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Leonard, David Anthony. "From totalitarianism to democracy : policing Czechoslovakia's transition." Thesis, University of Hull, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342873.
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Jones, Raymond W. "Utopia : work of art or totalitarianism schematic? /." Electronic version (PDF), 2005. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2005/jonesr/raymondjones.doc.
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Tormey, S. F. "Presuppositions of theories of totalitarianism : a critical examination." Thesis, Swansea University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.639254.
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The theory of totalitarianism has been attacked consistently and virulently since its inception. Many commentators have commented on its lack of appreciation for the differences between the regimes of Hitler and Stalin, i.e. those regimes to which it has most often been applied. Other commentators have questioned the analytical basis of the theory, arguing that the form of domination it describes is one that would be impossible to realize in practice. Building on these criticisms, the question addressed in this thesis is how theorists from a variety of intellectual positions arrive at their understanding of totalitarianism. What is it, in other words, that gives rise to a form of description whose sense, let alone whose historical accuracy appears to be in question? In chapters on some of the best known theorists of totalitarianism - Carl J. Friedrich, Leonard Schapiro, Hannah Arendt, Herbert Marcuse and Agnes Heller - I show that the origins of the problems evident in discussion of these systems are to be found in the philosophical and theoretical presuppositions of the theorists concerned. It is argued that the reason why accounts of totalitarian systems are deficient is because these presuppositions are allowed to determine the manner in which such systems are described. Instead of describing what can be observed, the attempt to convey the fate of the individual subject within such regimes leads them to employ moral and ethical notions about rational behaviour and 'the good life' in order to substantiate their understanding of totalitarianism. This, it is argued, is the source of the difficulty with theories of totalitarianism. They are less the product of reasoned reflection on the character of such systems than of the application of implicitly moral assumptions about how people should behave and about how societies should be organized.
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Lazda, Mara Irene. "Gender and totalitarianism Soviet and Nazi occupations of Latvia, 1940--1945 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3167800.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2005.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-04, Section: A, page: 1467. Adviser: Toivo U. Raun. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Nov. 9, 2006)."
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Saintin, Alexandre. "Tristes tropismes : voyages des intellectuels français en Italie fasciste et en Allemagne nazie 1922-1939." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010601.
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Cherchant à faire des récits de voyage une source à la fois pour l'histoire comparée des totalitarismes et pour celle des représentations des intellectuels français, nous proposons de résoudre une triple problématique : quelles sont les motivations et les identités des intellectuels voyageurs français en Italie fasciste et en Allemagne nazie ? Quelles modalités textuelles et iconographiques usent-ils dans leurs récits afin de transcrire l'indicible altérité politique ? Que dévoile enfin cette littérature de voyage des ambitions de ses auteurs et des réalités des régimes totalitaires ? L'élucidation des conditions intimes et collectives présidant au départ des voyageurs conduit à une présentation des sociabilités intellectuelles françaises, ainsi que des politiques touristiques fasciste et nationale-socialiste. Au travers d'un corpus unique par sa masse et sa variété textuelle comme iconographique, cette thèse délimite l'ambition testimoniale des voyageurs français. Enfin, l'immersion et l'enquête au contact direct des populations italienne et allemande ont à la fois fait surgir des représentations spécifiques des intellectuels et permis une approche originale du phénomène totalitaire. Ces impressions de voyage et ces enquêtes se sont toutefois heurtées à une part d'irrationnel, une dimension mythologique constituant l'essence des régimes totalitaires, mais dont la signification culturelle et politique échappait souvent aux voyageurs. Ce sont tout à la fois ces ambitions, ces impressions et ces impasses rencontrées par les intellectuels français en voyage que notre travail s'est appliqué à analyserSeeking to use travel stories as sources for both the comparative history of totalitarianism and for the history of the representations of French intellectuals, our research addresses three issues : What are the motivations and identities of French intellectual travellers to Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany ? What textual and iconographie forms are they using in their stories to convey the unspeakable alterity ? What does this travel literature reveal of its authors' ambitions and the reality of totalitarian regimes ? The elucidation of the collective and personal conditions presiding over travellers' departures leads to presentation of the sociability of French intellectuals and of Fascist and National-Socialist touristic policie. Thanks to a corpus unique both for its size and its textual as well as iconographic variety, our dissertation delineates the testimonial ambition of French travellers. Through their immersion, the intellectuals conducted their surveys in direct contact to the Italian and German populations, thus revealing the representations : specific to them, as well as enabling an original approach to the totalitarian phenomenon. However, their impressions of travel as well as these surveys faced an irrational part, a mythological dimension the constitutes the essence of totalitarian regimes, but whose cultural and political meaning often eluded the travellers. Our research has endeavoured to analyse at the same time these ambitions, impressions and blind alleys
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Anderson, Rachel Jane. "Lieder, totalitarianism, and the Bund deutscher Mädel : girls' political coercion through song." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29493.
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The Bund deutscher Madel (BdM), a Nazi youth organization for girls, was sponsored, organized, and promoted by Adolf Hitler's National Socialist Party. The BdM instilled values and beliefs of National Socialism in German girls, and encouraged attitudes and behavior in them that harmonized with Party views on womanhood. Political indoctrination for girls often came through music---especially song. Musical repertoire of the BdM strongly interconnects with the organization's development, internal structure and political philosophies.My thesis analyses the relations between music, the BdM, National Socialism, and gender. Historical perspectives are documented to clarify the function and intention of the BdM, including its politics and philosophy, its activities designed to foster 'natural' gender roles, and its emerging supremacy over other right-wing youth movements in Nazi Germany. My thesis then examines conceptions of 'natural' gender roles for girls and women in Nazi society and how these role expectations are covertly and overtly embedded in the official music book of the BdM, entitled Wir Madel singen! To illustrate this relationship between music, politics, and gender expectations, ten songs from Wir Madel singen! are analyzed in detail.
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Wolmarans, Frederik Gerhardus. "Political leadership in Germany between 1921 and 1945 linking charisma and totalitarianism /." Pretoria : [S.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02272006-162616.
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DeVito, Jeremy E. "The horror of "happily ever after", power, totalitarianism and the fairy tale ideal." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ62342.pdf.
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Szafraniec, Jaroslaw. "From totalitarianism to democracy the case of Poland, controversies and heritage of communism." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483565.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Moran, Daniel. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on September 2, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-75). Also available in print.
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Mantzaris, Alexandros. "Treasonous Fictions : Re)visions of 'Totalitarianism' in the 60s Work of Five American Authors." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508969.
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Yde, Matthew. "The Utopian Imagination of George Bernard Shaw: Totalitarianism and the Seduction of the Superman." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1313083659.
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Allen, Roger William. "The thought of Wilhelm Furtwängler : a study of the politics of the unpolitical." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312621.
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Shideler, David Kyle. "An Orwellian model of the totalitarian mind." Thesis, Boston University, 2004. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27767.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Shorten, Richard. "The impact of totalitarianism in twentieth-century political thought : from Hannah Arendt to Jürgen Habermas." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408970.
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Skog, Viktor. ""A Totalitarian Vision of Paradise" : Transnationalism, Individuailty, and Totalitarianism in The Cantos by Ezra Pound." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Engelska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-131107.
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Stoeckl, Kristina. "Community after totalitarianism the Russian Orthodox intellectual tradition and the philosophical discourse of political modernity." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/992436362/04.
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Onofrio, Benjamin E. "American Totalitarianism in Norman Mailer's The Naked and the Dead and The Armies of the Night." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2009. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd3050.pdf.
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Стогова, Ольга Володимирівна, Ольга Владимировна Стогова, and Olha Volodymyrivna Stohova. "Авторитаризм і тоталітаризм : проблеми демократизації." Thesis, Іліон, 2011. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/63131.
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Robak, Kazimierz. "Cultural response to totalitarianism in select movies produced in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland between 1956 and 1989." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://digital.lib.usf.edu/?e14.2857.
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Mamola, Bethany Grace. "Perseverance in the Face of Totalitarianism: The Life and Legacy of Józef Zygmunt Szulc in Nazi Occupied France." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1505262/.
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The Reichsleiter Rosenberg Task Force of 1940, initiated a systematic confiscation of items belonging to Jews throughout Europe. Because of this task force and Hitler's decrees, Jews across Europe were labeled as stateless, and were stripped of ownership and rights to property. Not only did these actions devastate Jews economically, but intellectually and artistically as well. In parts of occupied France, this task force was legitimized by Vichy laws under the label of the Commissariat Générale aux Questions Juives (General Commission for Jewish Issues) and enabled Nazi officials to closely watch Jewish musicians and stop them from performing their music, profiting from anyone else performing it, and to halt any public performance of Jewish compositions. This dissertation exhibits the lost legacy of one such Jewish musician, Józef Szulc. It discusses him as a musician of great importance in the ongoing recovery of Jewish culture, music, and life during World War II. His musical output has historical notoriety, as seen through reviews and performance history. The study of Vichy laws and their effect on Jewish musicians in Paris during the Nazi occupation provides the socio-political context for Szulc's life. It also provides the most plausible reason why his contribution to French vocal music was almost entirely lost. Szulc's success with his operetta compositions created a trajectory of performances that lasted well into the late 1920s and early 1930s.
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Fuse, Satoshi. "The distance from language : reflections on the political discourses of modern Japan." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299803.
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Sniezak, D'Otta M. "In Response to Totalitarianism: The Hawkish Cold War Foreign Diplomacy of the Europeans Kissinger and Brzezinski during American Détente." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2570.
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Despite historians describing the 1970s as a time of détente, both National Security Advisors that dominated America’s foreign policy pursued harsh stances against the Soviet Union. Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski sabotaged peace talks in order help the United States keep its edge against the other world superpower. Most historians point to the similarities between these two men, but what is most often left out of the narrative is that both men witnessed persecution at the hands of totalitarian governments: Kissinger by the Nazis and Brzezinski by both the Nazis and the Soviets. This influence is strong in their first works written at Harvard University, where they met Dr. Carl J. Friedrich and Hannah Arendt, both German émigrés. This paper will explore how European intellectuals, as well as their own European heritage, predisposed both Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski in their hawkish stances against the Soviet Union.
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Nguyen, Thi Tu Huy. "Du totalitarisme à l'auto-totalitarisme : le cas vietnamien." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC105.
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Ce travail est un prolongement des pensées de Hannah Arendt, de Vaclav Havel, de Deleuze-Guattari et d’autres chercheurs sur le totalitarisme dans l’analyse de la politique vietnamienne. Il ne prétend pas établir une définition personnelle et nouvelle du totalitarisme ; mais étayé de résultats de recherches d’autres théoriciens, analysés à partir des expériences personnelles, il constitue les éléments de base pour une réflexion sur une réalité concrète : l’auto-totalitarisme, une forme de régime politique qui succède au totalitarisme communiste mondial. Il s’agit ici d’un effort pour concevoir une nouvelle étape du communisme, représentée par le Viet Nam, pouvant être qualifiée d’auto-totalitarisme. La thèse a l’objectif de construire un modèle interprétatif du régime auto-totalitaire dans son ensemble. Le but principal n’est donc pas de démontrer que le communisme vietnamien est un régime totalitaire, mais d’éclairer le passage du totalitarisme à l’auto-totalitarisme au Viet Nam, même si cet éclairage demande un examen de l’histoire totalitaire du régime. L’effort est concentré sur la compréhension de formes et d’enjeux politiques actuels, néanmoins l’appréhension du présent est impossible sans intelligence du passé.En langage deleuzo-guattarien du rhizome, on peut dire que le régime politique vietnamien est un devenir ou une déterritorialisation. Un devenir-capitalisme qui n’est bien évidemment pas un capitalisme. Une déterritorialisation du communisme au sens où le régime se déterritorialise du communisme mais reste lié à lui dans les principes fondamentaux du pouvoir. Le régime auto-totalitaire se déterritorialise du totalitarisme et en même temps reste bien ancré en luiThis work is an extension of the thoughts of Hannah Arendt, Vaclav Havel, Deleuze-Guattari and other researchers on totalitarianism in the analysis of Vietnamese politics. It does not pretend to establish a personal and new definition of totalitarianism; but supported by research results of other theorists, analyzed from personal experiences, it constitutes the basic elements for a reflection on a concrete reality: auto-totalitarianism, a form of political regime that succeeds global communist totalitarianism.This is an effort to conceive of a new stage of communism, represented by Viet Nam, which can be described as auto-totalitarianism. The thesis aims to construct an interpretative model of the auto-totalitarian regime as a whole. The main purpose, therefore, is not to demonstrate that Vietnamese Communism is a totalitarian regime, but to illuminate the transition from totalitarianism to auto-totalitarianism in Viet Nam, even though this illumination requires an examination of the totalitarian history of the regime. The effort is focused on understanding current political forms and issues, yet apprehension of the present is impossible without intelligence of the past.In Deleuze and Guattari's language of rhizome, one can say that the Vietnamese political regime is a becoming or a deterritorialization. A becoming-capitalism obviously is not a capitalism. A deterritorialization of communism is in the sense that the regime is deterritorialized from communism but remains linked to it in the fundamental principles of power. The auto-totalitarian regime is deterritorializing itself from totalitarianism and at the same time remains firmly anchored in it
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Richardson, Christopher William. "Childhood Policies and Practices in the DPRK: A Challenge to Korean Unification." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/15000.
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This thesis investigates the childhood policies and practices of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), exploring the ideological construction of the North Korean child through arts, education, discipline and play, elements of what might be termed a broader collectivisation of childhood. North Korean childhood is perceived not as a protected pre-political phase in individual human growth, but a foundational stage in the construction of revolutionary consciousness, fostering national cohesion, ideological purity, and reverence for Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un. Guided by a Western paradigm perceiving childhood as “other,” estranged from the business of state building and war making, security studies and international relations have neglected children’s culture. Yet North Korea remains a barracks society, military first (Songun) revolutionary consciousness forming the cradle-to-grave foundation of individual and national identity and narrative. In their formative study North Korea: Beyond Charismatic Politics, Heonik Kwon and Byung-ho Chung identify the most urgent imperative of the DPRK as the extension of charismatic authority beyond the mortal lifespan of its founder, Kim Il Sung. This thesis will argue childhood policy and practice constitute a primary instrument for this extension.
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BRIGEIRO, RAPHAEL TORRES. "THE RICH AND THE STRANGE: REVOLUTION AND TOTALITARIANISM AS RADICAL NOVELTIES OF THE MODERN WORLD IN HANNAH ARENDT S THOUGHT." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=27375@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
Hannah Arendt é frequentemente lida como uma autora da crise. Tendo nascido no curto século XX, testemunhando e mesmo vivendo ela mesma, enquanto estava entre os homens, inúmeras das catástrofes que tiveram seu lugar no palco do mundo. Como pensadora, ela fez de sua sistemática reflexão acerca do fenômeno totalitário o ponto de partida para inúmeros trabalhos cujo objetivo residia na tentativa de compreender este mundo e, a partir desta compreensão, com ele reconciliar-se. Entendendo o regime totalitário como uma novidade radical, que coloca em xeque nossas categorias de pensamento, bem como nossa capacidade de agir no mundo e discursar sobre os negócios humanos, Arendt acaba por aproximar este terrível evento de outro, cuja essência mesma é a novidade: a Revolução. Compreendendo a Revolução a partir do signo da fundação de uma Constituição da Liberdade e de uma Nova Ordem do Mundo, a autora enfrenta a difícil tarefa de conciliar algo que parece inconciliável na contemporaneidade: a capacidade da ação política de começar algo inteiramente novo e a necessidade de estabilização do espaço público onde a ação deve acontecer. É na interseção desta insuperável dicotomia que o presente trabalho pretende explorar conceitos fundamentais do pensamento arendtiano, como autoridade, liberdade, ação, poder, entre outros. Com eles tentar-se-á compreender o mergulho que Arendt faz às profundezas do passado para conferir nova dignidade ao campo da política, em um tempo onde os seres humanos cada vez menos assumem responsabilidade pelo mundo e pelas possibilidades que ele encerra.
Hannah Arendt is often read as author of the crisis. Being born in the short 20th century, bearing witness and even living herself, while she was among men, many of the catastrophes that had place at the world s stage. As a thinker, she made her systematic meditation over the totalitarian phenomenon the starting point for many works which intention resided on trying to understand the world, and, from this comprehension, to be able to reconcile herself with it. Comprehending the totalitarian regime as a radical novelty, that embarrass our categories of thought, as well as our ability to act in the world and discourse about the human affairs, Arendt ended up approximating this terrible event with another one, which essence itself is the novelty: the Revolution. Understanding the Revolution as a foundation of a Constitution of Freedom and of a New World Order, the author faces the difficult challenge of conciliating things that seem to be completely contradictory in contemporaneity: the capacity of political action to start something entirely new and the necessity to stabilize the public space where action must happen. It is at the intersection of this unresolvable dichotomy that this work intends to explore fundamental concepts of the Arendtian thought, as authority, freedom, action, power, among others. With them I will try to understand the immersion that Arendt do to the depths of the past to give new dignity to the political field, in a time where the humans beings take, each passing day, less responsibility for the world and for the possibilities it reserves.
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Vadolas, Antonios. "Fascist di-visions of enjoyment and the perverse remainder : a psychoanalytic study." Thesis, Brunel University, 2006. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5603.
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Under the shade of escalating violence and fundamentalism, our epoch's diffused aura of liberalism supposedly tolerates difference, by exorcising the evil phantasms of totalitarianism, in favour of a liberal and humane post-modem order. Consequently, behind contemporary versions of evil, one demonises modem 'fascists', 'totalitarian threats', and 'Hitlers'. As if not obscure enough, fascist evil has been equivocally linked with perversion. Considering this link a tenebrous enigma, my thesis suggests that psychoanalysis can successfully elucidate its problematic and feeble basis, by reappraising previous narratives from a number of different discourses that inscribe the liaison between fascism and perversion in their representational stage. In a first approach, the present study dissects texts as heterogeneous, as film, social theory, political philosophy, and psychoanalysis. This is to show that, despite the divergent speculative angle that each discourse espouses, perversion is a common exegetic thread, intertextually sewing their narratives. The objective of my criticism that goes through psychoanalysis, without, however, exempting it from this criticism, is to reveal that both fascism and perversion implicate the non-symbolisable kernel in politics, which becomes the source of their mystification. My thesis argues that the fascist does not take the same discursive position, as the pervert does, regarding this symbolic gap. The first is interested in domination, drawn from the superiority of his ideology's master signifier, whereas the latter is interested in excavating the emptiness of any master signifier and in constantly provoking prefabricated knowledge, similarly to the hysteric. Apart from the level of discourse, on the ethical level, I disengage the view that sees Sade and the Nazi officer, as emblematic figures of a Kantian ethical gesture. Considering the imaginary hypostasis of their ethical performance, I argue that personal interests, fantasies and desires, determine the austerity of their ethical duty. Yet, the fantasies of Sade and Nazism are incongruent, insomuch as they are organised by antithetical ideals. Finally, I develop a new rhetoric, de-pathologised and de-ideologised, regarding the structure of the so-called pervert, introducing new vocabularies and directions for psychoanalytic research that further distance the pervert, or whom I call the extra-ordinary subject, from fascist politics and, instead, expose his diachronic "fascist" isolation from the social edifice. This reveals the fruitful alternatives that can stem from a 'return to Freud cum Lacan, which supports a flexible on-going reformulation of psychoanalytic knowledge.
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Pelissioli, Marcelo. "From allegory into symbol : revisiting George Orwell's Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four in the light of 21 st century views of totalitarianism." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/15320.
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Os primeiros textos do escritor inglês George Orwell consideram o apelo do ideário comunista, ao passo que seus dois últimos romances, A Revolução dos Bichos (publicado em 1946) e 1984 (publicado em 1949) se contrapõem radicalmente a esse regime. Ao longo da segunda metade do século XX, foi-se estabelecendo a mística de uma forte ligação entre a obra de Orwell e o histórico do regime comunista, de modo que, com a queda do Comunismo, o desinteresse pelo assunto parece haver provocado uma diminuição no conceito dos méritos do escritor. O argumento da presente dissertação é que estamos frente a um momento nevrálgico no desenrolar da fortuna crítica de George Orwell, no qual a leitura alegórica feita até aqui deve ser substituída pela leitura simbólica, para que os textos do autor possam transcender à derrocada do movimento Comunista, sustentando-se na estética de sua literariedade e na atemporalidade de seu apelo ético. Em outras palavras, não é o texto de Orwell que precisa ser mudado, e sim, o ângulo de abordagem daqueles que constroem a fortuna crítica do autor, pois as referências temporais desgastadas diminuem a potencialidade interpretativa das obras. Um ponto comum que permanece, e que transpassa a obra literária de Orwell, é a opressão exercida por quaisquer sistemas políticos que possam ter atitudes consideradas totalitárias. Esta observação não remete apenas ao sistema comunista, mas também ao imperialista, ao autocrático, e até mesmo ao democrático. Orwell demonstra que um sistema não é totalitário por si só, mas através de suas atitudes em relação ao povo. Se, na época de seus lançamentos, a temática totalitária foi relacionada ao comunismo, tomando-se os textos como alegorias irreversíveis do discurso anti-comunista, a queda daquele regime, ou sua gradual abertura a práticas capitalistas, não basta para condenar as obras de Orwell ao anacronismo, descartando maiores possibilidades interpretativas. Ao propor uma releitura de A Revolução dos Bichos e 1984 substituindo as referências ao comunismo por qualquer tipo de prática totalitária — e concentrar o foco das observações no que é simbólico, ao invés de alegórico — acredito estar cumprindo minha parte neste processo de resgate da fortuna crítica de um escritor que considero ser um dos mais honestos e competentes de seu tempo.The first texts of the English writer George Orwell approach the appeal of Communist views; however, his two last novels, Animal Farm (published in 1946) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (published in 1949) radically oppose this regime. Along the second half of the 20th century , strong bonds were established between Orwell’s works and the history of the Communist regime, however, with the fall of Communism, the lack of interest for the subject seems to have generated a diminution in the merits and recognition of the writer. The argumentation of this thesis is that we have been facing a central moment in the unfolding of George Orwell’s critical heritage, in which the allegorical reading done so far must be replaced by the symbolical reading, so that the texts of the author can transcend the fall of the Communist movement, supported by the esthetic of the literariety and atemporality of their ethic appeal. In other words, it is not the text of Orwell which must be changed, but the angle of the approach of those who build the author’s critical heritage, because outdated temporal references impair the interpretative possibility of the works. A remaining point that seems to cross all Orwell’s literary works is the oppression exerted by any political systems that can have attitudes considered totalitarian ones. This remark does not address only the Communist system, but also the Imperialist, the autocratic and even the Democratic ones. Orwell demonstrates that a system is not totalitarian on its own, but through its manifestations towards people. If, at the age of their launchings, the totalitarian theme was connected to Communism, taking the texts as irreversible allegories of the anti-Communist discourse, the fall of that regime, or its gradual opening to Capitalist practices, is not enough to condemn Orwell’s works to anachronism, discharging more comprehensive interpretative possibilities. I believe that, by proposing a new reading of Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four, replacing the references to Communism for references to any kind of totalitarian practice--, and concentrating the focus of the observation on what is symbolical – I will be doing my part in this process of rescuing the critical heritage of a writer who I consider one of the most honest and competent authors of his time.
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Silva, Marcelo Almeida. "O reich e o stato aos pés do cristo: o totalitarismo sob a ótica das charges da revista Careta durante a segunda grande guerra." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2014. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/782.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
CNPq - Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
As páginas que se seguem têm como objetivo analisar e compreender como os chargistas cariocas formaram representações e mergulharam em críticas os movimentos totalitários, mais especificamente o nazismo, através de charges publicadas na revista periódica Careta, durante o período da Segunda Guerra Mundial, que durou de 1939 a 1945. As charges circularam no Rio de Janeiro, capital do país na época, num período em que o Brasil vivenciava, desde 1937, a ditadura do Estado Novo comandada por Getúlio Vargas.
The following pages are designed to analyze and understand how the locals cartoonists built representations and dived in critical totalitarian movements, specifically Nazi movement through cartoons published in the periodical Grimace, during the Second World War, which lasted from 1939 to 1945. The cartoons circulated in Rio de Janeiro, capital of the country at the time, a period when Brazil was experiencing, since 1937, the Estado Novo dictatorship led by Getúlio Vargas.
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Umay, Yurduseven Mensure. "Ideological Issues In George Orwell." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610197/index.pdf.
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This thesis analysis George Orwell&rsquos three novels
Burmese Days, Keep the Aspidistra Flying and Nineteen Eighty-Four in terms of the main political ideas expressed through these works. It begins with an overview of Orwell as a political writer and the political atmosphere of the era. The thesis then asserts that the novels are used as a form of propaganda by the writer. The central political ideas that appear in the novels are imperialism in Burmese Days, capitalism in Keep the Aspidistra Flying and totalitarianism in Nineteen Eighty-Four. This dissertation is therefore primarily organized around these topics, and Orwell&rsquo
s use of his novels as a way of conveying his political message will be illustrated and exemplified in the study.
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Kiraly, Attila. "Zwischenruf: Welch eine Macht?" Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/5795/.
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Vonseiten Nordkoreas wurde der Tod Kim Jong-ils am 17. Dezember 2011 mitgeteilt. Kim Jong-il war der Zweite der Familie, der Nordkorea regierte, nach seinem Vater Kim Il-sung. Die fortfolgende Herrschaft der leiblichen Söhne gibt dem Ganzen eine archaisch traditionale Komponente. Das Erstaunliche ist, warum dies trotz allem auch im 21. Jahrhundert zu funktionieren scheint.
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Mekšėnaitė, Dalia. "Antanas Miškinis: Rezistencija ar prisitaikymas." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2010. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20100708_092531-90994.
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Šiame darbe, pasitelkus hermeutinę įžvalgą ir atidųjį skaitymą, stengiamasi atskleisti A. Miškinio poziciją aptariant jo kolaboravimą ar pasipriešinimą sovietinės okupacijos metais. Analizuojant poeto kūrybą istoriniame – kultūriniame kontekste, prieita prie išvados, kad A. Miškinio kūriniai, atspindintys istoriją ir atskleidžiantys autoriaus vidinius išgyvenimus, derinant istorinį objektyvumą ir individualias patirtis, yra verti dėmesio ir reikalauja istorinio suvokimo, vertinant autoriaus poziciją.The basic aim of this work is to identify a position of A. Miškinis regarding his collaboration or resistance in the time of Soviet occupation. It is done with the help of hermeneutic insight and attentive reading. Analysis of poet‘s works in istorical – cultural context enables to draw a conclusion that these works of A. Miškinis which reflect history and reveal intimate emotions, tie in a historical objectivity and personal experiences are worth attention and demand historical perception in evaluation of author‘s position.
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Birgersson, Jonas. "Masculinities in Player Piano : Hegemonic Masculinity as a Totalitarian State." Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Humanities (HUM), 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-4220.
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Vonnegut envisions a plutocratic America where the
aforementioned periphery has been made obsolete, where a corporate
oligarchy supersedes the presidency in authority. An example of
this structure is the absent father of the main character Paul
Proteus, George Proteus, who was before his death the National
Industrial, Commercial, Communications, Foodstuffs and Resources
Director, a position which might have been below the presidency at
that time , but the scales have tilted towards total domination by
those who fuel the economy, i.e. the corporations. The
‘unenlightened’ Shah, spiritual leader of Bratpuhr who is visiting
America to learn about the great American society, shakes his head
and calls it “Communism” (21), which it is, with the exception that
there is no Communist Party. In its place is the oligarchy of the
corporations which the government allows to prevent inefficiency.
I argue that the hegemonic masculinity, or the masculinity of the
patriarchy, provides both motivation and justification for the men
who are constructing the totalitarian state of Player Piano. I will
furthermore look at the effects, on both society and the
individual, of a hegemonic masculinity.
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Moysés, Júlio César Soriano. "Hannah Arendt: o labirinto da compreensão e o fenômeno totalitário." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-02082013-120607/.
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Trata-se de investigar a atividade da compreensão em Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, assumiremos como horizonte desta pesquisa alguns aspectos do fenômeno totalitário. Nossa hipótese é que a compreensão, ao contrário de outras atividades mentais, está intimamente ligada ao mundo. Além disso, o compreender influencia a atitude dos indivíduos na medida em que os atrela aos acontecimentos. Por conseguinte, compreensão e acontecimento engendram uma nova experiência espaço-temporal, mediante a qual os fatos são desnaturalizados, abrindo-se, assim, à inspeção humana. A abertura operada pela compreensão não é, como poderíamos supor, de todo exterior ao homem. Segundo Arendt, o domínio do mundo e o domínio do pensamento comunicam suas experiências através das metáforas. Analisar o modo como o pensar se manifesta no mundo e como as experiências mundanas são apreendidas pelo pensamento mostrase fundamental para um bom entendimento da atividade da compreensão.We intend to investigate the activity of understanding in Hannah Arendt. Therefore we will base this research on some aspects of the totalitarian phenomenon. Our hypothesis is that understanding, unlike other mental activities, is closely connected to the world. Furthermore, the activity of understanding influences the attitude of the men as approaches them to the events. Thus, understanding and events create a new space-time experience, by which facts are not naturalized, so the events are open to the human inspection. The opening created by the understanding is not, as we might suppose, external to men. According to Arendt, world and thought spaces communicate their experiences through metaphors. To analyze how the thinking manifests itself in the world and how the mundane experiences are apprehended by thought is crucial to reveal the implications of understanding.
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Dias, Thiago. "Totalitarismo, tempo e ação: uma leitura de A condição humana de Hannah Arendt." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-17122018-093546/.
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Partindo da ideia de que, para Hannah Arendt, Origens do totalitarismo não esgota a questão do totalitarismo, a tese pretende mostrar o primeiro passo dado pela autora no aprofundamento da questão. A argumentação se inicia com a afirmação arendtiana de que os campos de concentração funcionaram como laboratórios onde até mesmo a personalidade e a espontaneidade dos seres humanos foram concebidas como coisas e, portanto, como sujeitas ao conhecimento. Esta constatação colocou o problema do humano no centro do pensamento da autora. Ao confirmar uma antiga suspeita contra a tradição de filosofia política, Arendt se engajou em sua desmontagem servindo-se de certa análise de alguns filósofos pós-hegelianos (sobretudo Marx) e da crítica ao procedimento de differentia specifica para a determinação da essência do ser humano. Em um passo seguinte, lançou-se à formulação de uma nova maneira de pensar o humano e, para evitar o recurso a essências, apoiou-se sobre as diferentes temporalidades das atividades humanas. O resultado deste movimento é A condição humana, livro em que a vita activa é apresentada em termos temporais e o conceito de ação é formulado como uma temporalidade aberta ancorada na pluralidade. Isto faz do conceito de ação um entrave teórico ao totalitarismo, uma vez que insere o indeterminado no centro do pensar político tornando impossível o conhecimento do agir.Since for Hannah Arendt the question of totalitarianism is not completely solved with The Origins of Totalitarianism, I intend to show her first steps toward a deeper level of this question. I start with her claim that concentration camps were comparable to laboratories in which even men\'s personality and spontaneity were conceived as sheer things, thus being subject to knowledge. This observation leads the problem of human to the center of her thought. After confirming a suspicion harbored against the tradition of political philosophy, Arendt binds herself to dismantle the tradition, a task carried out through an analysis of post-hegelian thinkers (specially Marx) and the critique of differentia specifica as a proceeding to determine human beings\' essence. Her following step was the formulation of a new way to think about human and, in order to avoid the use of essences, she leans on the different temporalities of human activities. The outcome of this movement is The Human Condition, a book in which vita activa is described in temporal terms and the concept of action structured on an open temporality based on plurality. The concept of action became a theoretical blockade against totalitarianism as it places the indeterminate in the center of political thinking thus making it impossible to know a priori human action.
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Scramim, Julia Dantas. "Totalitarismo e superfluidade na óptica de Hannah Arendt." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20505.
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This work intends to present the totalitarianism and the superfluity of man steamed from it, developed by Hannah Arendt, mainly in her work "The Origins of Totalitarianism". It goes through the historical exposition of the events and phenomena prior to totalitarianism: the antisemitism due to the emancipation and Jew’s assimilation by the European society; and the colonial and continental imperialism. The first one, serving European countries in search of new consumer markets, develops ways of domination (racism and bureaucracy) serving to the ideology and to the totalitarian government; the second one deals with the rise of national movements, as well as the unfeasibility of protecting human rights against the nation-state. It also shows the differentiation among the totalitarian government and other ways of tyranny and dictatorship by the treatment given to the totalitarian leader, by the action of his secret police, the government unusual structure, the ideology based on History's and/or Nature' laws, the terror as a guarantee of application of these laws and by the concentration camps as an experiment of man’s total domination. It also deals with the human's superfluity promoted in totalitarianism by the death of the juridical person, of the moral person and destruction of the individuality and by the complete ruin of the human content
Este trabalho pretende fazer uma apresentação do totalitarismo e da superfluidade dos homens dele decorrente, desenvolvida por Hannah Arendt, prioritariamente em sua obra “Origens do totalitarismo”. Percorre a exposição histórica dos eventos e dos fenômenos anteriores ao totalitarismo: o antissemitismo decorrente da emancipação e da assimilação dos judeus pela sociedade europeia; e o imperialismo colonial e continental. O primeiro, a serviço de países europeus em busca de novos mercados consumidores, desenvolve formas de dominação (racismo e burocracia) que servem à ideologia e ao governo totalitário; e o segundo trata da ascensão dos movimentos nacionalistas, bem como a inviabilidade da proteção dos direitos humanos face ao Estado-nação. Mostra, também, a diferenciação entre o governo totalitário e outras formas de tirania e ditadura através do tratamento dado ao líder totalitário, da ação da sua polícia secreta, da estrutura peculiar do governo, da ideologia baseada nas leis da História e/ou da Natureza, do terror como garantia da aplicação dessas leis e dos campos de concentração como experimento do domínio total do homem. Trata, também, da superfluidade humana promovida no totalitarismo pelas mortes da pessoa jurídica, da pessoa moral e destruição da individualidade e pela dilapidação total dos conteúdos humanos
36
Sanders, Christopher Sun. "The North Korean Security State: Examining the North Korean Population through Michel Foucault's Theories of Discipline and Punishment." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/46320.
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This thesis uses ideas found in Michel Foucault's Discipline and Punish and related works as a theoretic framework for examining daily life in North Korea to understand what type of disciplinary techniques North Korean citizens are subjected to by the North Korean state. This paper will define several disciplinary strategies discussed by Foucault and then show how these strategies are deployed against the North Korean population through multiple examples. Analysis will demonstrate that these disciplinary strategies prevent political instability and suppress ideas dangerous to the North Korean regime, even while the North Korean regime fails to provide basic services for its population. As a result, the reader will have a better understanding of why the North Korean people seem so disciplined and do not rebel against the North Korean regime in the face of state-made disasters and hardships.Master of Arts
37
Gailius, Bernardas. "1944-1953 m. partizanų karas šiuolaikinėje Lietuvos istorinėje, politinėje ir teisinėje kultūroje." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2009~D_20090707_154709-77671.
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Šis disertacija išsiskiria tuo, kad yra tiesiogiai skirta partizanų karo sampratos problematikai. Disertacijoje tiriama šiuolaikinei Lietuvos kultūrai būdinga partizanų karo samprata, atskleidžiama jos įtaka politiniams ir teisiniams reiškiniams ir sovietinės indoktrinacijos vaidmuo jai formuojantis. Disertaciją sudaro įvadas, keturios dalys, išvados, šaltinių bei literatūros sąrašai. Pirmojoje dalyje atskleidžiama sovietinio pseudoistorinio pasakojimo apie partizanų karą įtaka šiuolaikinės Lietuvos istorinės kultūros susiformavimui. Antrojoje dalyje aptariamas politinis partizanų karo vertinimas, tiriami bandymai politiškai įprasminti partizanų karą ir tokios politikos atmetimas visuomenėje. Trečiojoje dalyje pagrindžiama, kad šiuolaikinė Lietuvos teisinė praktika kyla iš sovietinės „teisės“ tradicijos. Ši teisinės kultūros savybė siejama su istorinės ir politinės kultūros deformacijomis, sąlygotomis sovietinės pseudoistorijos primetimo. Ketvirtojoje dalyje nurodomos prielaidos formuotis alternatyviai, sovietinę indoktrinaciją atmetančiai partizanų karo sampratai. Visos viena kitą papildančios disertacijos dalys leidžia formuluoti išvadas apie sovietinės pseudoistorijos primetimo pasekmes šiuolaikinėje Lietuvos kultūroje ir šios problemos sprendimo būdus.This dissertation for the first time deals exceptionally with the concept of the guerrilla war. The main problem of the research is the influence of the specific concept of the guerrilla war on the political and legal spheres and the role of the soviet indoctrination in the formation of such concept. The dissertation consists of the introduction, four parts, conclusions and the lists of sources and literature. In the first part the influence of the soviet pseudohistorical narrative over the formation of the contemporary historical culture is being discussed. In the second part the efforts to pay political homage to the guerrilla war and the failure of such efforts is being investigated. In the third part it is being argued that the legal practice concerning the former guerrilla fighters stems from the soviet “legal” tradition, this being the consequence of the deformation of the historical culture. In the fourth part the premises for the formation of the alternative concept of the guerrilla war are being considered. The research enables to formulate the conclusions about the consequences of the soviet indoctrination in the culture of contemporary Lithuania and the possible ways to cope with this problem.
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Daunoravičienė, Ugnė. "Politiniai režimai: sąvoka ir klasifikacija." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110705_133729-72404.
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Politinės valdžios organizavimo būdas – politinė sistema – neapriboja politinės valdžios vykdymo būdo. Politinio režimo pasirinkimas valstybėje suponuoja pagrindinių režimo idėjų perkėlimą į teisinę sistemą ir teisės aktus, kuriais nustatomas režimo veikimas. Politinio režimo apibrėžimas ir nustatymas bei pritaikymas bet kokiai valstybei yra svarbus savaime reiškinys. Egzistuojančio režimo analizė gali padėti suprasti valstybėje vykstančius procesus ir įsigilinti į tai, kokiomis pagrindinėmis teisėmis disponuoja tiek valdžios vykdymo institucijos, tiek ir pagrindinė valstybės varomoji jėga – piliečiai. Tinkamai teorizuoti politinį režimą ir išanalizuoti jo veikimo būdus, nustatyti, kokiais teisės aktais režimas yra įgyvendinamas ir kokias pagrindines normas nustato – aktualu visais laikais. Todėl nagrinėjamos temos aktualumas pasireiškia per galiojančio politinio – teisinio režimo analizės svarbą istorinio formavimosi kontekste ir palyginimą su kardinaliai besiskiriančiais režimais kitose valstybėse. Temos objektas – politiniai teisiniai režimai, tikslas - išanalizuoti egzistuojančius politinius teisinius režimus. Darbo uždaviniai: išanalizuoti, susisteminti ir pateikti valstybinio valdymo formas; išanalizuoti ir susisteminti politinių režimų sampratą, pateikti jų diferencijacijas ir formas; atlikti du empirinius tyrimus: išanalizuoti politinio režimo kaitą Lietuvoje, lyginant XX amžiaus konstitucijų kaitą, bei palyginti trijų užsienio valstybių (JAV, Baltarusijos ir Š... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]Political systems doesn‘t limit government enforcement mode. Adoption of political regime implies its implementation into legitimacy. Definition of political regime and its enforcement is a very important issue for every single state. The analysis of regime implied into legitimacy of particular state helps us understand political process and political ruling. The actuality of this theme mostly relies on the analysis of states’ political regime and its development through historical, political and national changes. Object of this work is political regimes, and its aim - to analyse political regimes that exists in world. Main tasks given – to analyse and systematically present main state governing forms, fully analyse concept of political regimes, to present its’ differentiations and forms, also – to provide two empirical research: to analyse the impact of development of political regime in Lithuania, analysing its Constitutions in XX century and to analyse three various political regimes – ones existing in USA, Belarus and North Korea. States might be divided into republics and monarchies. Republics – presidential (representative) or direct democracy. Analysing republics by constitutional approach it may be also divided into parliamentary or presidential governing forms. Though mixed forms also exists. States, relying on theoretical approach and governing form may be also distinguished: unitary, federation and confederation. The governing regime depends on constitutional... [to full text]
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Stuart, Joseph T. "Christopher Dawson in context : a study in British intellectual history between the World Wars." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4493.
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Christopher Dawson (1889-1970) was a British historian of culture and a pioneer during the 1920s in linking history with the social sciences. Much existent writing on him today simply tries to summarize his views on the historical process or on specific time-periods. There is a fundamental lack of real historical perspective on Dawson, linking him to his own intellectual environment. This thesis attempts to remedy that lack. It demonstrates that the most important years in which to understand Dawson’s development were roughly those of the interwar period (1918-1939). During those years he wrote scholarly books as well as social and political commentaries. This thesis uses Dawson’s life and writings as a window into his world—hence it is a “study in British intellectual history between the world wars.” A number of contexts will be examined through relevant archival and published source material: textual, social, cultural, and biographical, all in order to account for the numerous ideas and events that raised questions in Dawson’s mind to which he then responded in his writings. Chapter one studies Dawson’s reputation from the interwar years up until today in order to highlight his broad visibility, the diverse images through which his work was viewed, and the central themes he engaged with and which are the subjects of the following chapters. Those themes are: (1) Dawson’s entry into British sociology during the 1920s; (2) his response to the question of human progress in Britain after the Great War; (3) his response to historiographical problems surrounding religious history, nationalism, and empiricism; (4) the various ideas of religion present in interwar Britain and the wider Western world by which Dawson informed his thinking not only about religion but also about (5) those “political religions” (as he saw them) taking shape in the totalitarian regimes during the interwar years. The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to general knowledge of interwar British history, aid more historically sensitive readings of Dawson’s work today, and reveal something of Dawson’s “cultural mind”: the fundamental interdisciplinary and catholic ways of historical thinking by which he viewed the past and the present and which were his most important contributions to the discipline of history.
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Lundin, Varg Andrée. "Liberalismens fiender : En historiografisk studie om begreppen totalitarism och politisk religion." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187644.
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Today it is common to describe fascism and communism as totalitarian and/or political religions. Conceptual history, often associated with the German historian Reinhart Koselleck, is together with the historiographical perspective, defining for this study. This thesis investigates the scientific use of the concepts totalitarianism and political religion by studying the works of important scholars of the 20th and 21st centuries to explain how the concepts have been described and understood. This paper also seeks to explain why the concepts have been so influential over such a long time and with a renewed focus during the 1990s. The thesis pays particular focus to the 1990s when political religion as a concept grew inpopularity among scholars who had to determine the relation between political religion and totalitarianism. The works of leading scholars of political religion, Emilio Gentile, Hans Maier and Michael Burleigh have been studied to show how a renewed discourse of political religion has been created during the 1990s. The results show that there are many interpretations of totalitarianism and political religion, but the leading scholars of political religion also present a high degree of consensus on how the relation between the concepts should be defined and what their relation to each other are. The results also show that the influence of the concepts can be linked to their role as liberal, ideological concepts and the struggle of Western liberalism during the 20th and 21st centuries to define a common core between fascism and communism and to clarify these dystopian alternatives to a liberal democracy.
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Laborie, Karine. "Métaphysique et politique à l'épreuve du nihilisme." Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENP003/document.
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Cette thèse ne propose pas une variation sur la thématique de la mort de Dieu et ses retombées, mais une enquête sur un mode de penser disqualifié, le nihilisme, susceptible de renouveler un diagnostic sur la crise de la modernité. La menace du nihilisme prend consistance dès l'émergence du scepticisme en Grèce ancienne. Passée au crible de l'histoire de la métaphysique et de la prise de pouvoir des mouvements totalitaires, la mise en équivalence nihilisme-scepticisme mérite d'être interrogée. Elle n'est recevable que si les formes anciennes et modernes prises par le scepticisme sont autant de précédents nihilistes et si, inversement, la crise qui scelle la fin de la modernité est interprétable en termes sceptiques. Une approche dynamique de la métaphysique (comme tension et apparentement entre dogmatisme et scepticisme), rend une reconstruction nihiliste du scepticisme sujette à caution. Penser suspensif dans ses formes anciennes, porteur de vacillement à l'époque moderne, le scepticisme se démarque du nihilisme. Ce dernier évide et néantise toutes les différences et consiste, lui, en une négation du fonds commun entre dogmatisme et scepticisme. Quelle que soit la portée créatrice du nihilisme d'un point de vue spéculatif, c'est sa seule dimension destructrice qui s'impose avec l'instauration d'une politique totalitaire. La modernité s'ouvre bien sur un défi de type sceptique : où asseoir sa créance ? Cependant, avec la mort de Dieu, cette question ne se pose plus en termes de vacillement mais de perte définitive de toute assise. S'il en ressort une crise du but dans le cadre métaphysique,l'institutionnalisation du nihilisme donne lieu, quant à elle, à une crise du sens. Le scepticisme contemporain, emporté dans la tourmente, semble disqualifié par sa compromission supposée avec des politiques nihilistes. Forcé d'engager un auto-examen inédit, ne peut-il pas encore être une ressource pour notre temps ?This thesis does not present a supplementary approach about the death of God and its effects but a study of nihilism, a disqualified way of thought, which could renew a diagnosis on the crisis of modernity. Nihilsm becomes really a threat as soon as scepticism takes shape in Ancient Greece. It is worth questioning stetting nihilism and scepticism as equivalent when considered through the history of metaphysics and rising of totalitarian regimes. This could be accepted only if one considers the ancient and modern forms of scepticism as proceeding from nihilism, and, on the other hand, if the crisis putting an end to modernity can be interpreted from a sceptical point of view. A dynamic approach to metaphysics (as tension and link between dogmatism and scepticism) casts a doubt upon a nihilist interpretation of scepticism. Suspensive thought in its ancient ways, carrying indecision in modern times, scepticism separates from nihilism. The latest eliminates all differences ; by itself, it is the abolition of the common ground between dogmatism and scepticism. Whatever the creative potential of nihilism from a speculative point of view, in the foundation of totalitarian politics, only its destructive aspect stands out. Indeed, modernity opens on a challenge of a sceptic type : which basis for one's belief ? Yet, after the death of God, this question witnesses no longer a state of indecision but truly as the permanent loss of foundation. While it leads to a crisis of the goal from a metaphysical scope, the institutionalization of nihilism provides a crisis of meaning. Contemporary scepticism, caught in the turmoil, appears as discredited because of its presumed involvement with nihilist politics. Could it still be a resource in our time when forced to pratice an original self-examination ?
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Kartal, Umit. "Public Space Must be Defended: Hannah Arendt's Conception of Politics and The Public Space: Its Promises and Limits." OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/745.
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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF UMIT KARTAL, for the Master of Arts degree in PHILOSOPHY, presented on September 29, 2011, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: PUBLIC SPACE MUST BE DEFENDED. HANNAH ARENDT'S CONCEPTION OF POLITICS AND THE PUBLIC SPACE: ITS PROMISES AND LIMITS MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Kenneth Stikkers This thesis is an examination of Hannah Arendt's reconsideration of the meaning of politics and her systematic search for the recovery of the public spaces. Her scrutiny of the meaning of politics is determined by the disastrous outcomes of totalitarian experiences from both ends of the political spectrum, namely, Nazism and Stalinism. For Arendt, the phenomenon of totalitarianism deserted the human world and brought new issues forth, such as statelessness, rightlessness, homelessness, and worldlessness. These phenomena, Arendt holds, run parallel to the collapse of the essential articulations of the human condition, which can be distinguished in sheer thoughtlessness, speechlessness, and lack of judgment. It is due to these unprecedented and unanticipated issues, which cannot be addressed by traditional political categories, Arendt invites us to grapple with the meaning of politics anew. The basic definition of politics, for Arendt, is human plurality, namely, our coexistence in a common world which enables differences and diversities of perspectives to appear. The question what politics means, for Arendt, is inextricably tied to what its distinctive locus is, namely, the public space or space of appearances. The emergence of the social resulted in blurring the distinctive line between the public realm and the private realm. Then, the recovery of the public space is of a central place in Arendt's political theory. Through Arendt's reconsideration of the meaning of politics and the recovery of the public space we are provided a comprehensive framework to think about a more inclusive and democratic politics. Nevertheless, we are challenged by a set of problems: a very sharp distinction between the public realm and the private realm, a contrast between the social and political, and a lack of systematic interest in democracy. First, I concentrate on Arendt's insightful analysis of politics and the public space in turn. Then I focus on the problematic aspects of her political theory. Finally, I argue that these problematic aspects can be complemented by a comparative reading of Arendt with John Dewey. I conclude that Dewey offers us a more dynamic criterion to decide the line between the private realm and the public realm. Instead of opposing the social to political, Dewey extends the scope of politics by taking every aspects of social life into consideration. The recovery of the public, for him, depends essentially on democracy, which is identified to the experience of local community.
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Wurman, Ilan. "Jeane Kirkpatrick and the End of the Cold War: Dictatorships, Democracy, and Human Rights." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2009. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/226.
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Part I: An Intellectual and Political History. Chapter One: Cold War Consensus Shattered. Chapter Two: Dictatorships and Double Standards. Chapter Three: The Carter Years: Was Kirkpatrick Right? Part II: Kirkpatrick and the Reagan Administration Chapter Four: The Kirkpatrick and Reagan Doctrines Chapter Five: Putting Policy to Practice: Chile and El Salvador
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Cazetta, Felipe Azevedo. "Fascismos e autoritarismos: a cruz, a suástica e o caboclo - fundações do pensamento político de Plínio Salgado – 1932-1945." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2011. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2145.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Está dissertação aborda os elementos teóricos existentes no Integralismo de Plínio Salgado. Procura-se observar singularidades do pensamento de Plínio Salgado, e as apropriações realizadas de outros autores e correntes teóricas. Paralelamente, há o exame dos aspectos dos regimes fascistas da Itália e da Alemanha, assim como as ditaduras autoritárias de Portugal e Espanha, com o objetivo de observar as semelhança e as divergências com o integralismo de Plínio Salgado. Esta tarefa é realizada com o objetivo de perceber as apropriações realizadas pelo chefe integralistas no intuito de tornar coeso e legitimado seu arcabouço doutrinário. Partindo deste princípio, Salgado respalda-se tanto em modelos estrangeiros (os fascismos e o salzarismo por exemplo), como em autores nacionais (Farias Brito, Alberto Torres e Oliveira Vianna), perpassando por intelectuais estrangeiros, tal como o mexicano José Vasconcelos, com a finalidade de elaborar seu projeto de Estado Integral, dentro dos princípios de “Deus, Pátria e Família”, tripé do integralismo.
The thesis addresses the theoretical elements that exist in Integralism Plinio Salgado. Attempt to observe the uniqueness of the thought of Plinio Salgado and appropriations made by other authors and theoretical approaches. In parallel, there is the examination of aspects of the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany, such as authoritarian dictatorships of Portugal and Spain, observing the similarities and differences with the Plinio Salgado's integralism. This task is performed in order to realize the appropriations made by the integralism leadership in order to make cohesive and legitimized its doctrinal framework. With this assumption, Salgado draws upon foreign models (fascism and salzarismo for example), such as national authors (Farias Brito, Alberto Torres and Oliveira Vianna), permeated by foreign intellectuals, with purpose of preparing its draft Estado Integral, within the principles of "Deus, Pátria e Família", tripod of integralism.
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Fernandes, AntÃnio Batista. "A naturalizaÃÃo do homem e a aÃÃo polÃtica em Hannah Arendt." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2013. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=19924.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorO objetivo dessa dissertaÃÃo à examinar a moderna naturalizaÃÃo do homem e a teoria da aÃÃo polÃtica em Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, iniciaremos com a anÃlise da terceira parte da obra Origens do Totalitarismo. Nessa obra, a autora apresenta os campos de concentraÃÃo como sendo o nÃcleo dos regimes totalitÃrios e os primeiros a reduzirem o homem a sua condiÃÃo natural, eliminado a liberdade e aniquilando a pessoa jurÃdica e moral dos indivÃduos. Na sequÃncia, refletiremos sobre a crescente naturalizaÃÃo do homem ocorrida na modernidade, tendo como base os escritos posteriores a Origens do Totalitarismo. Neste sentido, analisaremos os textos: A condiÃÃo humana e Sobre a RevoluÃÃo, onde Arendt reflete sobre o declÃnio do espaÃo pÃblico e a moderna ascensÃo do social, caracterizada pela reduÃÃo da liberdade ao campo das necessidades biolÃgicas. Por fim, apresentaremos a teoria da aÃÃo polÃtica como alternativa à moderna naturalizaÃÃo do homem. A aÃÃo em Arendt tem sempre uma relaÃÃo polÃtica e està fundada na capacidade que os homens tÃm desde seu nascimento de dar inÃcio a novos comeÃos, de fundar novos corpos polÃticos. Assim, à somente atravÃs da redenÃÃo da aÃÃo que poderemos vislumbrar uma retomada da dignidade da polÃtica nos tempos atuais, principal hipÃtese de nossa pesquisa.
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Fernandes, Leandro Mateus. "Como o declínio e a perda da autoridade contribuíram para a ascensão do totalitarismo em Hannah Arendt?" Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2016. http://tede.unioeste.br/handle/tede/3053.
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This dissertative academic work presents the central problematic about the authority crisis over the tradition of the western philosophical and political thought and its collapse by the totalitarian regime effectuation. Arendt relevantly analyses the notion of authority in Ancient Greek and Roman conceptions, and emphasizes that, in the greek conception, there is an establishment attempt of a beginning of authority of polis government, however, these attempts are summarized as exemples of private organization and it doesn’t concern to human and political subjects, which evokes an authoritarian government, since it touches the principles of political liberty and equality. The ancient Roman had the conception and practice of the authority about the human subjects, in other words, to the public scope, as a structure, which ensures permanence and durability to the government, which has support by the hierarquic relation of command and obedience in free agreement, in mutual recognition of respect between the governors and governed people. This relation of authority, which make governments long lasting in a deep meaning of sacrality of the establishment of the act, like in the ancient Rome, decreases, first as a loss of tradition that connects men to the past, because this tradition was used as a thrust of meaningfulness to presente and future life. Losing this connection with the past, men live in a future projection way and the emptiness of meaning is each time more loaded with the expectation that will come. The failure of traditions is followed by the loss of religion, which means men don’t put their faith in governments and politics anymore – institutions that don’t connect and reconnect men to a establishing principle that ensure authority, permanence and durability of governments anymore. After defeat of tradition and religion, the last one to be lost is the authority its own and its political meaningfulness of roman ways with the consolidation of the totalitarian regimes. These are considered, by Arendt, the most cruel and terrible political ways of all times. Totalitarianism is the absolute denial and destruction of everything an authority used to ensure some things to governments, such as permanence and durability, but mainly freedom of acting and equality. In politics, the denial of the distinct, men are needless, disposable, standardized, animalizes and have their lives denied with mass killing machines, produced in concentration fields. The desire of totalitarianism by the destruction of liberty and spontaneity is a peace graveyard, in which everything that is different and opposite to its goals must be destroyed or killed. Precisely by the fact that the total regime had been made effective in history like the most absolute denial of politics, analysing and understanding phenomenons that made it is truly important so this catastrosphic kind of politics don’t ever come back to happen. One of the ways of trying to stop its return, according to Arendt, is to consolidate a government structured by a establishing principle, having the origin of authority and allowance of liberty of the political acting.
O presente trabalho dissertativo apresenta a problemática central em torno da crise da autoridade ao longo da tradição do pensamento filosófico e político ocidental e a sua falência com a efetivação dos regimes totalitários. Arendt faz uma análise pertinente à noção de autoridade nos gregos e romanos antigos, enfatizando que nos primeiros existe uma tentativa de estabelecer um princípio de autoridade para o governo da Polis, porém as tentativas se resumem a exemplos da organização privada e não pertinente aos assuntos humanos, políticos, suscitando assim um governo autoritário, uma vez que fere os princípios da liberdade e da igualdade políticas. É com os romanos que há a conceituação e a prática da autoridade relativa aos assuntos dos homens, ou seja, à esfera pública como sendo a estrutura que garante a permanência e a durabilidade do governo, que tem o respaldo da relação hierarquizada de mando e obediência no consentimento livre, no reconhecimento mútuo do respeito entre governantes e governados. Essa relação de autoridade, que torna os governos permanentes e duráveis com um sentindo profundo de sacralidade ao ato fundante, como na Roma antiga, sofre declínio, primeiramente com a perda da tradição que liga os homens ao passado, pois essa tradição servia como um fio condutor de significação para a vida presente e futura. Ao perder essa ligação com o passado, o homem vive de projeção futura e o vazio de sentido é preenchido cada vez mais com as expectativas do que virá. A falência da tradição é acompanhada pela perda da religião, que significa que os homens não depositam mais fé nos governos e na política ─ instâncias que então já não ligam, não religam mais os homens a um princípio fundante que garanta autoridade, permanência e durabilidade dos governos. Após a derrocada da tradição e da religião, a última a ser perdida é a própria autoridade e sua significação política aos modos romanos com a cristalização dos regimes totalitários. Estes são considerados por Arendt a forma política mais cruel e terrível de todos os tempos. O totalitarismo é a negação e destruição absoluta de tudo que a autoridade garantia aos governos, como permanência, durabilidade, mas principalmente liberdade do agir e igualdade. Na forma política da negação do diferente, os homens são tornados supérfluos, descartáveis, uniformizados, animalizados e negados à vida com a fábrica de mortes em massa, gerada nos campos de concentração. O desejo do totalitarismo com a destruição da liberdade e da espontaneidade é um cemitério de paz, no qual tudo o que for diferente e contrário aos seus objetivos deve ser destruído ou morto. Justamente pelo fato de os regimes totais terem sidos efetivados na história como a mais absoluta negação da política, analisar e compreender os fenômenos que os compuseram é de suma importância para que essa experiência catastrófica política não se repita. Uma das formas de tentar impedir seu retorno, de acordo com Arendt, é justamente consolidar um governo que se estruture por um princípio fundante, que nele tenha origem a autoridade e que assim se permitam aos homens espaços para a liberdade do agir político.
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Nicholas, Donna. "Hannah Arendt and the political : the contemporary challenges posed by sovereignty, nationalism and imperialism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7855.
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This thesis seeks to show how the reassessment of Arendt's thought for contemporary international political theory must be grounded in her first major published work, The Origins of Totalitarianism, and, more specifically, in the concept of the political she outlines therein. The thesis begins by examining how Arendt interprets the political sui generis. It shows how this concept, which influences much of her scholarship from the 1950s onwards and serves as a critical measure against which she assesses modern-day events, is disclosed for the first time in Part II of Origins through her engagement with particular topics and phenomena related to European colonial imperialism. Using this somewhat neglected text as a point of departure, the main body of the thesis examines Arendt's thoughts on three ‘anti-political' impulses of the contemporary world that have clear international ramifications: sovereignty, nationalism and imperialism. The work is divided into three corresponding sections. Each contains a chapter providing an interpretive study of Arendt's text on the subject, followed by a chapter applying the key themes, insights and dangers previously highlighted to some of the most intractable global situations today such as the international human rights regime, atomic weaponry and war, biopolitical control, genocide studies and neoliberal globalisation. In so doing, the thesis does not aim to ‘find' in Arendt's work determinate answers to the crises of our time, but rather to use her perceptions as critical inspiration to think about them differently.
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Gaspar, Ronaldo Fabiano dos Santos. "Contribuições para uma crítica ao pensamento político de Hannah Arendt." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2262.
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The main scope of this study was to investigate the antinomies incurred by Hannah Arendt in her complex theoretical path in the field of political thought. Among these antinomies, we point out her criticism of Nazism, nourished by some philosophical sources similar to that movement; her defense of reason, which refuses, in some decisive aspects, the rationality of history; her apology of revolution, characterized by an aristocratic concept of political participation; at last, Being Hannah Arendt a thinker considered difficult to be classified, this study shows that, in essence, her ideas are connected to the canons of political liberalism. By analyzing her early writings until the eve of The life of the mind we tried to approach mainly the prominent role of Karl Marx s works as object of criticism. These critiques compelled her to develop her own positions, particularly the controversial and even incorrect analysis about Marx s works. Finally, we tried to evidence that the conservatism of Hannah Arendt was strengthened by her criticism of Marx and at the same time, by the fact that World War Second became a distant event, while there was an intensification of Cold War
O objetivo central deste trabalho foi investigar as antinomias em que Hannah Arendt incorreu ao longo do seu complexo percurso teórico no campo do pensamento político. Dentre essas antinomias, destacamos suas críticas ao nazismo, que se nutrem de algumas fontes filosóficas similares às deste movimento; sua defesa da razão, que recusa em aspectos decisivos a racionalidade da história; sua apologia da revolução, que contém uma concepção aristocrática da participação política; e, por fim, numa pensadora tida como inclassificável, como suas ideias se enquadram, em essência, nos cânones do liberalismo político. Na análise deste percurso, que vai desde seus primeiros escritos até as vésperas d A vida do espírito, buscou-se aflorar, especialmente, o papel destacado que a obra de Karl Marx ocupa como objeto de crítica e de desenvolvimento das próprias posições de Hannah Arendt, em particular o caráter controverso e mesmo incorreto das análises que a autora efetua desta obra. Enfim, tentamos demonstrar que o conservadorismo de Hannah Arendt se adensou ao longo de suas formulações críticas em relação a Marx e, ao mesmo tempo, com o distanciamento da II Guerra mundial e o recrudescimento da Guerra fria
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Varandas, Tânia Alexandra de Matos. "O mal político e o impacto da Guerra Fria no pensamento de Jorge Semprún." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/12190.
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Através da análise das obras de Jorge Semprún, é feita uma ponte entre o pensamento do autor e os dois maiores totalitarismos europeus do século XX. A ligação entre estes dois objetos de estudo centra-se, principalmente, em Jorge Semprún como deportado no campo de concentração de Buchenwald e, mais tarde, na sua expulsão do Partido Comunista Espanhol.
O estudo centra-se, por isso, em duas questões, primeiramente no conceito de mal político e na sua relação com o regime nazi e com os campos de concentração, analisando neste contexto autores como Hannah Arendt e Zygmunt Bauman. E, numa segunda fase, na questão da Guerra Fria e das razões por detrás da cisão de Semprún com o comunismo.
Numa última fase, é estabelecida a relação entre estas duas experiências na vida do autor e os seus impactos no pensamento político do autor, principalmente nas suas considerações sobre o futuro da Europa; Abstract: Through the analysis of Jorge Semprún’s works, it’s made a bridge between the author's thought and the two biggest european totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century. The connection between these two objects of study it’s focused on Jorge Semprún as a deported in the Buchenwald’s concentration camp, and later, on his expulsion from the Spanish Communist Party.
The study is focused on two issues, primarily the concept of political evil and its connection with the nazi regime and the concentration camps, analyzing in this context authors as Hannah Arendt and Zygmunt Bauman. Later, in a second stage, the study is focused on the issue of the Cold War and the reasons behind the split of Semprún with the communism.
At the final stage, it’s established the connection between these two experiences in the author's life and its impacts in the author’s political thought, especially in his considerations about Europe’s future.
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Butkutė, Evelina. "Prievartos variantai šiuolaikinėje lietuvių poezijoje (G. Patackas ir V. Gedgaudas)." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080925_100908-55190.
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Literatūros sociologai teigia, jog lietuvių poezijai praėjusio amžiaus IX – X dešimtmečiai itin reikšmingi, nes tuo laikotarpiu gimė nauja kūrėjo laikysena – poetai aplinką ėmė vaizduoti šaltą ir atstumiančią, į poeziją įtraukiamas visuomenėje plintančio reiškinio – prievartos – vaizdinys. Poezija kito kartu su politiniais, ekonominiais ir socialiniais pokyčiais valstybėje. Minėtam laikotarpiui būdingus eilėraščius kūrė dviejų kartų poetai.
Šio darbo objektas – G. Patacko eilėraščių rinktinė „Jazmino žiedas vakarą prakalbina“ bei V. Gedgaudo poezijos rinkiniai „Vakaras be žiburio“ ir „Kapsulė“. Poetų kūryba pasirinkta neatsitiktinai – jie panašūs savo pasaulėžiūra, kurią galima pavadinti prometėjiška. G. Patackas ir V. Gedgaudas atmeta klasikinį grožio supratimą, pasitelkdami prievartos ir brutalumo metaforas griauna poezijoje nusistovėjusias normas, nes tai – reiškiniai, atspindintys šiuolaikinį pasaulį. Magistrinio darbo tikslas – pasitelkiant literatūros sociologijai rūpimus klausimus, aptariant literatūrinį poetų kūrybos lauką panagrinėti kodėl ir kokiu būdu G. Patackas ir V. Gedgaudas savo kūryboje plačiai vartoja prievartos variantus, kokias prasmes šie variantai įgauna lyrikoje. Fundamentali prievartos ar smurto reikšmė – jėgos vartojimas, vertimas ką daryti, žala žmonėms juos žudant, luošinant ar sužeidžiant. Mokslininkai išskiria kelias prievartos rūšis, magistriniame darbe jos vadinamos variantais, pagrindinės jų – fizinė ir psichologinė. Šiuos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The sociologists of Lithuanian literature say that IX and X decades of the last century are very important to Lithuanian poetry as then the new author’s attitude was born – poets began representing cold and repulsive surroundings in their creations. They included the images of violence which became the everyday occurrence in our society of that time. Poetry was changing together with political, economical and social life in our state. Two poets of those generations wrote poems which have characteristics of that particular period. The object of the presented work is G. Patackas’ selection of poems “Jazmino žiedas vakarą prakalbina” („The Jasmine Blossom is Making an Approach to the Evening“) and two collections of poems by V. Gedgaudas – “Vakaras be žiburio” (“An Evening without the Light”) and “Kapsulė” (“The Capsule”). These poets were chosen not accidentally – they are similar in their poetry by their outlook on the world, which could be called “prometheism”. G. Patackas and V. Gedgaudas reject the classical conception of beauty, they are destroying the standards of the poetry. Poets invoke metaphors of violence and brutality as these phenomena reflect the modern world. The purpose of this master’s work is to try to ascertain why G. Patackas and V. Gedgaudas use variants of violence in their creation, how they do that and what are the meanings of these variants in their poetry. The presented work is based on the literature’s sociology. The fundamental meaning of... [to full text]