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Journal articles on the topic 'Torture of political prisoners'
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1
Agger, Inger. "Sexual torture of political prisoners: An overview." Journal of Traumatic Stress 2, no. 3 (July 1989): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jts.2490020306.
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Yıldız, Yeşim Yaprak. "Forced Confession as a Ritual of Sovereignty." Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2016): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-01702002.
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Torture and confession are like ‘the dark twins’ as Foucault argued. Definitions of torture from the 3rd century to the 21st century indicate confession as its primary motive. Systematic use of torture and confession has also characterised the Turkish state’s policy in Diyarbakır Military Prison against the Kurdish prisoners in the early 1980s. The detainees and the prisoners were routinely forced to repent and confess regardless of their organisational links or the crimes attributed to them. Wide, systematic and routine use of forced confessions in the prison showed that the significance of confession policy in Diyarbakır prison does not arise from their truth status or their effectiveness in intelligence gathering, but from their truth-effects. Although intelligence gathering was one of the objectives of the regime, the policy of confession was used primarily to establish dominance over the accused and to discipline and control the prisoners and the Kurdish population. Drawing upon Foucault, I will further argue that forced production of confession functioned as a ritual of truth-production and subjectification binding the prisoner to the dominant regime of power and truth and transforming him into a docile and obedient subject.
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Maraval Yáguez, Javier. "Mujeres en movimiento: bajo la Dictadura militar chilena (1973-1990)." Cuestiones de género: de la igualdad y la diferencia, no. 3 (December 14, 2008): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i3.3833.
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<p>Desde la perspectiva histórica feminista, el artículo analiza el impacto que la represiónde la dictadura militar del general Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990) causó en las mujeres que conformaron la oposición política. La Tortura Sexual se definió como una estrategia dirigida y pensada contra las prisioneras en los diversos campos de concentración que se extendían a lo largo de Chile. Este hecho, invisibilizado durante años por los diversos estudios entorno a los Derechos Humanos, se reconoció de forma oficial cuando en 2004 se publicó el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura (<em>Informe</em><em> Valech</em>), un documento pionero que recogía 4000 testimonios de mujeres supervivientes.</p><p>From the feminist historical perspective, the article analyses the impact of the Pinochet dictatorship repression (1970-1990) against women from the political opposition. The sexual torture was a specific strategy carried out in the military concentration camps all around Chile. This fact was not visible until the publication of the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture Report in 2004 (<em>Valech</em><em> Report</em>), a pioneer investigation that recognises sexual tortur as specific torture against prisoners including 4000 women survivors testimonies.</p><p> </p>
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Bustos, Jesus Antona. "Torture based on discrimination in Chile." Torture Journal 30, no. 2 (November 9, 2020): 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v30i2.122540.
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Of the approximately 40 Mapuche political prisoners currently serving sentences in Chilean jails, more than half have either gone on, or are currently on, hunger strike. The first prisoners to adopt such a measure did so on May 4. They are taking in liquids, but no solids, and so the state of health of many has now reached a critical level. Following substantial international pressure, the Chilean government has offered some minor prison benefits, however, there is no sign of measures to address neither the reasons for the strike, nor the torture perpetrated for reasons of discrimination that the Mapuche prisoners continue to suffer.
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McCormick, Gladys. "The Last Door: Political Prisoners and the Use of Torture in Mexico's Dirty War." Americas 74, no. 1 (December 6, 2016): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.80.
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In December 1969, former President Lázaro Cárdenas sent a letter to political prisoners in the Lecumberri federal penitentiary in Mexico City, assuring them that he would continue to lobby for their release. In October 1973, Michoacán university students marching in front of the state government building in Morelia held up placards demanding the release of political prisoners. On June 29, 1974, Lucio Cabañas, guerrilla leader of the Partido de los Pobres (Party of the Poor) in the mountains of Guerrero, released a communiqué in which the group's first demand was the release of political prisoners. In its founding document from March 1973, the Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre (LC-23S), an urban-based guerrilla group responsible for more than 60 direct-action operations, made it clear that political prisoners were one of the costs of carrying out a revolution and, as such, would not distract from its broader mission. These are just some of the references to the imprisonment of activists during the height of what is considered Mexico's dirty war. Taken together, the many references to political prisoners suggest that being held captive by the state was a common threat and, in some cases, a reality in the lives of those challenging the authoritarian government in the 1960s and 1970s.
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Einolf, Christopher J. "Why Do States Use Sexual Torture against Political Prisoners? Evidence from Saddam Hussein's Prisons." Journal of Global Security Studies 3, no. 4 (July 28, 2018): 417–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogy011.
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Ghaddar, Ali, Ghadier Elsouri, and Zeinab Abboud. "Torture and Long-Term Health Effects Among Lebanese Female Political Prisoners." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 31, no. 3 (November 6, 2014): 500–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260514555865.
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Punamäki, Raija-Leena, Samir R. Qouta, and Eyad El Sarraj. "Nature of torture, PTSD, and somatic symptoms among political ex-prisoners." Journal of Traumatic Stress 23, no. 4 (July 14, 2010): 532–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jts.20541.
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Mooney, Annabelle. "Torture laid bare." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 3 (April 12, 2017): 434–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15040.moo.
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Abstract Torture, while internationally sanctioned, is not well-defined. This paper sets out a Minimal English definition of the crime of ‘torture’ in international law. The four elements of torture are: (1) infliction of severe pain and suffering (2) acting with intent (3) for a purpose (4) by the state. The connection between intention and outcome is considered in the light of presumptions. I then briefly consider the concept of ‘lawful sanctions’ and the UN Standard Minimum Rules that apply to the treatment of prisoners to establish a baseline against which allegations of torture can be measured. Finally, I argue that current regimes of British benefit sanctions, whereby social welfare payments are stopped, may in some cases constitute torture. This argument considers the effects of sanctions and the discourses and ideologies attached to social welfare claimants.
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SEN, ATREYEE. "Torture and Laughter: Naxal insurgency, custodial violence, and inmate resistance in a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (May 2018): 917–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000142.
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AbstractThis article explores the politics of surveillance, suppression, and resistance within a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta, a city in eastern India. I highlight the excessively violent treatment of women political prisoners, who were captured and tortured for their active participation in a Maoist guerrilla (Naxal) movement. I argue that the state officials who formed the lowest rung of the government's machinery to supress the movement—the police, prison guards, and wardens—partially usurped these carceral worlds during conditions of social unrest to create small regimes of de facto sovereignty over prison publics. During that critical period in the history of political uprising in the region, the central government coercively implemented a series of ‘constitutional actions’ in the name of internal security threats and withdrew civil liberties from Indian citizens. Political opponents were captured and imprisoned, and prisons became a space for licensed excess. I show how women political prisoners cooperated and conspired with women convicts (the latter having nurtured their own coping skills and structures to deal with persecution and negligence while in the detention system) to develop multiple forms of resistance to the extra-legal use of authority in prison, especially in the context of a volatile socio-political environment in the city.
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Halvorsen, Joar Øveraas, and Ashraf Kagee. "Predictors of Psychological Sequelae of Torture Among South African Former Political Prisoners." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 25, no. 6 (August 27, 2009): 989–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260509340547.
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KINSELLA, HELEN M. "Discourses of difference: civilians, combatants, and compliance with the laws of war." Review of International Studies 31, S1 (December 2005): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006844.
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Why have President Bush and his administration consistently, and publicly, stated their commitment to fully comply with the laws of war protecting civilians while, simultaneously, refusing to fully comply with the laws of war protecting prisoners of war? How do we understand President Bush and his administration’s unquestioning acceptance of the protection of civilians, but the rejection of the same for prisoners of war? Are the strategic and normative costs of each so dissimilar as to justify this difference? Considering the recent exposé of abuses and torture of prisoners of war held in both Iraq and Cuba, the answers to these questions are not merely academic.
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Pollanen, Michael S. "The Dead Detainee: The Autopsy in Cases of Torture." Academic Forensic Pathology 7, no. 3 (September 2017): 340–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.23907/2017.031.
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The fatal maltreatment of people that are detained against their will, such as political prisoners and suspected terrorists, can occur in unstable countries. The death of such detainees is often controversial and debated in the media, legal tribunals, and communities. Therefore, there is a need for nonpartisan information about the cause of death of prisoners due to the implications that the data may have about a conclusion that human rights were abused. Autopsies are the only scientific way to prove the cause of death of detainees and to ascertain the truth behind how injuries may have occurred. On this basis, all forensic pathologists ought to be able to interpret the basic injury patterns commonly encountered in torture. The injuries are similar to those found in child abuse, but also include trauma from suspension and “homicide by heart attack” during interrogation. This paper will review the postmortem findings in cases of torture.
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O'Rourke, Norm. "Vigorous Shaking of Political Prisoners as a Means of Interrogation: Physical, Affective, and Neuropsychological Sequelae." Politics and the Life Sciences 18, no. 1 (March 1999): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400023534.
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Torture is a crude and ancient method of extracting information and confessions from prisoners. Its use is still widespread throughout the world, but its techniques have become increasingly sophisticated. Today, information and confessions are commonly extracted from political prisoners with few signs of physical trauma. For instance, Israel's General Security Service has come to employ vigorous shaking as one such means of interrogation within the Occupied Territories of the Gaza and West Bank. This procedure may sound innocuous, but there are good reasons to believe that vigorous shaking can induce whiplash-related injuries. Such evidence is found in the child abuse and motor vehicle accident literature. Although global intellect may appear unaffected, more subtle emotional and cognitive dysfunction can create lasting impairment. This article concludes that vigorous shaking of political prisoners is a dangerous and potentially lethal mode of interrogation that should be discontinued by Israel's General Security Forces and avoided by all governments.
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Gagiano, Annie. "Incarceration and Torture in Eastern African Fiction." Matatu 50, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 128–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001003.
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AbstractThis article assesses representations of imprisonment without trial and inmates’ torture in three novels depicting severely repressive, murderous regimes—Malawi’s under Hastings Banda, Ethiopia’s under the Derg, and Kenya’s under colonial and successive post-colonial rulers. In The Detainee (Kayira 1974), the narrative of a naïve, apolitical villager’s unjust detention highlights unrestrained power abuse through minions and gradually uncovers atrocities. Under the Lion’s Gaze (Mengiste 2010) depicts several visceral, appalling scenes of torture as a technique of intimidation. Dust (Owuor 2014) has fewer, but harrowingly intense scenes of pain infliction on prisoners as a political tool to silence opposition. All three texts establish their importance as archival evaluations of under-reported regimes, African literary artworks, and morally responsible evocations of undeserved suffering, communicating effectively with both local and international readerships.
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Punamaki, Raija-Leena. "Experiences of Torture, Means of Coping, and Level of Symptoms among Palestinian Political Prisoners." Journal of Palestine Studies 17, no. 4 (1988): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537292.
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Punamaki, Raija-Leena. "Experiences of Torture, Means of Coping, and Level of Symptoms among Palestinian Political Prisoners." Journal of Palestine Studies 17, no. 4 (July 1988): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1988.17.4.00p0046s.
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Brás, Patrícia Sequeira. "Reciprocal narratives in Que bom te ver viva (Lúcia Murat, 1989)." Journal of Romance Studies: Volume 21, Issue 2 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.2021.10.
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Directed by Brazilian filmmaker Lúcia Murat, Que bom te ver viva [How nice to see you alive] (1989) interlaces the testimonies of eight female political prisoners with a monologue voiced by an anonymous female fictional character. All allude to the experience of torture under the military dictatorial regime in Brazil. Given that Murat was a militant student imprisoned and tortured during the dictatorship, the film appears to have an autobiographical motivation. I argue, however, that the interlacing of fictional monologue and ‘real’ testimonies effaces this motivation. Rather, the intersection between fictional and testimonial accounts offers a reciprocal recognition between interviewees and filmmaker, allowing for the inscription of these individual stories into the historical narrative. I also argue that this reciprocal recognition is anchored in the feminist practice of storytelling, practised in consciousness-raising feminist groups in the 1960s and 1970s. Adriana Cavarero’s philosophy of narration underpins my analysis.
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Sarraj, Eyad El, Raija-Leena Punamäki, Suhail Salmi, and Derek Summer-field. "Experiences of torture and ill-treatment and posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms among Palestinian political prisoners." Journal of Traumatic Stress 9, no. 3 (1996): 595–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jts.2490090315.
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Muntingh, Lukas M. "Africa, Prisons and COVID-19." Journal of Human Rights Practice 12, no. 2 (July 2020): 284–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huaa031.
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Abstract Africa’s prisons are a long-standing concern for rights defenders given the prevalence of rights abuses, overcrowding, poor conditions of detention and the extent to which the criminal justice system is used to target the poor. The paper surveys 24 southern and east African countries within the context of COVID-19. Between 5 March and 15 April 2020 COVID-19 had spread to 23 southern and east African countries, except Lesotho. The overwhelming majority of these countries imposed general restrictions on their populations from March 2020 and nearly all restricted visits to prisons to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. The pandemic and government responses demonstrated the importance of reliable and up to date data on the prison population, and any confined population, as it became evident that such information is sorely lacking. The World Health Organization recommended the release of prisoners to ease congestion, a step supported by the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture. However, the lack of data and the particular African context pose some questions about the desirability of such a move. The curtailment of prison visits by external persons also did away with independent oversight even in states parties to the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture (OPCAT). In the case of South Africa, prison monitors were not listed in the ensuing legislation as part of essential services and thus were excluded from access to prisons. In the case of Mozambique, it was funding being placed on hold by the donor community that prevented the Human Rights Commission from visiting prisons. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted long-standing systemic problems in Africa’s prisons. Yet African states have remained remarkably reluctant to engage in prison reform, despite the fact that poorly managed prisons pose a significant threat to general public health care.
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Bakken, Børge. "The Great Wall of Confinement: The Chinese Prison Camp Through Contemporary Fiction and Reportage. By Philip F. Williams and Yenna Wu. [Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 2004. xi+248 pp. $21.95; $55.00. ISBN 0-520-22779-4.]." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 437–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005260265.
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By the “Great Wall of Confinement,” the authors refer to the prison camp system established by the Chinese Communist Party after 1949. The two crucial components of this system are the laogai system (laodong gaizao, translated in the book to “remolding through labour” rather than the more often used “reform through labour”), and the laojiao system (laodong jiaoyang) or “reeducation through labour.” Let me say at once that this book is much more than an analysis of the literature surrounding the phenomenon of the prison camps. Through memoirs from former inmates and reportage literature we learn many detailed facts about the Chinese camp system, details equally valuable to the legal and the social science scholar.The book describes in detail the daily life of the camps, the prison conditions and the system's methods of arrest, detention, solitary confinement, torture for confessions, famine, degradation of prisoners, and a range of practices showing the security forces' discretionary powers and the “flexibilities” of informal sentencing. The authors emphasize both the modern ideology of remoulding and the traditional legalist (fajia) roots of a “very malleable sort of law.” Williams and Wu commendably combine a range of valuable empirical detail with a more general theoretical analysis of the historical, cultural and systemic roots and practices of the camp system.The only exceptions to generally harsh conditions in the PRC camps were the special prisons for high-ranking persons like the famous Fushun prison in Liaoning province which contained the last Manchu emperor, Puyi, high-ranking prisoners of war such as former Kuomintang top military officers, and Japanese prisoners of war.
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Park, Rebekah. "Remembering Resistance, Forgetting Torture: Compromiso and Gender in Former Political Prisoners’ Oral History Narratives inPost-dictatorial Argentina." History of Communism in Europe 4 (2013): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce201345.
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“rashid” Johnson, Kevin. "Amerikan Prisons Are Government-Sponsored Torture." Socialism and Democracy 21, no. 1 (March 2007): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300601116761.
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Kazlauskas, Evaldas, and Danutė Gailienė. "IŠGYVENUSIŲJŲ POLITINES REPRESIJAS POTRAUMINĖS SIMPTOMATIKOS IR TRAUMINĖS PATIRTIES, DEMOGRAFINIŲ, SOMATINIŲ VEIKSNIŲ BEI VIDINĖS DARNOS SĄSAJOS." Psichologija 32 (January 1, 2005): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/psichol.2005..4328.
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Tyrime dalyvavo 724 buvę politiniai kaliniai, nukentėję nuo komunistinių represijų. Potrauminė simptomatika buvo matuojama Traumos simptomų klausimynu (TSK-35). Tyrimo duomenų analizė atlikta naudojant hierarchinę daugialypę regresiją. Potrauminę simptomatiką geriausiai prognozavo: traumų, patirtų per visą gyvenimą, kiekis, vidinė darna, sutuoktinio mirtis, lytis, sveikatos pablogėjimas po represijų ir dabartinės sveikatos siejimas su represijų patirtimi. Galutinė regresijos lygtis paaiškino 43,7 proc. traumos simptomų klausimyno rezultatų variacijos. Tyrimo rezultatai patvirtino traumų psichologijos teorinį teiginį, kad traumos intensyvumas geriausiai paaiškina jos psichologinius padarinius, tačiau tyrimas taip pat parodė, kad prognozuojant potrauminę simptomatiką būtina atsižvelgti į daugiau veiksnių.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: trauma, politinės represijos, potrauminis stresas, rizikos veiksniai, ilgalaikiai padariniai.
LINKS BETWEEN POSTTRAUMATIC REACTIONS, HEALTH EFFECTS, TRAUMATIC EXPERIENCES AND SENSE OF COHERENCE AMONG LITHUANIAN SURVIVORS OF POLITICAL REPRESSIONEvaldas Kazlauskas, Danutė Gailienė
SummaryBackground: During Nazi and Soviet occupations in the years 1940–1958 one third of Lithuanian population were killed or deported to Siberia. Almost 300,000 people were deported to highly remote regions of Siberia. Former political prisoners and deportees experienced prolonged torture and persecutions, even after release from prison. Little is known in traumatic stress literature about effects of such extreme and prolonged traumatisation. The aim of the present study was to find out predictors of posttraumatic reactions in the group of survivors of political imprisonment. Methods: Former political prisoners (n = 724) were randomly selected from the national registry of Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania. All former political prisoners are officially acknowledged as victims of Soviet repression by Lithuanian laws and are fully rehabilitated. The mean age of political prisoners was 75.8 (SD = 5,8) years. Questionnaires covering questions about lifetime traumatic experiences, exposure to political violence, posttraumatic symptoms as well as possible mediating factors between trauma and consequences have been mailed to participants of the study. Posttraumatic reactions were assessed using Lithuanian version of Traumatic Symptom Checklist (TSC-35). Results: Posttraumatic reactions correlated with demographic factors (gender, level of education), health effects, traumatic experiences and sense of coherence. Variables using hierarchical stepwise model were entered into multiple regression analysis. Demographic factors explained 8.1 % of posttraumatic reactions variance. Both health effects and demographic variables explained 19.6 % of variance. Traumatic experiences increased prediction of posttraumatic reactions to 31.6 %. Final equation, with sense of coherence entered on the fourth step, explained 43.7 % of posttraumatic symptom variance. Significant predictors of posttraumatic reactions among former Lithuanian political prisoners were: accumulative lifetime traumatic experiences, sense of coherence, gender (women showing higher levels of victimization), death of spouse, somatic complains immediately after imprisonment or forced deportation, and attribution of current poor health status to experienced political violence.Keywords: trauma, political repression, posttraumatic stress, risk factors, long-term effects.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "Dr. Djura Djurovic a lifelong opponent of Yugoslav communist totalitarianism." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 273–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243273m.
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The paper deals with the life story of Dr. Djura Djurovic (1900-1983), one of key targets of Yugoslav communist totalitarianism. He was a Belgrade lawyer who worked in the Administration of the City of Belgrade before WWII. In 1943 he joined the Yugoslav Home Army (YHA) of General Mihailovic, and held high positions in the YHA press and propaganda departments. His duties included running the Radio-telegraphic agency Democratic Yugoslavia. He accompanied General Mihailovic on his meetings with OSS Colonel McDowell, and with Captain Rakovic he established successful cooperation with Red Army units in October 1944. He was arrested by Tito?s partisans in 1945, given a show-trial and sentenced to twenty years in prison. In his writings he described horrible conditions, sufferings and various types of torture used against political prisoners in Yugoslav communist prisons. He himself spent more than two years in solitary confinement, and on several occasions nearly died in prison. He was released in 1962, and was able to establish a circle of former political convicts from the ranks of the YHA and other anticommunists in Belgrade and Serbia. He maintained this network, advocated pro-American policies and hoped that at some point the United States might intervene against communism in Yugoslavia. Gradually he came to the conclusion that Tito was an American ally, and was satisfied to maintain his network of likeminded anticommunists and prepare reports on the situation in Yugoslavia. As a pre-war freemason, he sent one such report to Luther Smith, Grand Commander of AAFM of Southern Jurisdiction of American masons, describing the ghastly conditions in Yugoslav communist prisons. He was rearrested in 1973 on account of his relations with a Serbian ?migr? in Paris, Andra Loncaric, and spent another four years in prison. Thus, the almost twenty-one years he spent in communist prisons qualify him for the top of the list of political prisoners in Yugoslav communism. In 1962-1973 he was spied on by a network of in?formers and operatives of the Yugoslav secret service. The paper is based on Djurovic?s personal files preserved in the penitentiaries in Sremska Mitrovica and Zabela, and his personal file from the archive of the Yugoslav secret service (UDBA/SDB). This is the first paper based on personal files of ?political enemies? compiled by the Yugoslav communist secret service, disclosing the latter?s activities and methods against anti?communist circles in Belgrade.
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Spiric, Zeljko, Goran Opacic, Vladimir Jovic, Radomir Samardzic, Goran Knezevic, Gordana Mandic-Gajic, and Milorad Todorovic. "Gender differences in victims of war torture: Types of torture and psychological consequences." Vojnosanitetski pregled 67, no. 5 (2010): 411–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/vsp1005411s.
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Background/Aim. Torture for political reasons is an extreme violence in interpersonal relations resulting in not only acute psychiatric disorders but also very often in very severe and far reaching negative consequences for the overall psychosocial functioning of a victim. The aim of this study was to investigate gender differences in types of torture and psychological consequences in subjects who experienced war torture. Methods. A sample (410 men and 76 women) included clients of 'Centre for rehabilitation of torture victims - IAN, Belgrade' who experienced torture in prisons and concentration camps during civil wars in ex-Yugoslavia 1991-1995 and 1999. Types of Torture Questionnaire with 81 items was used for collecting data about forms of torture. Symptom Checklist 90-Revised (SCL-90- R) was used for assessing type and intensity of psychological symptoms, and Impact of Event Scale (IES) was used to estimate posttraumatic complaints. Results. A gender difference was found for 33 types of torture: 28 more frequent in men, and 5 in women. Factor analysis of torture types revealed three factors explaining 29% of variance: 'common torture', 'sadistic torture', and 'sexual torture'. Discriminant analysis revealed significant gender difference concerning the factors. 'Common torture' and 'sadistic torture' were more prominent in men, and 'sexual torture' was more present in women. Higher scores on depression, anxiety, somatization, interpersonal sensitivity and obsessive-compulsive dimensions on SCL-90-R were found in women. General score and scores of subscales (intrusion and avoidance) on IES were significantly higher in women. Conclusion. Women exposed to war torture experienced less torture techniques and shorter imprisonment than men, but had more frequent and severe symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder and other psychological symptoms. Gender differences in posttraumatic symptomatology can not be explained exclusively by gender differences in types of torture found in this study.
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Sales, Camila Maria Risso, and João Roberto Martins Filho. "The Economist and Human Rights Violations in Brazil During the Military Dictatorship." Contexto Internacional 40, no. 2 (August 2018): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2018400200009.
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Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the ‘Brazilian miracle’), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist’s portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.
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Weinberg, Eyal. "“With colleagues like that, who needs enemies?”:Doctors and Repression under Military and Post-Authoritarian Brazil." Americas 76, no. 3 (July 2019): 467–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.36.
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As young medical students at Guanabara State University, Luiz Roberto Tenório and Ricardo Agnese Fayad received some of the best medical education offered in 1960s Brazil. For six years, the peers in the same entering class had studied the principles of the healing arts and practiced their application at the university's teaching hospital. They had also witnessed the Brazilian military oust a democratically elected president and install a dictatorship that ruled the country for 21 years (1964–85). After graduating, however, Tenório and Fayad embarked on very distinct paths. The former became a political dissident in opposition to the military regime and provided medical assistance to members of the armed left. The latter joined the armed forces and, as a military physician, participated in the brutal torture and cruel treatment of political prisoners. At the end of military rule, Brazil's medical board would find him guilty of violating the Brazilian code of medical ethics and revoke his license.
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Kazlauskas, Evaldas, and Danutė Gailienė. "KATALIKŲ BAŽNYČIOS KAITA LIETUVOJE TRANSFORMACIJŲ LAIKOTARPIU." Psichologija 27 (January 1, 2003): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/psichol.2003..4375.
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Straipsnyje analizuojami ilgalaikio traumavimo, kurį patyrė išgyvenusieji politines represijas, psichologiniai efektai. 50 buvusių politinių kalinių, kurie buvo ištremti į Sibiro lagerius, lyginami su panašaus amžiaus kontroline grupe. Nors po traumavimo jau praėjo daugiau kaip 40 metų, nustatyti potrauminio streso sutrikimui būdingi požymiai, kurie parodė, kad ypač sunkaus ir ilgalaikio traumavimo klinikiniai psichologiniai padariniai išlieka ilgai.
COMPLEXITY OF LONG-TERM PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF POLITICAL REPRESSIONS IN LITHUANIAEvaldas Kazlauskas, Danutė Gailienė
SummaryOBJECTIVE: This study examined long-term consequences of political repressions during the Soviet regime in Lithuania. Between 1940 and 1958 more than 300,000 Lithuanians were arrested and deported to Siberia (Anušauskas, 1996). Conditions of imprisonment in Gulag camps were extremely hard and mortality rate from exhaustion and disease was high. Victims who managed to return back to Lithuania suffered from persistent persecutions. Traumatic experiences of former political prisoners were neglected for decades; they had to keep in secret the fact of the imprisonment. Less than 5,000 survivors of political imprisonment still live in Lithuania. Since the introduction of posttraumatic stress disorder in DSM-III (1980) trauma effects have been studied mostly in terms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). But clinicians and trauma researchers acknowledge controversies in modern understanding of PTSD (Yahuda, MacFarlane, 1995). Severe impairments in personality of victims have been reported by clinicians working with survivors of holocaust, sexual abuse, and victims of torture, but these changes in personality are not accepted in current understanding of PTSD. The concept of PTSD receives more and more critics due to limitations in describing psychological effects after long term traumatic experiences that may lasts for years. Complex posttraumatic stress disorder has been introduced (Herman, 1992) in result of these discussions to describe variety of effects of long term trauma, and acceptance of this concept is growing in the field. There are only few studies on psychological effects of political repressions in former Soviet Union territory. This is the first study of psychological effects of political imprisonment in Lithuania. The goal of present study was to examine traumatic experiences and psychological effects among non-clinical sample of former Lithuanian political prisoners. METHOD: The group of former political prisoners (N=50), with a history of deportation to Gulag camps, was compared with an age and sex matched control group (N=50). Former political prisoners were imprisoned for 6.9 years on average. 43.1 years have passed since their return to Lithuania at a time of research. Semi-structured interviews were used to measure experiences during and after imprisonment. Posttraumatic effects were measured using Lithuanian versions of self-rating scales: Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (Mollica et al., 1992), Impact of Event Scale - Revised (Weiss, Marmar, 1996), Trauma Symptom Checklist (Briere, Runtz, 1989). CONCLUSIONS: Results suggest that traumatic experiences dealing with political imprisonment and exile have long-term complex posttraumatic effects on Lithuanian former political prisoners. Concept of complex posttraumatic disorder is partly supported by results of this study. Limitations of the study due to retrospective nature of the study, elderly age of participants and control group selection are discussed. Further research is required to assess the impact of political oppression during Soviet regime on population of former Soviet Republics.
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Carter, Miguel. "The Role of the Paraguayan Catholic Church in the Downfall of the Stroessner Regime." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 4 (1990): 67–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166116.
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The Coup d'Etat that overthrew General Alfredo Stroessner on the second night of February 1989 signaled the beginning of a new era for Paraguayan politics and the close of another chapter of Latin American caudillismo. He was replaced by General Andrés Rodríguez, Paraguay's second most powerful figure, in what was, in effect, a “palace coup.” General Rodríguez startled the nation by issuing a proclamation that called for (a) democratization of Paraguay, (b) full respect for human rights, and (c) restoration of the badly damaged relations with the Catholic Church. The proclamation ushered in a series of events which amazed the populace even more: opposition leaders — once banned and exiled by the Stroessner regime — were embraced and greeted by longtime adversaries; dozens of prominent exiled figures returned to find an enthusiastic atmosphere; political prisoners were freed; while corruption and torture became the subject of national debate as people sought both to uncover, and to bury, the legacy of the Stroessner years.
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Baker, Philip. "China-Torture and Ill-treatment of Prisoners. Compiled by Amnesty International. [London: Amnesty International Publications, 1987. 46 pp.”." China Quarterly 115 (September 1988): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000027673.
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Carver, Richard, and Lisa Handley. "Evaluating National Preventive Mechanisms: A Conceptual Model." Journal of Human Rights Practice 12, no. 2 (July 2020): 387–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huaa030.
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Abstract This article outlines a rigorous and systematic approach to evaluating both the performance and impact of national preventive mechanisms (NPMs) formed under the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture. Many human rights practitioners remain sceptical about both the desirability and feasibility of evaluating human rights work. One obstacle has been that ‘indicators’ of human rights progress are formulated without evidence that they actually have a causal relationship to the intended outcome. By contrast, the tools used in this assessment model are derived from scientific research into what forms of torture prevention actually work, meaning that greater weight can be assigned to more effective activities (and vice versa). The model is piloted in an assessment of the performance and impact of the Georgian NPM, which in ten years of work is shown to have had a significant impact in reducing the incidence of torture and other ill-treatment, particularly in police detention and prisons.
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Cárdenas Castro, Manuel, Maitane Arnoso Martínez, and Ximena Faúndez Abarca. "Deliberate Rumination and Positive Reappraisal as Serial Mediators Between Life Impact and Posttraumatic Growth in Victims of State Terrorism in Chile (1973-1990)." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34, no. 3 (April 6, 2016): 545–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516642294.
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This study examines the role of coping strategies related to positive reappraisal versus other cognitive strategies (deliberate rumination) as mediators between life impact and posttraumatic growth in survivors of the military dictatorship in Chile between 1973 and 1990 (tortured political prisoners and family members of political prisoners executed and missing). Survey data from 251 political violence survivors were analyzed using the SPSS PROCESS macro for bootstrapping indirect effects (Hayes, 2013). Results indicated that positive reappraisal (or reframing) coping mediated the relationship between life impact and posttraumatic growth. A serial multiple mediation model indicates that in the life impact to growth moderation process, rumination must be followed by positive reappraisal to drive this growth. These findings suggest that positive reappraisal of the traumatic experience is essential to achieve growth reports. Implications of these more complex relations are discussed for both counseling interventions and further research.
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Schaaf, Robert W. "Compendium of United Nations Norms in Criminal Justice." International Journal of Legal Information 18, no. 3 (1990): 221–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500006740.
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Included among the documentation prepared for the Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, Havana August 27-September 7, 1990, is an item that should be of interest to readers of this journal. This is a Compendium of United Nations Standards and Norms in Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice. Issued with the date May 11, 1990, the document carries the symbol A/CONF.144/INF.2 and covers 140 pages. Part I on “Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice” includes the text of 22 norms and standards and runs to 80 pages. Part II, entitled “Human Rights,” is not detailed here, but includes the texts of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the two International Covenants—on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and on Civil and Political Rights (instruments collectively known as the International Bill of Human Rights). Also included in Part II are the two optional protocols to the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention against Torture, the recently adopted Convention on the Rights of the Child (see below) and two other norms concerning the rights of prisoners.
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Linnemann, Travis, and Corina Medley. "Black sites, “dark sides”: War power, police power, and the violence of the (un)known." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 15, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659018777779.
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The US Senate Intelligence Committee report on CIA torture and the Guardian’s exposé of the Chicago Police Department’s “off-the-books interrogation compound” at Homan Square have again thrust torture into debates concerning the nature and limits of state and police violence. Following a longstanding pattern, key actors framed both cases as revelatory and exceptional and used them as fodder for public condemnation and calls for reform. In order to confront and contest similar patterns of facile outrage, we theorize a cultural-cognitive process of disavowal, whereby the inherent violence of the US state is willfully situated by its subjects in politically and culturally redacted black spaces. Here, black spaces allow political subjects to disavow the many horrors—rendition, torture, murder—committed on their behalf and in the name of security. We argue that these are not simply metaphorical, imaginary spaces, but rather material landscapes linking the certainties of US imperial violence to routine and uncontested acts of police violence and the interrogation rooms, jail cells, and prisons of an intensely racialized, yet largely disowned mass-carceral regime. Our aim, then, is to map the state’s black spaces in order to demonstrate the reciprocities between war and police and to situate the politics of redaction within broader systems of violence and dispossession.
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Nickel, Rainer. "Extradition, Human Rights, and the Public Order – The “Extradition to India” – Decision of the FCC." German Law Journal 4, no. 12 (December 1, 2003): 1241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012104.
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The status and range of human rights in international relations is a politically delicate and legally contested topic. In a recent decision the Federal Constitutional Court was forced to concretize the relation between international human rights obligations, domestic constitutional rights laid down in the Grundgesetz and international duties following from extradition contracts between the Federal Republic and other UN member states. More precisely, in the “Extradition to India”-case the FCC had to deal with the crucial question of human rights adjudication: can an accused be handed over to a country where the police force is accused of “using torture as a regular instrument during the interrogation of apprehended persons” and whose correctional institutions are described as “keeping prisoners and detainees in custody under conditions which resemble a cruel, inhuman and humiliating treatment or punishment”?
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Richmond, Sean. "Transferring Responsibility?" Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2016): 240–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-01702006.
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This article examines the influence and interpretation of international law in Australia’s policy and conduct regarding captured individuals during the recent Afghanistan Conflict. By critically analysing declassified government documents, Parliamentary statements, and original interview data with former Foreign Minister and Defence Minister Stephen Smith, I advance a two-pronged argument. First, contrary to what other sombre studies of the anti-torture norm might predict, Australia’s understanding of fundamental international legal rules pertaining to captured individuals in armed conflict – including the humane treatment principle and the prohibition on torture – helped regulate its policies and actions during the Afghan war. By regulate, the article posits that Australia’s policies and behaviour were governed or controlled in part by a felt sense of legal obligation among some key policy-makers. Second, like its allies Britain and Canada, Australia claimed it did not formally detain individuals during the initial years of the Afghanistan Conflict, even though it appears to have factually captured and transferred some people to United States (us) and Afghan authorities. As the war dragged on, and Australia’s troop contributions increased and local hostilities worsened, Australia – again like its allies – relied on detainee agreements and changed its conduct to try to protect captured individuals and transferees from abuse. Despite such agreements and changes, critics contend that transferred captives faced a significant risk of torture in Afghan jails, particularly those run by the country’s intelligence agency. This suggests that state and non-state views of what the prohibition on transferring to possible torture requires in practice are less settled than related shared understandings of other fundamental prisoner protections in international law and armed conflict.
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Lovatt, Philippa. "Carceral soundscapes. Sonic violence and embodied experience in film about imprisonment." SoundEffects - An Interdisciplinary Journal of Sound and Sound Experience 5, no. 1 (March 9, 2016): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/se.v5i1.23313.
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Post 9/11 the ‘invisibility’ of political prisoners as part of the ‘war on terror’ has had a direct correlation with the concealment of abusive treatment of detainees in the detention camps at Guantánamo Bay and Abu Ghraib. Details of these abuse scandals have indicated that there has been a notable shift away from the optical towards the sonic as a form of punishment and torture, with accounts of detainees being subjected to rock music played for prolonged periods at excruciating volumes (Smith, 2008). Addressing a number of key concerns – sound and phe- nomenology, sound and the ethics of spectatorship, sound and the experience/intensification of confinement, sound as a (potential) mode of resistance/control – this paper will investigate the use of sound in cinematic depictions of imprisonment including A Man Escaped (Bresson, 1956), Hunger (McQueen, 2008) and Zero Dark Thirty (Bigelow, 2012). The aim is to explore how an auditory perspective might complicate previously held ocularcentric conceptions of power in penal institutions (Foucault, 1977) and to examine how this experience of sound is represented on screen. The essay also considers how sound design can bridge the distance between self and other, and align the spectator emotionally, ethically and politically with a film’s characters. The essay thus proposes that an ethical spectatorship may require cinematic auditors to listen more critically, and it claims that a better understanding of the fundamental role that sound and listening play in the articulation and recognition – or indeed, disavowal – of the subjectivity of prisoners within these narratives may lead to an increased awareness of the politics of aesthetics of individual films. The essay concludes by suggesting that the field of sound studies creates further opportunities for research that explores these important questions about representation, spectatorship and ethics from a range of disciplinary perspectives.
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Wells, Charles. "From homo sacer to homo dolorosus: Biopower and the politics of suffering." European Journal of Social Theory 22, no. 3 (April 2019): 416–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431019837900.
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This article argues that the indefinite detention and torture of prisoners at the Guantanamo Bay Detention Camp and the intentional destabilization of Palestinian civilian life in the Israeli occupied Palestinian territories are indicative of the emergence of a new postmodern form of power. Coining the term homo dolorosus – the man who is available to be made to suffer – this article seeks to understand this emergent politics of suffering through a historicized reading of Foucault’s typology of power, informed by the work of Giorgio Agamben. It is argued that, just as discipline was the dark inverse of the modern utopian Enlightenment project of universal democratic inclusion, the politics of suffering is the dark inverse of the postmodern biopolitical project of security. Using the work of Mikkel Joronen, Jasbir Puar and Lauren Wilcox as signposts, this article argues that homo dolorosus is produced by power’s encounter with a population that it perceives or represents as simultaneously risky and dependent. Moreover, it is suggested that homo dolorosus may be the manifestation of a project that aims to do away with freely-deciding subjectivity while keeping the human body alive.
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Roggeband, Conny. "Ending Violence against Women in Latin America: Feminist Norm Setting in a Multilevel Context." Politics & Gender 12, no. 01 (March 2016): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000604.
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Latin American feminists brought up the issue of violence in the 1970s under military rule or situations of armed conflict. These contexts made feminists specifically concerned with state violence against women. Women's organizations pointed to torture and rape of political prisoners and the use of rape as a weapon of war and connected these forms of violence to deeper societal patterns of subordination and violence against women in both the private and public spheres. Processes of democratization in the region brought new opportunities to institutionalize norms to end violence against women (VAW), and in many countries feminists managed to get the issue on the political agenda. In the mid 1990s, the region pioneered international legislation on VAW that uniquely included state-sponsored violence. The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (1994) established an international obligation for states to prevent, investigate, and punish VAW regardless of whether it takes place in the home, the community, or in the public sphere. While Latin American governments massively ratified this convention, national legislation was not brought in line with the broad scope of the international convention. This points to the complex and often contradictory dynamics of institutionalizing norms to oppose VAW in multilevel settings.
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M. Al-Shraah, Sameer. "Raising Introspective Awareness in Resisting Colonizing Ideologies: Coetzee's Waiting for the Barbarians." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 8, no. 5 (November 2, 2017): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.8n.5p.103.
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Deconstructing colonization and the colonizing discourse is a long and continuing process. Many intellectuals participated, and still participate, in this noble mission. However, "Waiting for the Barbarians" is a literary work that resists the colonial ideology through raising the colonizer's, and consequently the reader's, awareness of the pervasive ideology of dehumanization; it is this ideology that makes possible the severe torture of the prisoners without the torturers' feeling or awareness of their criminal deeds. This ideology of dehumanization and the struggle against its domination is manifested by the character of the protagonist who, as a representative of the colonizer, experiences a gradual process of confusion, introspection, and remorse that enables the reader to experience closely, rather than merely witness from a distance, an exemplary process of self-questioning. This theme of self-questioning is one of the main themes of Coetzee's Waiting for the Barbarians. The novel creates in us an ability to question the different ideologies that enslaved us unconsciously, especially at our modern time when It seems that we became so obsessed with materialism and our existential needs that risking one's physical safety or financial security to stand up for one's principles will never be an issue for most people, especially those living in what was known as colonizing countries or, in modern terminology, the developed or first world. Thus, the aim of this paper is to investigate how the novel creates in its reader a revival of a moral and ultimately political sensibility that is usually inhibited by the ideology of dehumanization.
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Arsenault, Elizabeth Grimm, and Catherine Chiang. "The U.S. Department of Defense and Its Torture Program." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19840067.
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How did the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) develop its torture program and, in so doing, stray so significantly from its existing standard operating procedures (SOPs) around humane prisoner treatment? This model of organizational decision-making examines both the ambiguous structural environment that interrogators faced after 9/11 and the ways in which actors used their agency to challenge the procedures and rules that had governed DoD decision-making and actions for more than six decades. By building off the work on organizational theorizing pioneered by Graham Allison and James March, this study process traces the ways in which the DoD’s institutional procedures protecting detainees were developed, challenged, and then ultimately reaffirmed. This research helps organizations ultimately understand the power—and the weaknesses—of their SOPs.
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Cochicho, Joaquim A. Calado. "A contabilidade e a imoralidade no Estado Novo (años 30 e 40) = Accounting and immorality in the New State, years 30 and 40." Pecvnia : Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales, Universidad de León, no. 13 (December 1, 2011): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/pec.v0i13.604.
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El Archivo de Torre de Tombo nos lleva a un encuentro con la Historia. Un nombre desconocido para las Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, José Barata Júnior, preso político en las décadas de los años 30 y 40 del siglo XX, renace sin una vida pasada en el contexto político, económico y social del tiempo en el que fue prisionero. Y también, el concepto de Historia Contemporánea –Estado Nuevo.<br />Un régimen político y dos discursos: uno el que difunde la propaganda, otro el que el pueblo siente. Salazar establece el rigor y la disciplina en la Contabilidad Pública e invoca la ley y una moral superior para el Estado. El mismo Estado, reprime, censura, arresta, tortura y practica la inmoralidad en la “contabilidad” del número de presos políticos muertos en el Penal de Tarrafal, en Cabo Verde.<br /><br />The Archive of Torre do Tombo leads us to an encounter with History - a name unknown to the Social Sciences and Humanities, José Barata Jr., a political prisoner in the 30s and 40s of the twentieth century. When he was a prisoner, a past without life reborn in the political, economic and social time. And, also, the concept of Contemporary History - "New State".<br />A political regime and two speeches: One that propaganda broadcasts, other that the people feel. Salazar establishing rigor and discipline in the Public Accounts and invokes the Law and a Moral superior to the State. The same State represses, censorships, arrests, tortures and practices immorality in the "Accounting" of the number of political prisoners killed in the Penal Colony Tarrafal in Cape Verde.<br /><br />O Arquivo da Torre do Tombo leva-nos a um encontro com a História – Um nome desconhecido das Ciências Sociais e Humanas, José Barata Júnior, preso político nas décadas de 30 e 40, do Século XX. Renasce um passado sem vida no contexto político, económico e social do tempo em que foi prisioneiro. E, também, o conceito de História Contemporânea – “Estado Novo”.<br />Um Regime político e dois discursos: Um que a propaganda difunde, outro que o povo sente. Salazar estabelece rigor e disciplina na Contabilidade Pública e invoca a Lei e uma Moral superior ao Estado. O mesmo Estado reprime, censura, prende, tortura e pratica a Imoralidade na “Contabilidade” do número de presos políticos mortos na Colónia Penal do Tarrafal, em Cabo Verde.<br /><br />
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Verhage, Brigitte. "Human Rights Excursion in Europe: the Committee for the Prevention of Torture and its Visit to the United Kingdom." Leiden Journal of International Law 6, no. 1 (April 1993): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500001679.
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“Todays prison seems to be more of a hotel than a real prison”, and “jailbirds live better lives than normal people do”, are phrases which you can hear quite often. The visit of the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (hereafter CPT or the Committee) showed that this is certainly not true for British prisons. This Committee visited the United Kingdom from July 29 to August 10,1990 and drew an extensive report on its findings, to which the British Government reacted.
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Castellanos Llanos, Gabriela. "Ética, terrorismo de estado y masculinidad: la vía del terror vista desde la óptica de género." La Manzana de la Discordia 2, no. 1 (March 10, 2016): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v2i1.1416.
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Resumen: Este ensayo es una reflexión sobre el terrorismo, mostrando su evolución a través de la historia y su exacerbación actual, señalando además que el terrorismo de Estado, a pesar de ser la forma más mortífera, tiende a ser públicamente aceptada. De igual forma, enfatiza que el ataque a las Torres Gemelas se ha utilizado para justificar ataques preventivos, torturas y hasta la suspensión de la protección legal a prisioneros, y se pregunta cuál debe ser la política pública para combatir el terrorismo de una manera ética, mostrando por qué la solución del mal menor propuesta por Michael Ignatieff es sólo un viejo truco argumentativo y no conduce a cambios reales. Por ello, se insiste en el diálogo como forma de garantizar el reconocimiento de la diversidad, la defensa de los derechos civiles y el fortalecimiento de la democracia. Finalmente, se analizan diversos aspectos del militarismo, mostrando las relaciones de esta tendencia con el género y especí- ficamente con la masculinidad. Palabras clave: ética, terrorismo, militarismo, masculinidad, género Abstract: This essay reflects on terrorism, showing its evolution throughout history and its present-day exacerbation, also pointing out that terrorism on the part of the State, in spite of being the most deadly form, tends to be accepted by the public. Likewise, it stresses the way the 9/11 attack has been used to justify preemptive attacks, torture and even the suspension of political protection to prisoners, and asks what type of public policy must be used to fight terrorism in an ethical manner, showing why Michael Ignatieff’s proposal of the lesser evil is only an old argumentative trick and leads to no real changes. Therefore, there is an insistence on dialogue as the way to guarantee the recognition of diversity, the defense of civil rights and the strengthening of democracy. Finally, diverse aspects of militarism are analyzed, showing the relations between this tendency and gender, specifically with masculinity.Key words: ethics, terrorism, militarism, masculinity, gender
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Roberts, Neil. "A Review of: “Abolition Democracy: Beyond Prisons, Torture, and Empire; Interviews with Angela Davis”." Souls 8, no. 4 (December 2006): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940601057374.
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Mahdi, Ali Akbar. "ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN, Tortured Confessions: Prison and Public Recantations in Modern Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999). Pp. 279." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 3 (August 2000): 414–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002567.
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The Iranian Revolution of 1979 has unleashed a flood of books on the causes and consequences of the rise of political Islam and the failure of Western-supported modernizing states. Ervand Abrahamian's new book is important because it is the first detailed academic work that deals with the conditions of the prisons and the horrors of the criminal system—the torture, the forced confessions, and the executions—in the newly established theocratic state. This book is a testimony to the horrors of self-righteous ideological regimes whose ruling elite claims a monopoly on truth and the knowledge of what is best for its citizens. This is a chilling book that should be read by all scholars and non-scholars who care about human rights.
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Mandelbaum, Belinda, Aline Rubin, and Stephen Frosh. "‘He Didn't Even Know There Was a Dictatorship’: The Complicity of a Psychoanalyst with the Brazilian Military Regime." Psychoanalysis and History 20, no. 1 (April 2018): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2018.0245.
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The history of psychoanalysis in Brazil during the civilian–military dictatorship (1964–85) has come under increasing scrutiny in recent years as an instance of institutional complicity with authoritarian rule. The case of Amílcar Lobo in Rio de Janeiro is now well known. However, there is less documentation of events in São Paulo, leading to a misrepresentation of the Brazilian Psychoanalytical Society of São Paulo as having passed relatively unscathed through the dictatorial period. This paper confronts this misrepresentation by documenting the case of a psychoanalyst from São Paulo who was involved with the torture regime. A detailed account is presented of claims made to the authors about the actions of this psychoanalyst in relation to a political prisoner of the period, and some parallels are made with material in two published works by him. It is suggested that this particular psychoanalyst's behaviour reflects attitudes prevalent in the Brazilian Psychoanalytical Society of São Paulo at the time, including its support for the view that political resistance was a sign of psychological ‘immaturity’ or pathology.
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Vysoven, Oksana. "REPRESSIVE PSYCHIATRY AS PUNITIVE AND CORRECTIVE REMEDY IN THE FIGHT AGAINST ACTIVE MEMBERS OF THE BRANCH OF THE EASTERN CHRISTIAN BAPTIST (SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY)." Journal of Ukrainian History, no. 39 (2019): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-4611.2019.39.9.
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The purpose of the study is to unbiased analysis of sources and literature on the use of psychiatry in punitive and repressive purposes in the Ukrainian SSR. The article uses the following methods of research: comparative-historical, typologies, classifications, problem-chronological, etc. The first works in which the facts of the struggle of the totalitarian system with the active members of the brotherhood of the ECB began to be publicized by means of repressive psychiatry were the self-published bulletins that were periodical and published in the 70's and 80's. Soviet researchers did not mention in their works the facts of torture of believers by means of repressive medicine. Modern scholars, especially specialists in the field of psychiatry, partially re-thought and reinterpreted the crimes of repressive medicine over dissent and active members of the brotherhood of the ECB. At the same time, there is no comprehensive scientific-historical research about punitive psychiatry as a form of struggle against political opponents, and in particular with active members of the ECB in the second half of the twentieth century. There is no time for this, so we will try to fill this gap somewhat.The study found that the systematic use of psychiatry for the imprisonment of dissidents in a psychiatric hospital began in the late 1950's in connection with mass rehabilitation of political prisoners who, after returning from places of detention, openly opposed all kinds of abuse of power, lack of freedom of conscience and religion; it is proved that the Soviet regime under the psychiatric repressions was summed up the theoretical and legal basis, that led to the list of restrictions on so-called mentally ill: in professional capacity and in general, in capacity, in correspondence and many others, even if they were not brought to criminal responsibility; it was shown that in the 70-80s of the XX century. punitive and repressive machine of the totalitarian system, in the name of the leaders of the security forces and their analysts with maniacal zeal, developed anti-human torture for dissenters, the main role in their humiliation now relied on psychiatrists and their Jesuit methods based on the so-called «innovative» teaching of the Moscow school of psychiatrists A. Snezhevsky about «slowed down schizophrenia», this diagnosis was recognized only in the USSR and its satellites. Under the diagnosis of «delayed schizophrenia» could fall anyone who somehow expressed dissatisfaction with the actions of the ruling regime. It was found out that in the late 70's of the twentieth century threats with a psychiatric hospital to active believers have become systemic, especially the secret services have been pressured on the members of the Council of the Relatives of the ECB Prison, who were engaged in printing and publishing crimes of totalitarian power against humanity and freedom of conscience and religion; it is proved that in the early 1970's reports of unjustified hospitalization of political and religious dissidents in psychiatric hospitals reached the West and the United States. In order to prevent an international scandal, the leadership of a totalitarian state, together with intelligence agencies, decided to set up a group of advocacy specialists who also developed a plan of major measures to expose anti-Soviet slander campaign on so-called «political abuses» in psychiatry; in spite of the measures taken by the leadership and special services of the totalitarian regime, regarding the debunking of the so-called «myths about punitive medicine in the USSR,» the international community has gathered a lot of facts and interviewed persons over which there were inhumane torture in medical institutions throughout the communist state, which proved to be evidence the fact that the USSR in the 70's and 80's of the twentieth century the main method of combating dissent was the repressive psychiatry.
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Wright, Jennifer Cole, Daniel E. Weissglass, and Vanessa Casey. "Imaginative Role-Playing as a Medium for Moral Development: Dungeons & Dragons Provides Moral Training." Journal of Humanistic Psychology 60, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 99–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022167816686263.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the use of imaginative role-play games to sponsor positive development in young adult moral reasoning. Twelve college students participated in six approximately 4-hour gaming sessions using a customized game system based on Dungeons & Dragons™ (D&D, 1974, 4th ed.). The games contained embedded social/moral dilemmas (e.g., whether to torture a prisoner for information) that participants encountered and had to work through as a group. Significant growth in moral development, as measured with the Defining Issues Test and the Self-Understanding Interview was demonstrated in the gaming groups, but was not replicated in two control groups, who did not participate in the gaming sessions. This suggests that imaginative role-play gaming structures can function as an engaging, interactive “moral training ground,” a medium that promotes moral development, and highlights the difference between antisocial and prosocial violence.