still used is answered by means of discussing societal dynamics as well as the political process surrounding torture. On the societal front it was found that American public opinion towards torture is ambivalent. The reason for this includes a host of socio-psychological factors such as the in-group out-group bias as well the War on Terror as a political ideology in its own right. The notion that anybody is likely to torture is also explored by means of discussing the Milgram’s Obedience Experiment as well as the Stanford Prison Experiment. On the political front the notion that the abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay were the work of a few bad apples is dispelled since it formed part of a deliberative political process that tried to make torture a legitimate foreign policy measure. The reason for the existence of this process is the failure of international and domestic checks and balances. On the international front U.S. unilateralism as foreign policy principle is cited as the reason for the ineffectiveness of international measures to stop torture. On the domestic front the permanent rally around the flag effect due to the permanent state of mobilization in the War on Terror is cited as the reason for the failure of domestic checks and balances. The lessons learnt from the research enables the creation of measures on how to stop torture even when it is found that the necessary political will is not present within the Obama administration. In the absence of political will it must be manufactured by means of the actions of civil society, the free press and the international community. It was found that the most effective means would be the creation of a committee of inquiry to create the political memory of the use of torture and how it was established. Additionally a memorial must be erected as well seeing that inquiries create political memories but they do not sustain it.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se fokus is om na te vors waarom marteling gebruik word as dit nie ‘n effektiewe wyse is om inligting in te win nie. Om hierdie vraagstuk te beantwoord word die argument vir die gebruik van marteling naamlik die tikkende-tydbom-argument bespreek. Asgevolg van sielkundige en fisiologiese prosesse tydens ondervragings wat gebruik maak van marteling kan daar nie op marteling staatgemaak word om die waarheid op te lewer nie. Dit was ook bevind dat marteling die instansies, wat nodig is vir die gebruik daarvan, op ‘n negatiewe wyse beïnvloed. Nadat daar vasgestel is dat marteling geen nutswaarde aangaande die inwinning van informasie bied nie word die vraagstuk waarom marteling steeds gebruik word beantwoord. Op die samelewingsvlak kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse samelewing onseker is oor of marteling gebruik moet word al dan nie. Verskeie redes vir hierdie opinie word aangevoer waarvan die in-group out-group bias en die Oorlog teen Terreur as politieke ideologie slegs twee daarvan uitmaak. Dat enige persoon in staat is tot marteling onder die regte stel omstandighede word ook bespreek na aanleiding van die Milgram’s Obedience Experiement en die Stanford Prison Experiment. Op die politiese vlak is daar vasgestel dat die menseregteskendings in Abu Ghraib en Guantanamo Bay nie die werk was van slegs `n paar indiwidue was nie, maar deel uitmaak van ‘n doelbewuste politiese proses wat marteling as ‘n legitieme buitelandse beleidskwessie wil afmaak. Die rede waarom die beleidsproses bestaan kan toegeskryf word aan die mislukking van inter- en intranasionale wigte en teenwigte. Op die internasionale vlak kan daar gestel word dat die Verenigde State se unilateralistiese modus operandi die rede is vir die mislukking van internasionale maatreëls teen marteling. Op die intranasionale front kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse publiek verkeer in ‘n permanent rally around the flagtoestand asgevolg van die permanent mobilisasie in die Oorlog teen Terreur. Uit die lesse wat geleer is uit die navorsing kan daadwerklike stappe gedoen word om die gebruik van marteling stop te sit alhoewel die Obama-administrasie se politiese wil ontbreek. Met die tekort aan politiese wil moet die politiese wil geskep word deur die burgerlik samelewing, the vrye pers asook die internasionale gemeenskap. Daar was gevind dat die mees effektiewe wyse om marteling stop te sit sal deurmiddel van ‘n kommissie van ondersoek wees. Die kommissie se doel sal wees om te bepaal hoe marteling tot stand gekom het en ‘n politiese herinnering te skep. Daar moet ook ‘n bykomende maatreël wees, naamlik die oprigting van ‘n monument aangesien kommissies van ondersoek politiese herinneringe skep maar nie in stand hou nie.
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Murphy, Kathleen. "Critical Consciousness, Community Resistance & Resilience| Narratives of Irish Republican Women Political Prisoners." Thesis, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3683725.
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Colonial legacies affect neocolonial experiences of conflict in the 20th and 21st centuries. A critical and comprehensive appreciation of the global "war on terror" reveals terrorism "from above'" (state-sponsored terrorism) as a growing issue in the international community. Further, women's varied experiences within communities of resistance are often undermined, ignored, or maligned within formal research on conflict and peace. Liberation psychologists are called to align with oppressed, marginalized, and suffering communities. To this end, this work explores the experience of women political prisoners of the Irish conflict for independence from Great Britain. A qualitative critical psychosocial analysis was used to understand the phenomenology of women's political imprisonment through the firsthand narratives of Republican women imprisoned during the "Troubles" of Northern Ireland. The intention of this study was to 1) provide an analysis of power and its connection to social conditions, 2) to provide a psychological analysis of how oppression may breed resistance in communities struggling for liberation, and 3) to explore the gendered experience of Irish women political prisoners. The results indicated that political imprisonment may be understood as a microcosm of oppression and liberation, and the subjective experience of political prisoners may glean insights into how communities develop critical consciousness, organize politically, resist oppression, and meaningfully participate in recognizing their human rights. Additionally, this research challenged the exclusion of women's voices as members of resistance movements and active agents in both conflict and peace building and challenged the failure to investigate state-sponsored terrorism, or terrorism from above.
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Mothamaha, Ezekiel Mafoka. "Ministry to political prisoners on Robben Island (1960 - 1990) : a Church History approach." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/61192.
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I have read many articles and seen many stories about Robben Island. What I find
lacking in these articles and stories is the role played by the church in relation to ministry
to political prisoners.
Given my own experience as a political prisoner on Robben Island, I am of the view that
this subject should be explored and told.
As implied in the title, this study will focus on the period covering three decades (1960-
1970, 1971-1980 and 1981-1990). These periods will be considered separately and
collectively.
Background
A brief background information about Robben Island as a maximum security prison will
be provided here. Furthermore, the categories and affiliations of political prisoners are
explained. Lastly, detail relating to existence of different religions is discussed.
Problem Statement
The role played by the church in ministry to political prisoners on Robben Island between
1960 and 1990.
Methodology
This study makes use of oral history by way of interviews and other sources such as
questionnaires, records, etc. to generate data from, among, others:
1. Political prisoners incarcerated during the period stated above.
2. Chaplain(s) who served during this period.
3. Prison Official(s) who served during this period Archived material relating to ministry to political prisoners covering this period will be
inspected.
Findings
In the introduction of his book The Changing Shape of Church History, Justo L. González
(2002:1) starts by asking the question: "where is the cutting edge of church history?" My
expectation is that the findings of this study, as they are stated here, would illustrate the
cutting edge of the church history on Robben Island.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Church History and Church Policy
MA
Unrestricted
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Rodgers, Karen. "The political discourse on women prisoners and the issue of co-corrections in Canada." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7456.
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This study explores the political discourse on women in prison and the issue of co-corrections in Canada. Tentative propositions were generated regarding the nature of the official rhetoric, feminist position and female inmates' perspective on the treatment of Canadian female prisoners and the issue of shared services. First, provisional generalizations were developed through a review of the American literature dealing with female imprisonment and co-corrections in the United States. Subsequently, through an analysis of the major Canadian penitentiary reports, official female offender reports, relevant parliamentary debates, and an interview with a group of women in P4W, the generalizations were tested against the Canadian context. An effort has been made to develop a substantive theory of the political discourse on women in prison and the issue of co-corrections in Canada. Generally, the tentative framework generated through the analysis of the American literature and the debates on co-corrections in the United States was validated. Some peculiar Canadian features, however, did prompt a revision of the original 'model'. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Stenkvist, Lina. "State Emergency - is torture ever justifibale? : Reflections from deontologist and consequentialist perspectives." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-970.
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Abstract
The ban against torture is part of customary international law and is prohibited under all circumstances. Nevertheless, torture is conducted by nearly 150 countries all over the world,according to Amnesty International. Torture often serves as a means for governments to
protect themselves from internal and external threats to the security of the state apparatus.
The research problem seeks to investigate whether torture is ever justifiable when a nation finds itself in an emergency situation. This dilemma is examined through two moral theories, deontology and consequentialism, which are the two most debated theories in this
context. This research investigates three case countries; USA, Israel and Argentina, all of which have resorted to violent interrogation/ torture of detainees under national security situations.
In the analysis chapter, an examination of the two moral theories´ interpretations in each case country’s policy of violent interrogation / torture is carried out. The study was conducted using qualitative methods, idea analysis and the case study method.
In conclusion, the deontologist perspective takes an absolutist approach, in which torture is never justifiable, whereas the consequentialist perspective deems torture to be justifiable in
cases such as the “ticking bomb,” where many innocent lives may be saved. A further debate regarding the issue of torture and justifiability is needed, unless debated and questions are
raised regarding the use of torture, we merely drive torture underground.
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Naismith, Stanley Hood. "The international protection of fundamental human rights : an examination of the role and effectiveness of international law in the elimination of torture." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306160.
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Fisher, Ruth. "Resistance and survival : deconstructing the narratives of women political prisoners after the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22106/.
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This thesis offers a comparative reading of life writing by female political prisoners who were imprisoned after the Spanish Civil War, studying six texts in particular: the two volumes of Cárcel de mujeres by Tomasa Cuevas; Desde la noche y la niebla by Juana Doña; Réquiem por la libertad by Ángeles García Madrid; Abajo las dictaduras by Josefa García Segret; and Aquello sucedió así by Ángeles Malonda. The representation of women’s imprisonment in Spain has been dominated by Communist narratives, while texts by non-Communist women have largely been ignored. Situating these life writing accounts during the Transition when they were published allows us to analyse them as responses to the process of democratisation and as constructions, rather than as simple factual representations of life under the dictatorship. A comparative reading of Communist texts demonstrates the high degree of similarity between them, highlighting that they offer ideologically-driven depictions of imprisonment as a collective experience. Reading them alongside non-Communist life writing shows that the Communist narrative foregrounds resistance at the expense of exploring the individual, emotional, and intellectual struggle for survival that many women faced as political prisoners in the aftermath of the Spanish Civil War.
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Gordon, Francesca L. T. "Can China fully protect and prevent all detained persons from torture under its current legislative, institutional and political model?" Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22116/.
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Far-reaching reforms are influencing every aspect of governance within the People’s Republic of China, including in its criminal justice system. Against this backdrop, this thesis critically considers current concerns regarding torture and other ill-treatment in China. It assesses to what extent persistent allegations of ill-treatment of detainees indicate endemic practices; examines the effectiveness of nascent torture prevention measures and identifies the factors that may enable resilience of abuse. Overall, it investigates whether torture prevention is effective within the PRC legal framework or whether it can become so on the current reform trajectory. To do so, the thesis sets out the scope of available legal protections against torture and ill-treatment in China, and assesses these in light of international law requirements so as to identify protection gaps and broader obstacles to prevention. The analysis examines these through the lens of three different justice processes: the criminal, administrative and Party. These are representative of China’s wider criminal justice system and the different routes through which persons can be deprived of their liberty. The analysis finds that while the criminal justice system is becoming more regulated, even here protection gaps remain. In the administrative and Party justice processes, almost all key safeguards against torture are missing: these remain legally ‘grey’ spheres. All three justice processes thus fail to protect every category of detainee and torture and ill-treatment continue. The thesis identifies the key factors contributing to the resilience of torture and ill-treatment in China and the required reforms. The analysis concludes that while China is taking significant steps towards preventing torture and ill-treatment, these have insecure foundations and suffer from fundamental deficiencies that can only be addressed by further legal, structural, institutional and political reform. This China case study can provide valuable lessons for other countries where ill-treatment has become endemic.
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Danylyszyn, John William. "'Prisoners of peace' : British policy towards displaced persons and political refugees within occupied Germany 1945-1951." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.394842.
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Prisoners of Peace provides an analysis of British responses to the post-war European refugee problem. The study commences by examining the British Government's agreement to the compulsory repatriation of Soviet citizens in 1945. In this way it is established at the outset that political calculations provided the fundamental determinant of British refugee policy. And this focus is offered in deliberate contrast to the cosily restricted 'humanitarian' interpretations which have characterised much prior writing on refugee problems. The present study is not concerned with everyday reality of refugee life. Instead it seeks both to interpret refugee responses by reference to the changing pattern of international relations at this time and to examine the impact which the refugee problem exerted upon wider British policy concerns. Hence, the second chapter incorporates an assessment of the continuous influx of German 'expellees' into the British zone of Germany between 1945 and 1947. These 'expellees' greatly complicated the British occupation by perpetually intensifying the strain upon decimated housing stocks and scarce supplies of food. At the same time the British were obliged to maintain substantial popUlations of Eastern European refugees who stubbornly refused to be pressured into repatriation. These groupings were segregated from the expanding German population in order to reduce the likelihood of ethnic-nationalistic friction. It was quickly discovered that British concerns in these matters could not be made compatible with those of the Soviets. Similarly, British prescriptions in regard to Jewish refugees conflicted with those advanced by the United States. This conflict is the subject of the third chapter. Chapter four describes how the Attlee Government came to perceive able-bodied refugees as a labour resource and how the United States also elected to champion this perspective during discussions which ultimately led to the creation of the International Refugee Organization in 1947-48. The final chapter examines the various political motivations which determined the character of UNHCR and also focuses upon the problems which were engendered for the emergent West German state by the residue populations of 'UN refugees' and the vast numbers of expelled 'Germans from the East' .
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Chediak, Lynsey. "Holes in the Historical Record: The Politics of Torture in Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, 1869-1977." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/875.
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While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories.
Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos.
Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights.
Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.
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Young, Sandra Michele. "Negotiating truth, freedom and self : the prison narratives of some South African women." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18833.
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The autobiographical prison writings of four South African women - Ruth First, Caesarina Kana Makhoere, Emma Mashinini and Maggie Resha - form the focus of this study. South African autobiography is burdened with the task of producing history in the light of the silences enforced by apartheid security legislation and the dominance of representations of white histories. Autobiography with its promise of 'truth' provides the structure within which to establish a credible subject position. In chapter one I discuss the use of authenticating devices, such as documentary-like prose, and the inclusion in numerous texts of the stories of others. Asserting oneself as a (publicly acknowledged) subject in writing is particularly difficult for women who historically have been denied access to authority: while Maggie Resha's explicit task is to highlight the role women have played in the struggle, her narrative must also be broadly representative, her authority communal. As I discuss in chapter two, prison writing breaks the legal and psychological silences imposed by a hostile penal system. In a context of political repression the notion of the truth becomes complicated, because while it is important to be believed, it is also important, as with Ruth First, not to betray her comrades and values. The writer must therefore negotiate with the (imagined) audience if her signature is to be accepted and her subjectivity affirmed. The struggle to represent oneself in the inimical environment of prison and the redemptive value in doing so are considered in chapter three. The institution of imprisonment as a means of silencing political dissidence targets the body, according to Michel Foucault's theories of discipline and control explored in chapter four. Using the work of Lois McNay and Elizabeth Grosz I argue in chapter five that it is necessary also to pay attention to the specificities of female bodies which are positioned and controlled in particular ways. I argue, too, using N. Chabani Manganyi, that while anatomical differences provide the rationale for racism and sexism, the body is also an instrument for resisting negative cultural significations. For instance, Caesarina Kana Makhoere represents her body as a weapon in her political battle, inside and outside prison. The prison cell itself is formative of subjectivity as it returns an image of criminality and powerlessness to the prisoner. Following the work of human geographers in chapter six I argue that space and subjectivity are mutually constitutive, as shown by the way spatial metaphors operate in prison texts. The subject can redesign hostile space in order to represent herself. As these texts show, relations of viewing are crucial to self-identification: surveillance disempowers the prisoner and produces her as a victim, but prisoners have recourse to alternative ways of (visually) interacting in order to position the dominators as objects of their gaze, through speaking and then also through writing. Elaine Scarry's insights into torture are extended in chapter seven to encompass psychological torture and sexual harassment: inflicting bodily humiliation, as well as pain, on the body, brings it sharply into focus, making speech impossible. By writing testimony and by generating other scenes of dialogue through which subjectivity can be constructed (through being looked at and looking, through having the message of self affirmed in the other's hearing) it is possible to contain, in some way, the horror of detention and to assert a measure of control in authoring oneself. For Mashinini this healing dialogue must take place within an emotionally and ideologically sympathetic context. v For those historical subjects who have found themselves without a legally valued identity and a platform from which to articulate the challenge of their experience, writing a personal narrative may offer an invaluable chance to assert a truth, to reclaim a self and a credibility and in that way to create a kind of freedom. Bibliography: pages 173-182.
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McFarlane, Helen. "Political discourses of idealised masculinity : the risk management of male prisoners through work, education and family transitions." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/554.
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This thesis focuses upon the new rehabilitation of male prisoners within the context of idealised masculinity. Through the discourse analysis of written policy documents, this work addresses two fundamental questions: How is idealised masculinity constituted within political discourse and how does idealised masculinity influence the formulation of prison rehabilitation programmes? Idealised masculinity is defined as the heterosexual breadwinning role attributed to men as workers and providers for the family. It is this that is articulated within political discourses as a technique of government by which to reduce re-offending amongst the male prisoner population. Within the Foucauldian analysis of governmentality and Neo-Marxist theorising around Post-Fordism, idealised masculinity represent a form of governance that the state employs to inform its programme of managing the risks posed by offenders. This is evident through two particular pathways to reduce re-offending. Namely Pathway Two Education, Training and Employment and Pathway Six Children and Families. The argument presented is that current forms of punishment and imprisonment are characterised and defined within gender specific practices underpinned by the constitution of masculinity. The purpose of which is to reconstruct male prisoner’s attitudes and behaviour from that of deviant to non-deviant behaviour, from anti-social to pro-social values and through their moral and responsible reconstruction towards active, self-governing subjects. Thus the importance of maintaining family ties and the re-skilling and training of male prisoners to be able to compete within the labour market and obtain legitimate employment underpins political discourses surrounding penal concerns of the new rehabilitation. However governing at a distance and the state being unable or unwilling to place the children and family of offender’s on a formal footing and to effectively intervene to stimulate job creation activities within the labour market could mean that male prisoners are merely set up to fail.
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Richmond, Kim Treharne. "Re-capturing the self : narratives of self and captivity by women political prisoners in Germany 1915-1991." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5493.
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This project represents one of the few major pieces of research into women’s narratives of political incarceration and is an examination of first person accounts written against a backdrop of significant historical events in twentieth-century Germany. I explore the ways in which the writers use their published accounts as an attempt to come to terms with their incarceration (either during or after their imprisonment). Such an undertaking involves examining how the writer ‘performs’ femininity within the de-feminising context of prison, as well as how she negotiates her self-representation as a ‘good’ woman. The role of language as a means of empowerment within the disempowering environment of incarceration is central to this investigation. Rosa Luxemburg’s prison letters are the starting point for the project. Luxemburg was a key female political figure in twentieth-century Germany and her letters encapsulate prevalent notions about womanhood, prison, and political engagement that are perceptible in the subsequent texts of the thesis. Luise Rinser’s and Lore Wolf’s diaries from National Socialist prisons show, in their different ways, how the writer uses language to ‘survive’ prison and to constitute herself as a subject and woman in response to the loss of self experienced in incarceration. Margret Bechler’s and Elisabeth Graul’s retrospective accounts of GDR incarceration give insight into the elastic concept of both the political prisoner and the ‘good’ woman. They demonstrate their authors’ endeavours to achieve a sense of autonomy and reclaim the experience of prison using narrative. All of the narratives are examples of the role of language in resisting an imposed identity as ‘prisoner’, ‘criminal’ and object of the prison system.
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Corcoran, Mary Siobhán. "'Doing your time right' : the punishment and resistance of women political prisoners in Northern Ireland, 1972-1995." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2003. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/5637/.
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The thesis is a case study in prison resistance. It examines the imprisonment and penal treatment of women who were confined for politically motivated offences in Northern Ireland between 1972 and 1995. It comprises an historical account of the main events in the women's prisons during the period, and establishes links between successive phases in the administration of political imprisonment and qualitative shifts in the character of prison regimes. The account also links the various punitive, administrative and gendered regulatory responses by the prison authorities to different strategies of collective organisation and resistance by women political prisoners. In modelling the cycle of punishment and resistance in terms of a dialectic of prison conflict, the thesis also argues that this relationship was grounded in prison regimes that combined both politicised and gendered correctional influences. The theoretical basis of the thesis comes from the Foucauldian formulation that structures of power or authority produce the conditions by which they are resisted. However, the thesis also engages feminist analyses in order to explain how `general' penal procedures take on different forms and meanings according to the disciplinary population upon whom they are practiced. This supports the argument that, just as prison punishment acquires specific forms when applied to different prisoner populations, punishment also forms the context in which prison resistance materialises. The practical and empirical basis of the thesis is grounded in the oral narratives of women former political prisoners, staff, and other relevant participants and observers.
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Brown-Dean, Khalilah L. "One lens, multiple views felon disenfranchisement laws and American political inequality /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054744924.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.Document formatted into pages; contains 264 p. Includes bibliographical references. Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2005 June 4.
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Adams, Alex. ""What can be infinitely destroyed is what can infinitely survive" : literary and filmic representations of political torture from Algiers to Guantánamo." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/2388.
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This thesis takes the post-9/11 Anglo-American torture debate as the territory for its analysis of the multiple and overlapping ways that cultural representations are implicated in political discourses regarding the practice of political torture by Western liberal democracies in the twenty-first century. Firstly, it makes the historical-political claim that the post-9/11 torture debate reveals the continuing existence and influence not only of colonial discourses and representations but of colonial political constellations and colonial forms of violence. Drawing on Giorgio Agamben’s work on the state of exception, I argue that despite claims of the newness of the post-Cold War geopolitical paradigm, political torture in the twenty-first century takes familiar concentrationary and disciplinary forms. Further, specific colonial discourses continue to frame contemporary debates about political torture; using the Algerian War of Independence as a lens, the thesis demonstrates this continuity through original readings of The Centurions (1960), The Battle of Algiers (1966), and The Little Soldier (1960/63). The dominant way that torture has been discussed in the context of the post-9/11 Global War on Terrorism is in terms that justify or normalise it. This thesis reads the revitalisation of colonial discourses in the second series of 24 (2002-3) as evidence of this. Further, it argues that anti-torture human rights texts such as Rendition (2007) have provided inadequate resistance to justificatory discourse. Nonetheless, narratives that successfully oppose political torture are possible, and this thesis sketches the beginnings of a canon of them: drawing on the phenomenological ethics of Emmanuel Levinas to perform readings of representations of Abu Ghraib – Standard Operating Procedure (2008) – and Guantánamo Bay – The Road to Guantánamo (2006), Guantánamo: Honor Bound to Defend Freedom (2004) and Guantánamo (2004) – the project explores the ways that ethical address, testimony, and an activist focus on facts can produce meaningfully resistant anti-torture narratives.
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Hill, Tami Rene 1967. "Fragile community: Trauma, truth, transformation and the social construction of suffering among Latin Americans and the staff of a United States torture treatment center." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10083.
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xi, 246 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This dissertation focuses on Latin American survivors of political violence and the staff members involved with one of the few torture treatment centers in the US. Relying primarily on life histories and semi-structured interviews, my research focuses on the social construction of suffering (Kleinman et al. 1997) created by the staff and participants over the course of three different eras of the center. While the clients of this center lead lives that are tremendously impacted by the violent histories of their home countries, they do so while living in a country where this history is almost completely invisible. As exiles, they are removed from the arena of collective memory reflected in debates in postwar transitional Latin American societies about the meaning of the past, the reasons for their suffering, and the need for historical truth. Consequently, I examine the torture treatment center as one arena where this history and the suffering of survivors is acknowledged. As such, I argue that the staff serves as a critical social network--indeed, perhaps the only one--that influences the individual interpretations, narratives, and actions of survivors about the meaning of trauma, the importance of the past, and how one best heals from violence. First, I illustrate how the biographies of staff shape their involvement with the center and the meaning the center has for them, which, in turn, leads to both the promise and predicaments of their work for social change. Second, this research illustrates the diverse forms that trauma can take and argues for a connection among structural, transitional, and political violence. Third, I explore how the meaning attributed to trauma and the past shapes notions held by the center's staff and participants regarding how one best heals from trauma. Throughout the exploration of these themes, my work identifies the presence of certain discourses and the absence of others--the frictions and fragments occurring in engagements between social service networks and those they serve (Tsing 2005)--that reflect the possibilities for and limitations of individual healing and collective change and that make this center a "fragile community."
Advisers: Dr. Lynn Stephen, Co-Chair; Dr. Philip Young, Co-Chair
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Boulesbaa, Ahcene. "The substantive and enforcement provision of the Torture Convention and other human rights instruments : the negative impact of the principle of non-intervention and the declaration of competence on their effectiveness." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315775.
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Doucette, Jason Francis. "The social construction of a torture sustaining reality: A rhetorical analysis of claims-making about terrorism as a social problem in the United States post 911." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28513.
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This study examines how rhetoric was used to socially construct a torture sustaining reality in the United States after the September 11th terrorist attacks, by both print journalists and President George W. Bush's Administration. After the 9/11 attacks terrorism received wide attention from the media and public. As a result of these attacks, the United States began the ''war on terror" and invaded Afghanistan and later Iraq. During these invasions allegations of torture by the American military began to emerge.
This study carries out a content analysis of claims about terrorism and responses to allegations of torture. This analysis is guided by the contextual social constructionist approach of Joel Best (1990) and Stanley Cohen's (2001) study of "denials". The contextual social constructionist approach of Best (1990) is the theoretical departure point for a sample drawn from the New York Times as well as a sample drawn from the Internet website for the Whitehouse during George W. Bush's tenure as President. A final sample drawn from the same Whitehouse website will be engaged through an amalgamation of Best's (1990) contextual social constructionist approach and Cohen's (2001) study of "denials".
This study reveals that the construction of terrorism as a social problem aided the maintenance of a torture sustaining reality. This study further explains how rationalizations are used by a liberal government to maintain a torture sustaining reality through the use of rhetoric and denials. In addition, this study shows that a torture sustaining reality is supported through the mobilization of language that dehumanizes (the process of othering) those who stand in opposition to it. As well, this study demonstrates how the concepts of risk and moral panic also help to explain how this torture sustaining reality is maintained in a liberal state. Furthermore, this study also investigates the claim-making process. In pursuing these areas, the study illustrates how denials are rhetorically composed, or in other words what language is used and how it is used to form denials. More specifically, this study reveals how the rhetoric of denial is formed and shifts to support a torture sustaining reality during a claims-making episode. Secondly, claims-making about terrorism does not always follow the "typical" path of most claim-making about social problems. Claims-making about terrorism sometimes involves the "Rhetoric of Rectitude" and the "Rhetoric of Rationality", which can be intertwined to help predicate a torture sustaining reality, or may predominantly rely upon the "Rhetoric of Rectitude". Finally, this study alerts us to very paradoxical nature that freedom occupies in this world, and how easily the notion of freedom may be championed to justify atrocities.
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Smith, Juliana Jamel. "The cultural dynamic of the prison industrial complex a critique of political rhetoric and popular film during the 1980's /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1450190.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed April 7, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-129).
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Berschinski, Sarah. "Cutting Costs and Paying the Price: The Threat to Prisoners' Health and Well-Being Under Government Negligence." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/939.
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This Thesis argues that the state by contracting out prison food services to private companies and then failing to enforce basic standards has abdicated their responsibility to ensure and protect the physical and mental health of prisoners. Michigan as a case studies reveals the negligence of government to hold Aramark responsible to basic standards of feeding. As a result, leading to a wide-spread case of food-borne illness. The governments unwillingness to protect the basic human rights of prisoners under the control of privately operated prison food services has negatively impacted the health and well-being of prisoners.
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Gandsman, Ari. "The spoils of war : accounting for the missing children of Argentina's "Dirty War"." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32911.
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During the military dictatorship in Argentina (1976--1983), 30,000 civilians disappeared. Most of these people were taken by the military to clandestine prisons where they were tortured and killed. The children of these victims were also seized, and pregnant women were kept alive long enough to give birth. An estimated five hundred infants and young children of the disappeared were given for adoption to highly connected families. This thesis consists of a historical background of these events and then offers a series of explanations as to why the military did this.
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GonÃalves, Danyelle Nilin. "O PreÃo do Passado: Anistia e ReparaÃÃo de Perseguidos PolÃticos no Brasil." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2006. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=10812.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorNos Ãltimos anos foram aprovadas no Brasil leis que continuaram e ampliaram um processo que comeÃou em 1979 com a promulgaÃÃo da Anistia. Denominado genericamente de âreparaÃÃoâ, esse processo vai alÃm do estabelecido pelas Leis. IndenizaÃÃes sÃo concedidas Ãqueles que sofreram perseguiÃÃo polÃtica, casas legislativas restituem o decoro parlamentar Ãqueles que exerciam essas funÃÃes e foram cassados por motivaÃÃo polÃtica durante a ditadura militar (1964-1985), instituiÃÃes homenageiam figuras ilustres que se destacaram na luta contra o regime e reintegram simbolicamente pessoas a cargos. Esses atos trazem à tona distintos significados de ordem moral, polÃtica, jurÃdica, material e simbÃlica, envolvendo diferentes instÃncias para alÃm dos diretamente atingidos. Assim, as famÃlias, os media, entidades da sociedade civil, os poderes pÃblicos e jurÃdicos entram no jogo das disputas e construÃÃes de versÃes sobre o passado. A presente tese busca compreender como esses valores, disputas e representaÃÃes articulam-se em torno desses movimentos reparatÃrios, entendendo-os como espaÃos de luta, acionados nos diferentes eventos criados por ocasiÃo dos atos de reparaÃÃo, nas contendas criadas nos media e nas narrativas dos atingidos.
In the past few years, laws have been passed in Brazil directed towards maintaining and amplifying a process that was started in 1979 with promulgation of the Amnesty. The process named generically of âreparationâ goes beyond what is established by the laws. Compensations in money are paid to those who suffered political persecution, present legislatures have restored to a previous effective state the honorability for representatives who were serving during the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and lost their mandate by arbitrary annulment, institutions pay homage to illustrious citizens who became known for their struggle against the regime, and symbolically reinstated them to their former positions. Those acts bring up distinct meanings of a moral, political, juridical, material and symbolic nature involving several levels beyond which stand those who were directly hit. Thus, families, newsmen, private organizations and public juridical institutions join the dispute in order to advance their own versions of the past. This thesis aims at understanding how those values, disputes and representations fit themselves around those amending movements that are seen as public arenas spurred by different events found in the time of reparation, in the struggles created in the media and in the stories told by the victims..
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Briney, Carol E. "My Journey with Prisoners: Perceptions, Observations and Opinions." Kent State University Liberal Studies Essays / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1373151648.
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Ochs, Eva. ""Heute kann ich das ja sagen" : Lagererfahrungen von Insassen sowjetischer Speziallager in der SBZ/DDR /." Köln [u.a.] : Böhlau, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2007385880.html.
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Pinheiro, Carlos Eduardo. "Memória dos presos políticos no periodo ditatorial brasileiro." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2535.
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Previous issue date: 2015-04-10This work aims to discuss the memory of former political prisoners and tortured. In the analysis of authors like Michael Pollak and Maurice Halbwachs is notorius agree that the memory is a construction made in this livings from the past, and therefore a reconstruction of the past and not a faithful and reporting of the facts. Looking systematize the memory of former political prisoners, with emphasis on the practice of torture during the dictatorial repression in Brazil. After the effective date of Law 11,255 / 95 created a place of memory for this group register its history and thus promote a confrontation with the official version. The analysis of documents collected by the Special Committee on Compensation implanted under the Law reveals the data obtained by the bureaucracy that determined the surveillance, information collection, arrest, and had as instrumental institutionalization of torture committed by its agents in public buildings. In this scenario, it brings to light the facts and characters in a battle that happened in Brazil and its consequences. It was also possible to establish from the documents, a brief profile of political activists persecuted by repression, public buildings where the military regime undertook its logic, the torture techniques and who were responsible for the implementation of the National Security Policy. Finally, we come across another discourse of national memory, where the former political prisoners overcome the stigma of 'enemies of the fatherland' foisted by the official version and now considered to be 'heroes of the democratic resistance'
Este Trabalho tem como objetivo discutir a memória dos ex-presos políticos e torturados. Na análise de autores como Michel Pollak e Maurice Halbwachs é notória a concordância de que a memória é uma construção feita no presente a partir das vivências do passado, sendo, portanto, uma reconstrução do passado e não um relato fiel dos fatos ocorridos. Procurando sistematizar a memória dos ex-presos políticos, com ênfase na prática da tortura durante a repressão ditatorial no Brasil. A partir da vigência da Lei 11.255/95 criou-se um lugar de memória para que este grupo registrasse a sua história e assim promovesse uma confrontação com a versão oficial. A análise dos documentos reunidos pela Comissão Especial de Indenização implantada por força da Lei revela os dados obtidos pela burocracia que determinava a vigilância, a coleta de informações, a prisão, e que tinha como instrumental a institucionalização da tortura praticada por seus agentes em prédios públicos. Neste cenário, se traz à luz os fatos e personagens de uma batalha que se travou no Brasil e seus desdobramentos. Foi possível ainda estabelecer, a partir dos documentos, um breve perfil dos militantes políticos perseguidos pela repressão, os prédios públicos onde o Regime Militar empreendeu sua lógica, as técnicas de tortura e quem eram os responsáveis pela implantação da política de Segurança Nacional. Por fim, nos deparamos com outro discurso da memória nacional, onde os ex-presos políticos superam o estigma de 'inimigos da pátria' impingido pela versão oficial e passam a ser considerados 'heróis da resistência democrática'
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Filippi, N. F. "Deviances and the construction of a 'healthy nation' in South Africa : a study of Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital, c. 1964-1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:730c12b2-2e52-4290-b5f9-5a5e557f8b45.
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This thesis is a microhistorical investigation of the dynamics of control and resistance in Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital’s Maximum Security section from 1964 to 1994 in South Africa. It examines the evolution of daily life inside these institutions, both situated in the Western Cape, and the extent to which these institutions were part of the security apparatus developed by the apartheid state. The permeability of Pollsmoor and Valkenberg shed light on the connections between repression, resistance, collaboration and survival inside and outside closed institutions. The division of incarcerated populations according to race, gender, age and behaviour reflected wider logics of governance of the South African society. Similarly, the modalities of resistance and collaboration adopted by ‘political’, ‘common law’ and ‘insane’ prisoners on the inside echoed the processes of popular mobilisation on the outside. The construction of a ‘healthy nation’ through the production and control of deviances was hence far from being a smooth process. The thesis is divided into three parts, each composed of three chapters. The first part analyses the way a system of law and order, based on delineation, the bestowal of privileges and violent repression, was imposed in prisons and psychiatric hospitals’ Maximum Security sections and how this evolved according to the changing social and political imperatives of the apartheid state. The second part shifts the gaze to the level of the courts, where psychiatric and criminological discourses became increasingly entangled throughout the period. The operating modalities of the judicial system reflected the fears and expectatives of the white minority, while providing a racialised image of black populations as both dangerous and childlike. Finally, the third part analyses the links between outside and inside resistances and adaptations to the regime of apartheid. It focuses on the 1994 prison revolts as prisms to understand the processes of subjectivation and politicisation which had emerged in closed institutions during apartheid.
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Vant, Megan. "In Legal Limbo? The status and rights of detainees from the 2001 war in Afghanistan." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2448.
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During the 2001 war in Afghanistan hundreds of people associated with the Taliban or al Qaeda were arrested by United States forces and transported to the Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The legal status and treatment of these detainees has been an ongoing problem over the last five years. The majority have been given no recourse to justice and allegations of inhuman treatment and torture have been frequent. The first issue raised by the incarceration of these people is whether any of them may be entitled to Prisoner of War status. The evidence shows that, in general, the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters were not lawful combatants, and hence they are not entitled to Prisoner of War status. While the rights of Prisoners of War are well documented and generally uncontested, the rights of people not entitled to Prisoner of War status are not so easily definable. Despite classification as unlawful or unprivileged combatants, the detainees are not in legal limbo - they are still entitled to the benefit of certain fundamental human rights. There are applicable protections under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Additional Protocol I, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. The main rights upheld by these documents are the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention; the right to a fair trial; and the right to life. Furthermore, there is a requirement of humane treatment and an absolute prohibition on torture. Reports from international humanitarian watchdogs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch suggest that the United States Government is not upholding the rights held by the detainees. It is essential that the United States Government recognises the fundamental rights owed to the detainees and ensures that they receive the requisite treatment and access to justice.
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Silva, José Rodrigo de Araújo. "Colônia de férias de Olinda: presos políticos e aparelhos de repressão em Pernambuco (1964)." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2013. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/6001.
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Previous issue date: 2013-08-14Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This work aims to study the structure of political repression in the state of Pernambuco in 1964. In order to do this, we take as a documental case study, a detention unit with the specific purpose of housing political prisoners, called "Colônia de Férias de Olinda" (Olinda Summer Camp). We seek to understand - using the methods of documentary research and oral history how was the articulation of this unit with the other organs of that state security in the complex network of information in that military government established in the country. We also propose to study administrative inner workings of the Summer Camp, to reveal the strategies and mechanisms used by the agents of repression at the time of arrests, to describe the profile of individuals who passed through the unit, and to find evidences of traumatic memory in the testimony of those who directly or indirectly have had contact with the Olinda Summer Camp.
Este trabalho visa estudar a estrutura da repressão no estado de Pernambuco no ano de 1964. Para isto, tomaremos como estudo de caso o acervo documental de uma unidade de detenção com a finalidade específica de abrigar presos políticos, denominada pelos militares Colônia de Férias de Olinda . Buscaremos entender - utilizando-se dos métodos da pesquisa documental e da história oral - de que forma se deu a articulação desta unidade com os demais órgãos de segurança do Estado através de uma complexa rede de informações que se estabeleceu no país. Propomos ainda analisar como se deu o funcionamento interno da Colônia de Férias do ponto de vista administrativo, quais as estratégias e os mecanismos utilizados pelos agentes da repressão no ato das prisões, o perfil dos indivíduos que passaram pela unidade, e perceber traços de memória traumática no depoimento daqueles que direta ou indiretamente tiveram contato com a Colônia de Férias de Olinda.
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Conley, Benjamin J. "A Critical Examination of the Bush Administration’s Expansion of Executive Authority During the “War on Terror”." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1114624821.
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Al-Faris, Khamael Hasan Naji. "Immigration policy and the role of political discourses in the relationship between foreign nationals and crime in England and Wales." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/4576.
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Significant criminological attention has been given to the relationship between immigration and crime. However, this relationship has not been researched in the UK to any great extent, and consequently the information on the UK context is limited. This research investigates how the criminality of foreign nationals have been constructed by examining the nature of immigration policy, foreign criminality discourses, and the media in the UK to understand how crime in particular has been used to define, refine, and inform control of immigrants. This study refers to the legislative, policy, and political factors that underpin this process, and particularly explains how immigration policy and political debates have emphasised the criminality of foreign nationals in the UK. In order to achieve these goals, this research reviews a brief history of British immigration policy and legislation and outlines the connections made between foreign nationals and non-immigration criminal offences. In addition, secondary data from different British institutions and data collected via the Freedom of Information Act 2000 have been used to illustrate the level of foreigners’ criminality as well as the type of crimes compared to the British representation. Finally, Parliamentary debates and related political discourses have been used to examine the role of politics has in reinforcing the relationship between foreign nationals and crime and elevating negative public sentiment and the relationship with media reports. This research highlights the limitations of existing data relating to the criminality of foreign nationals in offending records in England and Wales, partly due to the disorganised recording of offender nationality. This study reveals that nationality is the new racism; whilst immigration has become a central focus in political and public discourses on crime they as a group in statistical terms exhibit low levels of offending but are more likely to be imprisoned for less serious crimes. The relationship between foreign nationals and crimes is thus a political issue rather than a legal one. As such, foreign nationals supposed criminality has been used to control immigration, avoid the blame of failing policies, gain electoral votes, and facilitate changes in immigration and crime policies.
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GONÇALVES, Danielly Nilin. "O preço do passado: anistia e reparação de perseguidos políticos no Brasil." www.teses.ufc.br, 2006. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/7173.
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GONÇALVES, Danielly Nilin. O preço do passado: anistia e reparação de perseguidos políticos no Brasil. 2006. 253f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2006.Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-01-22T12:38:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006-TESE-DNGONCALVES.pdf: 2429418 bytes, checksum: e313d2b2e1f9a34546a1bec7aa6fd622 (MD5)
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In the past few years, laws have been passed in Brazil directed towards maintaining and amplifying a process that was started in 1979 with promulgation of the Amnesty. The process named generically of “reparation” goes beyond what is established by the laws. Compensations in money are paid to those who suffered political persecution, present legislatures have restored to a previous effective state the honorability for representatives who were serving during the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and lost their mandate by arbitrary annulment, institutions pay homage to illustrious citizens who became known for their struggle against the regime, and symbolically reinstated them to their former positions. Those acts bring up distinct meanings of a moral, political, juridical, material and symbolic nature involving several levels beyond which stand those who were directly hit. Thus, families, newsmen, private organizations and public juridical institutions join the dispute in order to advance their own versions of the past. This thesis aims at understanding how those values, disputes and representations fit themselves around those amending movements that are seen as public arenas spurred by different events found in the time of reparation, in the struggles created in the media and in the stories told by the victims.
Nos últimos anos foram aprovadas no Brasil leis que continuaram e ampliaram um processo que começou em 1979 com a promulgação da Anistia. Denominado genericamente de “reparação”, esse processo vai além do estabelecido pelas Leis. Indenizações são concedidas àqueles que sofreram perseguição política, casas legislativas restituem o decoro parlamentar àqueles que exerciam essas funções e foram cassados por motivação política durante a ditadura militar (1964-1985), instituições homenageiam figuras ilustres que se destacaram na luta contra o regime e reintegram simbolicamente pessoas a cargos. Esses atos trazem à tona distintos significados de ordem moral, política, jurídica, material e simbólica, envolvendo diferentes instâncias para além dos diretamente atingidos. Assim, as famílias, os media, entidades da sociedade civil, os poderes públicos e jurídicos entram no jogo das disputas e construções de versões sobre o passado. A presente tese busca compreender como esses valores, disputas e representações articulam-se em torno desses movimentos reparatórios, entendendo-os como espaços de luta, acionados nos diferentes eventos criados por ocasião dos atos de reparação, nas contendas criadas nos media e nas narrativas dos atingidos.
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Greene-Sanders, Dominique T. N. "The Plausibility of a Slippery Slope: Guantanamo Bay as an Example of Direct/Indirect Participation in Torture and the Corruption of Societal Morality." UNF Digital Commons, 2014. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/536.
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Although torture is considered universally reprehensible by law, including international law and human convention, it occurs routinely as an acceptable and efficient method for interrogation and intimidation. The questions that follow are: What kind of person engages in/commits acts of torture? If legalized, how would torture affect morality when an individual can be instrumentally utilized as a mere means-to-an-end? How does torture affect the victim, the torturer, and society as a whole? In order to answer these questions, I will use events at the Guantanamo Bay Detention Center to argue in favor of the plausibility for the concept of a non fallacious slippery slope against torture by means of theoretical and real world evidence. I will argue that each act of torture that is deemed acceptable in the eyes of any society not only corrupts the societal morality of that nation, but it also produces an increase in direct and indirect participation in such acts.
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Ribeiro, Flávia Maria Franchini. "A subida do monte purgatório: estudo da experiência dos presos políticos da Penitenciária Regional de Linhares." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2007. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4358.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O enfoque desta pesquisa é a experiência dos presos políticos da ditadura militar, na Penitenciária Regional José Edson Cavalieri, conhecida como Penitenciária de Linhares, localizada em Juiz de Fora (MG), entre os anos de 1969 e 1972. Embora o local tenha funcionado como presídio político desde 1967 até 1980, o recorte temporal deve-se à proposta de se analisar o comportamento desses presidiários, a maioria com um perfil específico, e oriundos do período de embates mais violentos com a repressão, em que alguns adotaram técnicas de guerrilha urbana, e muitos foram expostos a métodos de tortura nos interrogatórios, desenvolvidos durante o regime. A ênfase na Penitenciária de Linhares advém da leitura da memorialística publicada por presos políticos, em que esta instituição é citada enquanto uma instituição de reclusão, distinta daquelas de interrogatório onde eram praticadas sevícias. O objetivo dessa dissertação visa à compreensão das características que apontam o presídio de Juiz de Fora enquanto uma instituição de reclusão e, no caso dessa hipótese ser confirmada, visa ao conhecimento do tipo de comportamento que os presos políticos adotaram naquele local. A organização dos presos dentro dessa instituição é analisada com ênfase nas ações políticas, que visavam se sobrepor à disciplina carcerária daquela instituição, abordando-se o debate político, os ritos, e a sobrevivência da militância na prisão. É também objeto do estudo a mobilização de alguns presos políticos, na confecção de documentos denunciando a opressão do regime militar, elementos que contribuíram para uma nova versão da memória coletiva sobre os personagens históricos que se enfrentaram na Ditadura, elaborada posteriormente, e que condena as ações militares.
The focus of this research is on the political prisoners’ experience of the military dictatorship, at Regional Penitentiary José Edson Cavalieri, known as Penitenciária de Linhares, located in Juiz de Fora (MG), during the years of 1969 and 1972. Although the place had functioned as a political prison since 1967 up to 1980, the temporal outline is due to the proposal of analysing those prisoners’ behavior, most of them with a specific profile, and preceeding from the repression, when some of them adopted urban guerilla techniques, and many of them were exposed to torture’s methods during the regime. The emphasis on Linhares Pententiary comes from the reading of memories, published by political prisoners, where this institute is mentioned as a reclusion institute, distinct of those ones of interrogatory, where tortures were practiced. The purpose then, was to understand the characteristics which point out the penitentiary of Juiz de Fora as a reclusion institute, and in case this hypotheses was confirmed, it was necessary to try to visualize the kind of behavior the political prisoners adopted in that place. The prisoners’ organization inside that institute was analised, with an emphasis on the political actions, which aimed to overlap the prison’s discipline, having as approach the political debate, the rituals, and the survival of the militia in prison. It was also object of study the mobilization of some political prisoners in the making of documents accusing the military regime’s oppression, which seems to have contributed for a new version of the collective memory, later made, about the historical characters who faced each other during the Dictatorship, and which blames the military actions.
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BRITO, Tásso Araújo de. "A toga e a espada: Mércia Albuquerque e Gregório Bezerra na Justiça Militar (1964-1969)." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/17245.
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CNPq
Esta dissertação tem como tema central a trajetória de vida da advogada Mércia Albuquerque e de seu cliente Gregório Bezerra durante o processo que este respondeu na Justiça Militar. Gregório Bezerra foi julgado na 7ª auditoria militar, com sede no estado de Pernambuco. Através destas trajetórias, buscamos entender o funcionamento da justiça de exceção durante os primeiros anos de vigência da ditadura militar-civil. Também investigamos as implicações de um advogado defender presos políticos. Os riscos de torturas, prisões e por vezes mortes eram constantes na vida desses profissionais. Esta dissertação, também, investiga as possibilidades jurídicas de ação destes profissionais, enfrentando muitas vezes situações adversas. Ao mesmo tempo analisamos a Lei de Segurança Nacional (LSN), lei que serviu de base para a acusação contra os réus no processo 88/64, no qual Gregório Bezerra e mais 39 cidadãos brasileiros são indiciados por subversão da ordem com auxilio de países estrangeiros. Averiguamos funcionamento da justiça militar em várias etapas, o inquérito policial militar, a acusação, a defesa e a sentença. Percebendo como ao longo do processo Mércia Albuquerque e Gregório Bezerra contribuíram para que aqueles presos, acusados pela LSN, passassem a ser tratados como presos políticos na Casa de Detenção do Recife.
This dissertation is focused on the life story of the lawyer Mércia Albuquerque and his client Gregório Bezerra during the process that he answered in the military justice. Gregory Bezerra was tried in the 7th audit military, headquarted in the state of Pernambuco. Through these trajectories, we tried to understand the functioning of the justice of exception during the first years of the military-civilian dictatorship. We also investigated the implications of a lawyer on defending political prisoners. The risks of torture, imprisonment and sometimes death were constant in the lives of these professionals. This study also investigates the legal scope of action of these professionals, often facing adverse situations. At the same time, we analyzed the National Security Law (LSN), a law that was the basis for the charge against the defendants in the Process 88/64, in which Gregório Bezerra and others 39 Brazilian citizens were charged with subversion of the order with the help of foreign countries . We verified the operation of military courts in several stages, the military police investigation, the prosecution, the defense and the sentence. We analized the way that Mercia Albuquerque, during Gregory Bezerra's process, contributed to many arrested accused by LSN started to be treated as political prisoners at Detention House in Recife.