Academic literature on the topic 'Trade union representation'

Paternalistic employment relations have been a tradition supported by the government in Taiwan whilst trade unions were brought in to support political development and economic growth. The government promulgated a ‘harmony culture’ in order to control employment relations, and in the 1980s set up the campaign of the ‘factory as one family, factory as one school’ to encourage employers to inculcate paternalistic beliefs in their employees’ everyday working lives. Authority, benevolence and morality, the characteristics of paternalistic management, make workers docile and loyal to management and stunt the sense of collective identity. This qualitative research selects one primary case, a privatised enterprise SteelCo and its union Steel-U, to conduct participant observation, in-depth interviews with union officers, labour representatives and management, surveys of union members, and documentary analysis of official documents and meeting minutes. One supplementary case is a state-owned enterprise SugarCo with its union Sugar-U; this mainly involved in-depth interviews with union representatives and limited access to some documents. Corporate trade unions take advantage of the paternalistic tradition to gradually develop their organisations as recognised by employers. Implementing nonunion representation is a practice of paternalistic ideology, offering trade unions another platform on which to work with management. Workers identify both themselves and the trade union as parts of the enterprise family rather than seeing the union as an agent of collectivity. The union has to be a service provider offering welfare and benefits to attract members before triggering any mobilisation. To conclude, paternalism has helped corporate trade unions to establish themselves in state-owned and privatised workplaces, and empowered trade unions to engage legitimately, effectively and autonomously in workplace affairs. To revitalise themselves from the paternalistic ideology, trade unions are expected to take the route of partnering unionism with the manipulation of nonunion representation in a top-down process of shaping labour’s collective identity.

This thesis examines the moderating role of trade union representation in addressing the gap in employer-provided training between permanent workers and workers with fixed-term contracts (FTCs) from a cross-country, comparative perspective. The impact of trade union representation is measured on two different levels: (1) access to trade union representation at the workplace at the individual-level (2) average trade union representation at the country-level, measured as trade union power. The statistical analyses are performed using data from the 2015 European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS) and multilevel modelling. Our result suggests that, across the European countries, workers with FTCs receive less employer-paid training than permanent workers. Regarding the impact of trade union representation, statistically significant result is found only at the individual-level, where access to trade union representation increases employer-paid training regardless of employment contract. For the interaction between access to trade union representation at the individual-level and FTC, no significant relationship is found. However, the models with the cross-level interaction between trade union power and FTC indicate that employer-paid training increases for permanent workers only. Our findings suggest that trade union representation at the workplace could operate as an equalizer between permanent workers and FTC workers, while at the country-level, their lobbying effect is beneficial for permanent workers only

The purpose of this essay is to examine how racialized workers are represented in the magazine Kommunalarbetaren which is a part of the Swedish trade union Kommunal. The covers from twenty issues of this magazine published in 2017 were analyzed to study if the representation of these workers was affected by discourses of white normativity. The study is based on theories of intersectionality by Kimberlé Crenshaw and representations and stereotypification by Stuart Hall. My result shows how work is exposed as something white people do and with dichotomies where one is represented as either white, Swedish worker or as a refugee, the latter having vague subject position and as someone who recently arrived in Sweden. The presence, participation and labour of people of color seem to be missing and be a blind spot for the magazine.

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos.<br>The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.