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Journal articles on the topic 'Totalitarianisms'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Sumah, Stefan, and Anze Sumah. "Questioning on Several Forms of Fascism." Academicus International Scientific Journal 26 (July 2022): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2022.26.07.

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The concept of fascism has been defined quite precisely by researchers in the field of political science and sociology, who also defined its main features or characteristics. However, with the word fascism (and its derivatives, e.g. fascists, fascist…) members of the left often label their opponents, thus, this is word is often misused. In essence, fascism is a word that has become synonymous with the word totalitarianism. With the analysis that was based on similar characteristics we concluded that totalitarianisms of both poles (if the classical left–right political spectrum is applied) exhibit more common features than, for instance, totalitarianisms and classical dictatorships, which are also often called fascist or semi-fascist regimes. Thus, German Nazism (often also presented as one of the forms of fascism) and Russian Bolshevism (as one of the extremes forms of socialism) or Titoism in Yugoslavia have more in common than e.g. German Nazism and Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile or the dictatorship of colonels in Greece (both also frequently referred to as fascistic regimes or semi-fascist regimes). Using the word fascism is often not so much about denoting the actual content as it is more for political propaganda and slandering the opponent. If it was based on actual characteristics, fascism (fascist, fascists…) could become an adjective to denote all totalitarianisms (left fascism, right-wing fascism, Islamic fascism…).

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2

Kępiński, Marcin. "The wall of silence surrounding literature and remembrance: Varlam Shalamov’s “Artificial Limbs”, Etc. as a metaphor of the soviet empire." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 57, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.57.01.

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Literature of an autobiographical character acquires a special significance in the world of the bloody tragic events of the 20th century, i.e. the Holocaust, the Second World War, the realities of the Nazi and Soviet totalitarianisms, death camps, and forced labour. Those are the recollections of experienced trauma which shatters identity, and of existential experiences of a borderline nature, of which Shalamov, a witness to the epoch, felt an obligation to talk. An anthropological analysis of Varlam Shalamov’s short story titled Artificial Limbs, Etc. enables one to grasp the role of memory and autobiographical testimony as a kind of cultural and literary antidote to silence and memory distorted by the Soviet totalitarianism. The author of Kolyma Tales offered a faithful description of a world outside the‘human’ world, one which was almost impossible to describe due to its inherent moral void, level of violence, and fear of the authorities who made people forget about the crimes, victims, and oppressors.

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3

Rebes, Marcin. "Społeczeństwo posttotalitarne wobec zasad i wartości demokratycznych. Perspektywa filozoficzna." Politeja 19, no. 1(76) (May 10, 2022): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.76.10.

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POST-TOTALITARIAN SOCIETY TOWARDS DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES AND VALUES: A PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVE More years have passed since the last totalitarian bastion in Europe, the Communist system, collapsed. Apart from the fact that in the last phase of its existence, it was no longer as strong and did not exert as much influence on social life as before, citizens still expect there to be a strong state which is responsible for all aspects of life. In contrast to totalitarianisms, the democratic system is based on individual freedom and responsibility for oneself and others. This article addresses the issue of the existence of principles and values in societies that have experienced totalitarian rule and that currently have serious problems with building social relations on the basis of democratic principles. The systemic transformation from totalitarianism to democracy appears much faster in the political or even economic dimension than in the ethical and axiological one. Therefore, the author initially presents the mechanism of totalitarianism, referring to Hannah Arendt, Zbigniew Brzeziński, Antoni Kępiński or Józef Tischner, in order to later present the causes of disturbances in the formation of positive values in the post-totalitarian society. The anthropological and ethical conception adopted plays a crucial role here.

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Seitschek, Hans Otto. "Totalitarianisms as political religions in the 20th century." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 9, no. 2 (November 24, 2021): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2021.2.3.

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Despite all contents of secularisation, a certain kind of religious element is important in every modern totalitarian system, like Communism or National Socialism. Therefore, totalitarian systems can be regarded as political religions. The following historical and philosophical reflections on the history of ideas of political religions will contain three major parts: First, early uses of the concept ‘political religion’ by Campanella and Clasen in the 16th and 17th centuries will be considered, then the interpretation of totalitarianism as political religion will be analysed, with regards to Eric Voegelin, Raymond Aron and several ramifications, and finally, the perspective of political messianism in Jacob Leib Talmon’s work will be discussed.

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5

Ossowski, A., M. Kuś, T. Kupiec, M. Bykowska, G. Zielińska, M. E. Jasiński, and A. L. March. "The Polish Genetic Database of Victims of Totalitarianisms." Forensic Science International 258 (January 2016): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2015.10.029.

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6

Goldstein, Ivo. "Croatia and Yugoslavia in the Cleft between Totalitarianisms." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 69, no. 1 (March 17, 2017): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700739-90000269.

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7

Kozerska, Ewa. "Polskie interpretacje totalitaryzmu. O niektórych efektach prac prowadzonych w Ośrodku Badań nad Totalitaryzmami im. Witolda Pileckiego." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.12.

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POLISH INTERPRETATIONS OF TOTALITARIANISM: ON SOME OF THE RESULTS OF THE WORKS CARRIED OUT AT THE WITOLD PILECKI CENTRE FOR RESEARCH ON TOTALITARIANISMThe theory and practice of totalitarianism, despite the passage of time since the collapse of the systems showing its features in Europe, still arouses intellectual curiosity. This subject matter is also particularly interesting from the Polish point of view, as the native reflection on the subject reaching back in the tradition of political and legal thought to the interwar period shows the richness of often innovative research findings made by several generations of scientists in Poland and abroad. The subject of their exploration concerns not only the constitutive assumptions of totalitarianism and its fascist, Nazi and communist systemic forms, but also the peculiar domestic experiences that accompanied the inhabitants of Polish lands during World War II and the Cold War. This unique historical situation, in which the Republic of Poland had been entangled, creatively provokes to discover, archive and popularize knowledge in this field. Thus, it obliges to perpetuate materially and mentally important and tragic Polish experiences. Numerous publications, showing above all the perspective of the Polish interpretation, also make it possible to confront the positions of Polish researchers with the scientific findings from other parts of the world, as well as to take part in the international discourse with full legitimacy. The abovementioned motives were undoubtedly the main reasons for the creation of the collective work Experiencing two totalitarianisms: Interpretations published this year by the Witold Pilecki Centre for Research on Totalitarianism. Apart from other publications on totalitarian systems analysis, which have been published in Poland in recent years, it is an important research contribution to a subject which is completely unknown mainly as a result of the practices of the People’s Republic of Poland, but which is necessary in order to consolidate and settle accounts with the difficult past. This work can also be considered scientifically attractive because of the interdisciplinary historical, political, philosophical-political, legal and literary approach to the subject matter intended by its authors and editors.

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8

OHI, Akai. "Laski's Consideration on ‘Two Totalitarianisms’ and Reflection on the Liberal Democracy." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 63, no. 2 (2012): 2_288–2_308. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.2_288.

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9

Tarnawski, Eduard. "Savonarola i lewica czasów postapokalipsy." Studia Politologiczne, no. 2/2022(64) (June 15, 2022): 269–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2022.64.15.

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In 2007 John N. Gray, announced that humanity was just entering the era of the post-apocalypse, an phase which will allow it to free itself from the utopias based on the Apocalypse, in his opinion, the primary source of all totalitarianisms. To see if this British political scientist is perhaps a prophet of the post-apocalyptic left, I turn my attention to Florence at the end of the fifteenth century where the religious reformer Savonarola was active playing the role of a prophet of the left, still apocalyptic.

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10

Sahaj, Tomasz. "Podróże i włóczęgi rowerowe Andrzeja Bobkowskiego." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 60, no. 1 (March 21, 2016): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2016.60.1.7.

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The purpose of this article is to present and analyze selected travel accounts by the Polish emigrant Andrzej Bobkowski (1913–1961). In France, in spite of the ongoing war and then the German occupation, he undertook a number of cycling and sports-tourist expeditions; his phenomenal descriptions of these journeys have become part of the Polish literary canon. Bobkowski called his travels ‘bicycle tours’ and for him they were a form of expression inextricably connected with authentic existence and personal freedom in a world of totalitarianisms. The author employs comparative and the qualitative methods (content analysis) of scholarship.

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11

DUONG, KEVIN. "“DOES DEMOCRACY END IN TERROR?” TRANSFORMATIONS OF ANTITOTALITARIANISM IN POSTWAR FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 537–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000207.

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Does democracy end in terror? This essay examines how this question acquired urgency in postwar French political thought by evaluating the critique of totalitarianism after the 1970s, its antecedents, and the shifting conceptual idioms that connected them. It argues that beginning in the 1970s, the critique of totalitarianism was reorganized around notions of “the political” and “the social” to bring into view totalitarianism's democratic provenance. This conceptual mutation displaced earlier denunciations of the bureaucratic nature of totalitarianism by foregrounding anxieties over its voluntarist, democratic sources. Moreover, it projected totalitarianism's origins back to the Jacobin discourse of political will to implicate its postwar inheritors like French communism and May 1968. In so doing, antitotalitarian thinkers stoked a reassessment of liberalism and a reassertion of “the social” as a barrier against excessive democratic voluntarism, the latter embodied no longer by Bolshevism but by a totalitarian Jacobin political tradition haunting modern French history.

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12

Bénit, André. "Rosa et Elise, le diptyque de Marcel Sel. Un vibrant plaidoyer contre tous les totalitarismes." Çédille, no. 25 (2024): 259–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cedille.2024.25.11.

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"In his diptych Rosa (2017) and Elise (2019), which he intersperses with a number of captivating enigmas that keep the reader on the edge of his seat from one end to the other, all of which are gradually solved, Belgian novelist Marcel Sel paints a masterly fresco of some of the major totalitarianisms that bloodied Europe in the twentieth century: Fascism in Italy, Nazism in Germany and Stalinism in the USSR and its satellite countries. Our study, in which we will highlight the main aspects of this cataclysm, will show that this spectacular novelistic undertaking responds perfectly to the desire for remembrance (as opposed to the compelling duty to remember) that Vincent Engel advocates in his 2020 essay."

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13

Chloupek, Brett R. "Commemorative vigilance between totalitarianisms: Slovakia’s 'Victims Warn' sculpture, from counter-monument to anti-monument." Journal of Historical Geography 81 (July 2023): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2023.04.007.

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14

Trzciński, Maciej. "Archeologia totalitaryzmów — możliwości i perspektywy badawcze." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 44, no. 3 (April 7, 2023): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.3.2.

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Contemporary methods used by archeology create prospects for a fuller investigation of crimes against peace and humanity and of war crimes. Due to the lack of written sources or the limited scope of information that results from them, attempts can be made to find and interpret material sources directly related to the events under study. The methods used by archeologists can finally effectively verify information already obtained from archival sources. Today’s archeology extends its reach to the present, and new specializations such as archeology of armed conflicts or archeology of totalitarianisms contribute to a better identification of, among others, the contemporary history of Poland. These specializations are used all over the world in the process of investigating crimes against humanity and accompany ongoing criminal investigations.

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15

Miller, Alexei I. "Global Memory Culture in Doubt." Russia in Global Affairs 22, no. 3 (2024): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2024-22-2-32-44.

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The ongoing transformations of memory politics reflect the crumbling of the old world order. Opposing historical memories’ conflicts are becoming normative ones. The article reviews the history of several such conflicts: the Nuremberg Consensus vs. the narrative of two totalitarianisms; postcolonial interpretations of the Holocaust vs. the politicization of victimhood and human-rights moralizing. Such debates indicate that attempts to globally impose and standardize “moral remembering” often have negative social and political consequences. Nevertheless, at present, historical memory is being made antagonistic, accompanied by its securitization, by the cleansing of national media of dangerous external influences, by stigmatization and cancelation of opponents (including domestic ones), and by binding memory politics to identity politics that increasingly rely on notions of one’s own past victimization.

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16

Ghodsee. "A Tale of "Two Totalitarianisms": The Crisis of Capitalism and the Historical Memory of Communism." History of the Present 4, no. 2 (2014): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115.

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17

Świetlicki, Mateusz, Bogdan Ştefănescu, and Dorota Kołodziejczyk. "Trauma as cultural palimpsests — postcommunism against the background of comparative modernities, totalitarianisms, and postcoloniality: Introduction." Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 6 (October 10, 2017): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.6.2.

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Szczot, Monika. "„Tecum per Romam ambulabamus”. Lekcje łaciny w esejach Micińskiego, Herberta, Krawczuka i Axera." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 33, no. 1 (September 20, 2023): 399–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2023.xxxiii.1.28.

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The article has a complex structure. It begins with a brief overview of the teaching of Latin and its role in education. The main part of the article consists of analyses of essays containing descriptions of Latin lessons. The authors of the essays describe teachers and students, contrast past and present, talk about personal experiences, and show the role of Latin in contemporary culture. Latin not only described antiquity and the achievements of classical culture, but also formed the Polish language through its centuries–long presence in teaching systems. Krawczuk and Axer suggest that Latin improved morally, developed cognitively, and helped to better understand ancient literature and culture. Miciński and Herbert find in Latin lessons a moral signpost, humanism and a remedy for the totalitarianisms of the 20th century.

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19

Corner, Paul. "Dictatorship revisited: consensus, coercion, and strategies of survival." Modern Italy 22, no. 4 (August 2, 2017): 435–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.39.

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The article examines certain of the more recent perspectives on twentieth- century dictatorship, looking in particular at the complex relationship between the dictator and the people. Extending its range beyond that of the ‘classic’ totalitarianisms, the paper argues for a more nuanced approach to the question of popular support for or resistance to regimes and suggests that many of the old binaries concerning popular attitudes need to be revised, with a consequent readjustment of the roles often attributed to violence, to ideology and other cultural factors, and to the varied seductive attractions of mass mobilisation. While pointing to the difficulties of reaching any very definite conclusions in an area characterised by ambivalence and ambiguity, the paper attempts to suggest certain variables related to popular behaviour that may have determined the degree to which regimes were able to impose domination.

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Rawski, Tomasz. "The Decline of Antifascism: The Memory Struggle over May 1945 in the Polish Parliament (1995–2015)." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): 917–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419831354.

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The article discusses a shift, of the paradigm structuring Polish official memory of World War II and the state-socialist period from antifascist to anticommunist, that took place in the post-1989 Polish parliament. Based on the example of the political struggle in parliament over the memory of May 1945 (Victory Day) that occurred on three consecutive major anniversaries of this event (1995, 2005, and 2015), the article shows how the right-wing post-Solidarity camp dismantled and eliminated the antifascist narrative that was based on a symbolic continuity between 1945 and 1995–2005, respectively, and was promoted by the postcommunists, replacing it with a primarily anticommunist narrative about “two totalitarianisms,” founded on a symbolic continuity between 1939 and 1989. Within this new paradigm, May 1945 was made into a merely formal commemorative point of reference devoid of any symbolic power.

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Roth, Zoë. "How to Survive Totalitarianism: Lessons from Hannah Arendt." New Literary History 54, no. 2 (March 2023): 1059–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nlh.2023.a907159.

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Abstract: In the wake of the Trump election, Hannah Arendt's Origins of Totalitarianism garnered renewed attention. In it, she argues that totalitarian ideology "is severed from the world individuals perceive through the five senses "and insists on a 'truer' reality concealed behind all perceptible things." By changing what appears true, totalitarian regimes can produce new, upside-down realities built on "alternative facts." The question of perception, appearance, and the senses points to the important role that aesthetics—or what pertains to sense perception—play in Arendt's theorization of totalitarianism. However, scholarly attention to aesthetic concepts in her thinking, including work/fabrication, common sense, and performance, mostly concentrates on later works that largely eschew the concrete political context of totalitarianism, fascism, and the concentration camp. This article argues that Arendt's analysis of totalitarianism provides a crucible for her development of aesthetic concepts and methods. Through drawing out the structure of totalitarianism's perceptual regime, it demonstrates that totalitarianism produces a form of anaesthesia. It destroys the concrete texture of reality and replaces it with hollowed out, atomized, and spectral traces of phenomenal experience. In turn, the article shows that situating Arendt's aesthetic thinking on fabrication and common sense in relation to totalitarianism reveals how aesthetic objects and criticism can challenge political forces' assault on reality.

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Хахула, Любомир, and Василь Ільницький. "PRESENT-DAY UKRAINIAN MUSEUM NARRATIVES AS FACTORS OF DETRAUMATIZATION OF THE MEMORY OF THE XX CENTURY TOTALITARIANISMS." Problems of humanities. History, no. 4/46 (November 2, 2020): 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.4/46.215328.

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Kaszyński, Hubert, and Olga Maciejewska. "Harm. Responsibility. Awakening. Remembrance of the Krakow Ghetto and KL Plaszow." Studia Edukacyjne, no. 59 (December 15, 2020): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/se.2020.59.10.

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The aim of the article is to present the issue of educational work carried out in a spirit of axiological education in the former Krakow ghetto and the former labor and concentration camp Plaszow in Kraków. The significance of the activities consists of the acquisition of knowledge about the difficult local history of the Holocaust and its heritage by confrontation with the ghetto and the former camp and relics of the past. The key area for dealing with the issues of harm, responsibility and awakening is social work, which in its axiological aspect largely focuses on reflection on the theory and practice relating to the complex issue of responsibility. These activities not only stimulate the historical awareness of totalitarianisms and the memory of them in the social and moral dimension, but also and most importantly they are a precondition for the mental health and moral development of a person, family, group, and social community.

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Horváth, Orsolya. "A politikai vallás Agamben nyomán. Határ és politikum." Kellék. Filozófiai folyóirat, no. 70 (December 30, 2023): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.61901/kellek.2023.70.09.

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My paper raises the question of political religion. Although Voegelin introduced the term (political religion) in 1938 to characterize the totalitarian powers of the 20th century, he did not specify what „religion” means in this compound term. I claim that following Agamben we can articulate the peculiarity of political religion. To substantiate my claim I retrace his steps to reconstruct his philosophical position, while placing him alongside relevant thinkers on religion, and some religious texts. According to my thesis, before the appearance of political power, the political space is originally partitioned by the duality of the sacred and the profane. The political space is criss-crossed by the intersecting boundaries of the sacred and the profane in multiple layers. Yet modern political totalitarianisms cannot be derived directly from this religious concept of the sacred, only in a modified way. As I see it, Agamben moves from the ambiguity within the sacred to the concept of the homo sacer and the zone of indistinguishability. This last move will finally allow us to specify political religion.

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Echeverría, Olga. "Mistakes of politics and virtues of doctrine. Monsignor Gustavo Franceschi in face of soviet, fascism and national socialism “totalitarianisms”." Quinto Sol 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs.v21i1.1303.

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Mink, Georges. "Is there a new institutional response to the crimes of Communism? National memory agencies in post-Communist countries: the Polish case (1998–2014), with references to East Germany." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1013–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1360853.

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Post-Communist Europe has not chosen to imitate the Truth and Justice or Truth and Reconciliation Commissions set up on several other continents. The notion of reconciliation with the Communist regime is not of much interest to certain political parties, many of which are rooted in the protest against the compromises that were part of the negotiated revolutions. The model admired by post-Communist countries was the one conceived by the Germans. Almost all the countries founded specific institutions – institutes – for managing memory, with archives located in these institutes. Some have archives that date from before World War II to 1990; they handle both totalitarianisms. What is feared is that through the game of partisan appointments, these institutes will become little more than instruments in less than honest hands for use in political contests. This is especially likely given that the Polish Institute of National Memory (IPN) employees perform several functions: classification, prosecution, and evaluating individual applicants to certain administrative positions. The specialized literature usually explains the trials and tribulations of Poland's IPN in terms of the personalities of its different directors and the period in which each occupied that post. In this paper, we have verified this hypothesis.

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Brooks, Jeffrey. "Totalitarianism Revisited." Review of Politics 68, no. 2 (May 2006): 318–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506000088.

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“Totalitarianism” is a powerful word rich in historical associations and rebounding in current political usage. The four books under review reflect both the term's range of usage and the enduring fascination with the phenomena it described. Totalitarianism's initial terminological siblings, “nazism” and “communism,” are applied chiefly to the original historical subjects that generated them. A close political cousin, “fascism,” long ago escaped its close ideological family and is applied to everything from brutal police to road hogs. In contrast, “totalitarianism,” formerly confined to a narrow political as opposed to a cultural context, is suddenly in play. In recent issues of the New York Times, David Brooks excoriates Iraqi proponents of “totalitarian theocracy” (5/16/2004); President Bush deplores the terrorists’ “totalitarian ideology” (5/29/05), and Condoleezza Rice abhors Iran as a “totalitarian state” (5/29/2005). A Central Asian despot is characterized as a “fragile totalitarian” in a feature by David E. Sangler (5/29/2005), and the group of army officers (the Military Council for Justice and Democracy) that overthrew President Maouya Sidi Ahmed Taya in Mauritania in August 2005 defend their decision “to put an end to the totalitarian practices of the deposed regime.” Totalitarianism is back, but what does it mean?

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Spector, Hannah. "The cosmopolitan subject and the question of cultural identity: The case of Crime and Punishment." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 13, no. 1 (March 10, 2016): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659016634813.

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Though contemporary discourse on cosmopolitanism has celebrated a cosmopolitan subject’s “rootedness” in two worlds – i.e. the polis and the cosmos – this emphasis has evaded analysis of the historical and damning term “rootless cosmopolitan.” Under the totalitarianisms of Nazism and late Stalinism, a “rootless cosmopolitan” was a life-threatening epithet aimed at those people, namely “the Jews,” criminalized for supposedly lacking national allegiance and affiliating with foreign cultures. This paper argues that an ethical problem arises when cosmopolitanism is understood in cultural terms. To illuminate this problem in the particular, this paper interprets Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment, specifically the novel’s nationalistic themes and its cosmopolitan villain, Peter Petrovich Luzhin. In the unfolding analysis that draws from scholarship in cultural criminology, it is revealed that the Russian writer’s designated masterful genius helped fuel one of the greatest crimes in history (the Holocaust) perpetrated against a people accused of cosmopolitanism. It is argued that interpreting the criminalization of Luzhin provides an allegorical occasion to gain conceptual clarity on present articulations of cosmopolitanism as a cultural construct. Attending to Dostoevsky’s anti-cosmopolitanism, and those whom he has in/directly influenced on this subject, provides a rationale for critiquing cultural cosmopolitanism – a construct that is conceptually and materially dangerous.

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Włodarczyk, Rafał. "Duch hikezji i edukacja. Przyczynek do pedagogicznego pojęcia azylu." Edukacja Międzykulturowa 22, no. 3 (2023): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/em.2023.03.07.

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In our cultural circle, the right to asylum derives its traditions from both legislation and religion, leads one’s attention to ancient times and the institutions of the Egyptians, Hebrews and Greeks. Moreover, it combines the issues of otherness, inclusion, persecution, suffering, fragility, duty, responsibility for the Other, as well as justice, hospitality, shelter and holiness. The importance of asylum, the growth of which in the 20th century was related to the European crimes of colonialism, the terror of totalitarianisms, the Holocaust, ethnic cleansing, the fate of refugees and stateless people, does not diminish in the face of the wars and disasters of the 21st century. In this context, the question of how one can link the issue of asylum to education seems legitimate. In relation to this question, the essay focuses attention on the concepts of Emmanuel Levinas, Jacques Derrida and Patrick Declerck, drawing on various traditions of asylum and thinking about hospitality that have contributed to shaping the foundations of European educational and aid institutions. Using the achievements of these important traditions for the Western humanities and the concepts of the above-mentioned philosophers, I would like to point out the need to think about educational spaces in the perspective of asylum pedagogy.

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Montero, Francesc. "Catholicism, the Cornerstone of G. K. Chesterton, Hilaire Belloc and Manuel Brunet’s Thinking in the Face of a Rise in European Totalitarianisms." Chesterton Review 38, no. 3 (2012): 462–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2012383/470.

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Kazarinova, Daria B. "Revisionism and Neo-Revisionism in Russian Foreign Policy: Reflecting on the Book by Sakwa R. Russia’s Futures. Polity Press, 2019." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-2-179-193.

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This article analyzes the latest book by the British expert on Russian politics R. Sakwa, his key conceptual ideas, key characteristics, contradictions and challenges (between the “stabilocracy” and “securocracy”, incompleteness of modernization and neo-modernization, the letter and spirit of Russian constitutionalism) of modern Russia. We analyze his arguments about the variety of interpretations of the concept of “normality” in relation to Russia as opposed to Western approaches. The contradictions of the New cold war grow into a clash of epistemologies / narratives / discourses / values, in which framing and the accusation of revisionism becomes a tool. We emphasize the fundamental difference in approaches to defining concepts of revisionism and neo-revisionism, trace the dialectic of these concepts from a neo-Marxist understanding to a geopolitical one, generalize the existing definitions, including the understanding of neo-revisionism as an integral attribute of emerging power, which R. Sakwa also adheres to. The revision of history, especially the memory of war, is a powerful propaganda tool for the clash of narratives. In context of development of the “mnemonic security dilemma” (D. Efremenko), the change of the Holocaust narrative to the narrative of the “war of two totalitarianisms” in Europe, Russia should adopt a number of principles for working in the field of historical memory of the Second World War, including new interpretations for the role of China in the victory over fascism.

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Orlov, Boris. "BETWEEN THE TWO TOTALITARIANISMS (ON THE BOOKS BY W.LEONHARD «THE REVOLUTION LETS ITS CHILDREN GO» AND «FORTY YEARS LATER: LOOKING FOR THE TRAITS OF THE PAST»)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 9, no. 3 (1998): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-1998-9-3-101-111.

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Crockatt, Richard. "Totalitarianism." International Affairs 72, no. 3 (July 1996): 556–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625560.

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Skrzypczak, Robert. "Uwarunkowania i wyzwania myśli chrześcijańsko-społecznej Karola Wojtyły/Jana Pawła II." Warszawskie Studia Teologiczne 35, no. 1 (October 6, 2022): 178–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30439/10.30439/wst.2022.1.11.

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The richness of St. John Paul II’s social teachings is so great that some compare it to the achievements of Leo XIII. His specific approach to social issues and to everyday human life should be called ‘social personalism”. His social teaching is extensive, and abundant in theories, tackling the most current and difficult problems of the modern times, focusing primarily on defending of human beings from the external threats of totalitarianisms and dictatorships, as well as from the internal pressure of erroneous ideologies. However a lot has been changed since the John Paul II’s era, the imperative in his teaching to establish and proclaim the full truth about the man, his personal dignity, his conscience, as well as his temporal and eschatological vocation still remains relevant, posing a challenge to the successive generations. He built his social teaching with a strong dependence on the Biblical contents and the Magisterium of the Church. He wanted it to serve not just as a theoretical approach of the Magisterium to the everyday social issues, but to sound as the Gospel in the ears of the modern man. He put together social philosophy with theology of worldly matters, economics with eschatology, ethics with kerygma. Thanks to John Paul II, the Church's social teaching has taken on the sound of a prophetic vision that restores to people the joy of life and the hope of regaining of the meaning in building the world together and increasing the value of the quality of human relationships in it. Without the prospect of the eternal life and the Redemption, social issues would have become just an ideology seasoned with the Catholicism. Thanks to the Polish Pope, they began to sound like a social Gospel.

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Skrzypczak, Robert. "Uwarunkowania i wyzwania myśli chrześcijańsko-społecznej Karola Wojtyły/Jana Pawła II." Warszawskie Studia Teologiczne 35, no. 1 (October 6, 2022): 178–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30439/wst.2022.1.11.

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The richness of St. John Paul II’s social teachings is so great that some compare it to the achievements of Leo XIII. His specific approach to social issues and to everyday human life should be called ‘social personalism”. His social teaching is extensive, and abundant in theories, tackling the most current and difficult problems of the modern times, focusing primarily on defending of human beings from the external threats of totalitarianisms and dictatorships, as well as from the internal pressure of erroneous ideologies. However a lot has been changed since the John Paul II’s era, the imperative in his teaching to establish and proclaim the full truth about the man, his personal dignity, his conscience, as well as his temporal and eschatological vocation still remains relevant, posing a challenge to the successive generations. He built his social teaching with a strong dependence on the Biblical contents and the Magisterium of the Church. He wanted it to serve not just as a theoretical approach of the Magisterium to the everyday social issues, but to sound as the Gospel in the ears of the modern man. He put together social philosophy with theology of worldly matters, economics with eschatology, ethics with kerygma. Thanks to John Paul II, the Church's social teaching has taken on the sound of a prophetic vision that restores to people the joy of life and the hope of regaining of the meaning in building the world together and increasing the value of the quality of human relationships in it. Without the prospect of the eternal life and the Redemption, social issues would have become just an ideology seasoned with the Catholicism. Thanks to the Polish Pope, they began to sound like a social Gospel.

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Wieczorek, Krzysztof. "“Phase transition” between Confrontation and Dialogue in the Light of the Concept of the Unity Charism." Journal for Perspectives of Economic Political and Social Integration 22, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2016): 291–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pepsi-2016-0015.

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Abstract In the twenties of the last century the process of building a new type of philosophical culture began, based on the sensitivity towards another person, the recognition of values and dignity of the person and the search for platforms of dialogue and compromise between people. However, it did not gain a broad social resonance. The 20th Century became the scene of the triumph of totalitarianisms, based on the idea of collectivism and marked by the contempt towards the individual, his rights and needs. In the post-war reality environments favouring the humanization of the culture of coexistence earned a voice, but they too did not manage to divert the tendency towards building a bureaucratic and technocratic order. In this kind of system, the person feels reduced to his instrumental functions, and the dialogue submerged in the world of humanistic values becomes a distant and unequalled dream. This text undertakes the problem of the conditions which must be met in order for the tendency towards dialogue and mutual respect to prevail over the hostile, confrontational approach, which characterizes many contemporary social environments. The author suggests that we refer to the analogy with the thermodynamics phenomenon, phase transition, and consider the notion of spiritual energy (the analogue of the physical term enthalpy) as an agent regulating the internal disposition of the individual to “freeze” or “thaw” relations with his fellow human beings. The key thesis is that the most important source of energy indispensable to move from confrontation to dialogue lies in the resources of religious experience- the openness to the grace flowing from the transcendental reality, and the guides on the path to discovering this source are the witnesses of faith- among them the spiritual heirs of Chiara Lubich’s charism.

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Chimombo, Moira. "LANGUAGE AND POLITICS." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 19 (January 1999): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190599190111.

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This is an exciting time to be surveying the interrelationship between language and politics, both for political and linguistic reasons. The past decade, as everyone knows, has been witness to dramatic changes in the political map of the world, reflected most noticeably in the west in the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, but also, more quietly in some cases, more violently in others, in countries physically and politically as far apart as South Africa and China. Moves toward democracy in many areas of the world coincided with or followed on the end of the Cold War. These moves came about due to a return to democracy of postcolonial states that had become totalitarian and the granting of independence to most of the few remaining colonies. Through such changes we have come to see that “the language of democracy was mobilised against regimes that, in however perverted a way, were speaking the language of Marxism and socialism” (Schwarzmantel 1998:183), colonialism, and other totalitarianisms. Between 1989 and 1994, although later in some countries, the vast majority of newly (re)democratized peoples experienced for the first time in their lives the opportunity to express freely their political voice in democratic general elections, reflecting a move from bullets to ballots that appeared to be a “virtual miracle” (Joseph 1998:3). Since 1994, in many places, the optimism has faded as the “illusory nature of [the new regimes'] democratic institutions and practices” has become evident (Joseph 1998:3). Even in the long–established democracies, a disturbing rise in hate speech leading to violence has served to emphasize that speech can, and often does, provoke action (Owen 1998), while in certain particularly troubled areas, discourse, especially media discourse, has even been linked to genocide (e.g., Lemarchand 1994).

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Günther, Hans. "Psychopathologie des Totalitarismus." osteuropa 70, no. 12 (2020): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/oe-2020-0101.

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Taylor, C. C. W. "Plato's Totalitarianism1." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 5, no. 2 (1986): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000290.

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Vidojevic, Zoran. "Liberal totalitarianism." Socioloski pregled 33, no. 1-2 (1999): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg9901105v.

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Vazquez-Arroyo, A. Y. "Inverted Totalitarianism." Telos 2011, no. 156 (September 1, 2011): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0911156167.

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Voorhees, James, and Rosemary H. T. O'Kane. "Totalitarianism Revivicus?" Mershon International Studies Review 41, no. 2 (November 1997): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/222678.

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43

Rabinbach, Anson. "Totalitarianism Revisited." Dissent 53, no. 3 (2006): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2006.0043.

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44

Dietrich, Donald J. "Totalitarianism: Introduction." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 226–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700094683.

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Our understanding of the types and meaningful levels of resistance to Hitler's rule has broadened as more complex and reflective studies have unremittingly exposed the political, social, and cultural dynamics supporting the Holocaust and its significance for our culture. Analyses of how and why the Holocaust erupted in Nazi-controlled Europe have elicited studies on the tools and methods of terror in the Third Reich. The works of both Eric Johnson and Robert Gellately, for example, have helped crystallize our understanding of the phenomenon that individual Germans living out their hopes, fears, and, frequently, petty jealousies made operant the ideological and physical terror that empowered the Nazi oppression. The Gestapo and courts, of course, formally carried out the brutalization of society, but they were assisted by countless Germans in fulfilling the Nazi agenda.

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Hollander, Paul. "After Totalitarianism." Society 49, no. 4 (June 6, 2012): 373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-012-9562-8.

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Znoj, Milan, and Jiří Koubek. "Totalitarianism and Post-Totalitarianism in the Czech Republic." Soudobé dějiny 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 722–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.51134/sod.2009.046.

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METTINI, EMILIANO. "UNDER AN UNSTARRY SKY: KANTIAN ETHICS AND RADICAL EVIL." Arhe 27, no. 34 (March 17, 2021): 241–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/arhe.2020.34.241-274.

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Kantian ethics and concept concerning “radical evil” represent one of the most interesting facets of moral reflection of German philosopher. Using anthropological and philosophical approach based on well-known critical method, I. Kant tried to find a comprise between “natural” behavior (i.e. not regulated by synthetic a priori judgments) but based only on sensation of pleasant unpleasant and “rational” behavior when humans tried to exit the realm of appearance and personal egoism for entering a new ethical dimension based on right (not pathological, if using I. Kant’s word) maxims being able to make human beings better than they are. In the paper it is underscored that main goal of Kantian ethics is the creation of a community where religion is a fact of reason and not of faith and reason, having as main actors men reaching an high level of self-consciousness and virtue that I. Kant granted as the greatest happiness one can have. The author tried to highlight the passage from “human being” as individuum (representative of a species) to ethically autonomous member of social consortium using as sources different Kantian works where this problem has been studied deeply and gave great emphasis to story of Job, representing in the best way the passage the Author wrote of. At the same time, he set for himself the goal of exploring progressive character of Kantian ethics aimed at making human beings better than they are, but not the best, considering noumenic nature of ethics hidden in the “Realm of goals”. Given such assumptions, the Author leads a debate with scholars distorting Kantian ethical thought by interpretation from Lacanian standpoints so that those scholars made I. Kant original source of totalitarianisms, where, in scholars’ opinion, humans do their duty both for saving their lives and express their sadistic tendencies and makes clear that Kantian ethics, throughout contradictory and complicated, is oriented to correction and education of human behavior for saving humans being from their own passions.

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Vakhitov, R. R. "Alexander Shchipkov’s So- cial Traditionalism." Orthodoxia, no. 2 (September 28, 2023): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2022-2-93-103.

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Alexander Vladimirovich Shchipkov is a famous Russian Orthodox philosopher and public fi gure. A few years ago, his keynote monograph The Social Tradition was published. It is focused on the presentation of his concept of the social traditionalism. In it, Shchipkov notes that liberalism has ceased to be one of modernist ideologies. It actually has turned into the language of the modern Western world and absorbed the ideologies that were previously considered as its alternatives: socialism and rightwing conservatism. Guided by the ideas of Wallerstein’s world-system analysis, Shchipkov refutes the theory of two totalitarianisms. Shchipkov sees the Christian moral economics and the conservative socialism as the alternative to liberalism. The socialism is not reduced to the Soviet-type “real socialism”. Shchipkov points to “variations on the theme of social fairness” in the “Acts of the Apostles”, among teachers and fathers of the church. He also highlights Byzantium, the traditions of the Russian peasant community, and Western “general welfare” states. Shchipkov gives weight to the presence of a socialist stream in the USSR. Not in the Soviet Marxist state, but in the Soviet society, which adopted a lot from the spirit of the peasant world. Shchipkov considers the following disadvantages of the Soviettype socialism: the isolation from the national tradition and the attempt to use the proletarian internationalism instead of Russian national values when building the core of the state of social fairness. According to Alexander Shchipkov, the turn to tradition is now taking place on a global scale. However, tradition and traditionalism can be diff erent. Alexander Shchipkov counters the right-wing, guénonian and neo-Protestant liberal traditionalism with the leftwing traditionalism resting upon the apostolic Christianity, the idea of collective salvation, morality, creativity, technological progress, moral state, solidarism, egalitarianism, and democracy. This is what he calls the social tradition. The review suggests the idea that the Christian worldview expects one speaking not only about tradition, but also about social creativity.

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Deboranti, Ribka Transiska, and Mamik Tri Wedati. "OFFRED AS THE VICTIM OF TOTALITARIANISM IN MARGARET ATWOOD’S THE HANDMAID’S TALE." Prosodi 14, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/prosodi.v14i1.7190.

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This study uses descriptive qualitative method which focusing on the literary work in the novel and interpretation on the analysis. The main data is taken from the novel The Handmaid’s Tale written by Margaret Atwood. This subject of study focus on the influences of totalitarianism held in the Republic of Gilead and how Offred resists totalitarianism in the novel. In order to analyze the text, this study uses the theory of Totalitarianism by Friedrich and Brzeziinski and Hannah Arendt. The result of this analysis depicts the political system of totalitarianism in Gilead influences their societies, especially Offred and the way to resist against the regime. The features of totalitarianism are used to depict the characteristics of totalitarianism that happen in Gilead society. The totalitarianism ideology brings Offred’s action to resist against it.

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Dow, James R., and Luisa Passerini. "Memory and Totalitarianism." Asian Folklore Studies 54, no. 2 (1995): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1178950.

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