Academic literature on the topic 'Tragedia Policiana'

En el 2020 se cumple una década de la tragedia sucedida con el amotinamiento policial del 30 de septiembre de 2010. Según un informe del Ministerio de Salud, ese día hubo 10 fallecidos a escala nacional. Inmediatamente después de la recuperación del cauce constitucional, los poderes representativos intentaron beneficiarse políticamente de lo sucedido. En el presente artículo académico exploraré la elaboración de la imagen construida por el oficialismo alrededor de la oposición política al gobierno del presidente ecuatoriano Rafael Correa Delgado después de la rebelión policial del 30 de septiembre de 2010 o llamada también como 30S y sucedida en la ciudad de Quito. Responderé a qué registro discursivo corresponde la categorización a los acusados de ser los responsables del hecho y cómo utilizó el régimen este discurso maniqueo para generar una respuesta mediática que luego se convirtió en acoso público, encarcelamiento y persecución política. Para lograr el objetivo de este trabajo utilizaré la narrativa inmediata del régimen ecuatoriano; estudiaré el primer discurso del presidente Rafael Correa luego de ser rescatado (2010-09-30), y la rueda de prensa posterior a estas declaraciones (2010-09-30); analizaré los enlaces ciudadanos nro. 190 (2010-10-02) y nro. 191 (2010-10-09) además de una entrevista concedida al programa “A solas” de Russia Today en español (2010-10-20) dedicada exclusivamente al tratamiento de la experiencia del 30 de septiembre de 2010.

Mental illness pervades most societies, but it is only recently that its impact and effects upon individuals has slowly been recognised in England and Wales. When people suffering from this illness become involved with various public agencies, the way they are dealt with appears inconsistent and on occasions ends in tragedy. One agency that is constantly in contact with people who suffer mental health illness is the police service. Some high profile cases have clearly illustrated misunderstandings and the fact that the police are not generally equipped to deal with such individuals. This article considers a brief history and theoretical backcloth to police understanding and framing of mental illness in England and Wales, and explores the National Liaison and Diversion Model as an alternative to traditional police understanding and response. The article suggests that only by understanding the historical context, and literature, surrounding mental illness, can improvements be made in the criminal justice system as a whole and within the police service in particular.

This essay explores symbolic annihilation in the context of state violence, including policing, incarceration, and the death penalty in the US. Using auto-ethnography to reflect on the work of the Texas After Violence Project (TAVP) and other community-based documentation and archival projects, I argue that the personal stories and experiences of victims and survivors of state violence are critical counter-narratives to dominant discourses on violence, criminality, and the purported efficacy of retributive law enforcement and criminal justice policies and practices. They also compel us to engage with complex questions about victimhood, disposability, and accountability. Building on the work of activists and archivists engaged in liberatory memory work, I also argue that counter-narratives of state violence confront and challenge the social, cultural, and ideological power of symbolic annihilation. Because these counter-narratives are under constant threat of being suppressed, co-opted, or silenced, they are forms of endangered knowledge that must be protected and preserved. Finally, I reflect on ‘archives of survival,’ repositories of stories and other ephemera of tragedy that contribute to envisioning and achieving transformative justice.

The coronavirus pandemic of 2020 has generated public debate and private discussion about systemic racism in contemporary U.S. society and the ill preparedness and misdirected focus of clergy responding to this crisis. Later research will reveal reasons trained clergy called denominational offices, requesting assistance to address the needs of patients and parishioners, and initiated lawsuits demanding to gather for worship against medical advice and government mandates. While theological educators cannot anticipate every emergency awaiting graduates, U.S. history records national crises (i.e., hurricanes, mass shootings, BLM protests, etc.) that repeat. Practical theology course offerings, course content and course assignments, therefore, should be designed to prepare students to lead in anticipation of personal and communal tragedies. As professors introduce students to theory/theorists, we must also create space for the development of critical consciousness about and praxis for: problem solving, advocacy, race relations, relationship building, crisis management, identity politics, privilege, implicit curriculums and race-based disparities in health care, policing, religion, education, etc. Critical Race Theorists assert that this nation’s colonial past still plagues contemporary behaviors, employing the framework of Disability Studies and CRT (Dis/Crit), I analyze theological education to address what has been identified as racial paterfamilias in the institution, which may explain our colonial/capitalist response to COVID-19.

PurposeDomestic law enforcement increasingly utilizes military tools and techniques in traditional policing activities. An increased militaristic approach is not without controversy, given the many high-profile incidents involving such tactics that have resulted in tragedy. We seek to assess specific views of policymakers who implement such strategies by measuring the attitudes of Texas sheriffs on these measures.Design/methodology/approachIn late 2019 and early 2020, a census was completed with Texas sheriffs to better understand their attitudes about the use of military tactics. A robust return rate captured the views of 142 (56%) respondents from a diverse set of rural and urban counties. Opinions on the appropriateness, effectiveness and necessity of military techniques were measured.FindingsResults indicate Texas sheriffs strongly support the use of military tools and techniques, believe they protect officer safety and should continue to be taught and utilized by law enforcement when appropriate.Practical implicationsSecondary consequences of police militarization may counteract its desired positive outcomes and lead to significant risks for officers and citizens alike. Strong police support makes the reduction in use of these tactics unlikely, but these results give opportunity for consideration of such policy to all law enforcement agencies.Originality/valueIt is the first study to examine county sheriffs' perceptions of militarization since the events of Ferguson, Missouri and provides a very recent assessment of views from a population of leaders both integrated into policy decisions and intimately accountable for policy implementation.

Deception plays a critical role in the dissemination of information, and has important consequences on the functioning of cultural, market-based and democratic institutions. Deception has been widely studied within the fields of philosophy, psychology, economics and political science. Yet, we still lack an understanding of how deception emerges in a society under competitive (evolutionary) pressures. This paper begins to fill this gap by bridging evolutionary models of social good— public goods games (PGGs)—with ideas from interpersonal deception theory (Buller and Burgoon 1996 Commun. Theory 6 , 203–242. ( doi:10.1111/j.1468-2885.1996.tb00127.x )) and truth-default theory (Levine 2014 J. Lang. Soc. Psychol. 33 , 378–392. ( doi:10.1177/0261927X14535916 ); Levine 2019 Duped: truth-default theory and the social science of lying and deception . University of Alabama Press). This provides a well-founded analysis of the growth of deception in societies and the effectiveness of several approaches to reducing deception. Assuming that knowledge is a public good, we use extensive simulation studies to explore (i) how deception impacts the sharing and dissemination of knowledge in societies over time, (ii) how different types of knowledge sharing societies are affected by deception and (iii) what type of policing and regulation is needed to reduce the negative effects of deception in knowledge sharing. Our results indicate that cooperation in knowledge sharing can be re-established in systems by introducing institutions that investigate and regulate both defection and deception using a decentralized case-by-case strategy. This provides evidence for the adoption of methods for reducing the use of deception in the world around us in order to avoid a Tragedy of the Digital Commons (Greco and Floridi 2004 Ethics Inf. Technol. 6 , 73–81. ( doi:10.1007/s10676-004-2895-2 )).

Cette thèse se propose d’analyser la matière érotique du cycle célestinesque, à savoir les six continuations de La Celestina qui s’égrènent dans la première moitié du XVIe siècle. C’est une approche littéraire que la nôtre, qui examine tous les degrés d’élaboration de l’érotisme, depuis son unité minimale (le mot) jusqu’à sa forme la plus aboutie (la scène, le discours), et depuis sa genèse dans l’œuvre de Rojas et le théâtre primitif prélopesque, jusqu’à sa réception et ses effets. La première partie consiste en l’élaboration d’un glossaire commenté des termes de l’érotisme célestinesque, et l’analyse des différents registres qui s’enchevêtrent dans ces œuvres hautement dialogiques, ainsi que des principaux réseaux métaphoriques convoqués. La deuxième partie met en évidence les principales caractéristiques formelles et thématiques de la scène érotique célestinesque, que nous replaçons dans le contexte littéraire de l’époque dans une courte diachronie. La dernière partie est un questionnement sur la réception, à travers l’examen des paratextes et des argumentos, et des témoignages des lecteurs contemporains, d’une part, et à travers l’analyse de la façon dont les textes incluent leur propre réception, d’autre part. Nous entendons montrer que la matière érotique qui se déploie dans ces œuvres, protéiforme, ne fait pas l’objet d’un traitement stéréotypé. Par le maniement subtil du vocabulaire érotique, d’une grande labilité, et l’ingéniosité dont font montre les continuateurs dans la création d’épisodes érotiques et de jeux métathéâtraux, c’est une pensée vivante de l’érotisme qui se fait jour, en marge du projet édifiant invoqué et de la censure
This dissertation aims to analyze the erotic material of the Celestinesque cycle, namely the six continuations of La Celestina, which follow one another in the first half of the 16th century. With a literary approach, we examine all the degrees of elaboration of eroticism, from its smallest unit (the word) to its most elaborate form (the scene, the speech), and from its genesis in the work of Rojas and the primitive pre-Lopesque theatre until its reception and effects. The first part consists of the elaboration of a commented glossary of the terms related to the Celestinesque eroticism, the analysis of the different registers intertwined in these highly dialogic works, and that of the main metaphorical networks suggested. The second part highlights the main formal and thematic characteristics of the Celestinesque erotic scene, put in its literary context in a short diachrony. In the last part, we take into consideration the reception of such material by examining paratexts, argumentos, and testimonies of contemporary readers, on the one hand, and, on the other, by the analyzing how the texts include their very reception. We intend to show that the erotic material that these works display in a protean way is not subject to stereotypical treatment. Both the subtle handling of the ephemeral, erotic vocabulary and the originality of Rojas' followers in creating erotic episodes and meta-theatrical games reveal a new living thought of eroticism rising on the fringes of censorship and the invoked edifying project

This book explores what it means to be a gendarme investigating cases, writing reports, and settling disputes in rural Niger. At the same time, the book looks at the larger bureaucracy and the irresolvable tension between bureaucratic structures and procedures and peoples' lives. The world of facts and files exists on one side, and the chaotic and messy human world exists on the other. The book contends that bureaucracy and police work emerge in a sphere of constant and ambivalent connection and separation. The book's frontier in Niger (and beyond) is seen through ideas of space, condition, and project, packed with constraints and possibilities, riddled with ambiguities, and brutally destructive yet profoundly empowering. As the book demonstrates, the tragedy of the frontier becomes as palpable as the true impossibility of police work and bureaucracy.

This chapter sketches the gradual emergence of criminal law as public law over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as public institutions gradually asserted control over most aspects of the criminal process. The emergence of criminal law as public law is compared to the development of the welfare state in the early decades of the twentieth century. Public institutions collectively manage the risk of crime, in part by mobilizing practices of policing, prosecution, and punishment. They represent a social commitment to treating crime as a publicly shared burden rather than merely a privately borne tragedy. The emergence of criminal law as public law suggests that, rather than understanding crime and punishment by reference to the rights of individual persons in the state of nature, a normative theory of criminal law should be appropriately sensitive to the institutional morality and political legitimacy of public institutions.